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L161  — O-1096 


DUNNE 

Judge,  Mayor,  Governor 


Compiled  and  Edited  by 

WILLIAM  L.  SULLIVAN 


1916 

The  Windermere  Press,  Publishers 
Chicago 


COPYRIGHT  1916 
BY 

WILLIAM  L.  SULLIVAN 


EDWARD  F.  DUNNE. 

Edward  F.  Dunne  was  born  at  Waterville,  Connecticut, 
October  12,  1853. 

He  was  one  year  old  when  his  parents  moved  to  Peoria, 
Illinois,  where  his  father  attained  political  and  business  prom- 
inence. 

His  education  was  obtained  in  the  public  schools  of  Peoria 
and  at  Trinity  College,  University  of  Dublin,  where  he  reached 
the  position  of  honor  man  in  his  class,  but  graduation  was  denied 
•him  by  his  father's  financial  reverses  which  recalled  him  to 
Peoria. 

There  he  worked  for  a  year  in  his  father's  mill,  meanwhile 
reading  law.  In  1876  he  began  a  systematic  course  in  law  in 
Chicago  and  two  years  later  was  admitted  to  the  bar. 

For  fifteen  years  he  devoted  himself  to  an  ardent  practice  of 
his  profession.  He  was  associated  during  this  period  with  many 
distinguished  men,  among  them  being  Judge  Scates  and  Con- 
gressman Hynes. 

In  1892  he  was  elected  to  fill  a  vacancy  on  the  Circuit  bench 
of  Cook  County  and  in  1897  and  again  in  1903  was  elected  to  full 
terms. 

His  marriage  took  place  .in  1881,  his  bride  being  Miss 
Elizabeth  J.  Kelly  of  Chicago.  To  this  marriage  thirteen  children 
were  born,  nine  of  whom  are  living. 

From  the  bench  he  was  elected,  in  1905,  to  be  mayor  of 
Chicago  by  25,000  plurality. 

Among  the  great  issues  of  his  term  were  the  traction  fran- 
chises, the  price  of  gas,  electricity,  and  telephone  service,  the 
equalization  of  water  rates,  and  tax-dodging  by  the  powerful. 

Judge  Dunne  was  nominated  for  Governor  of  Illinois  by 
the  Democratic  party  at  the  Democratic  primary  election  of  1912 
and  was  elected  by  125,000  plurality  in  November  of  that  year. 


FOREWORD. 

This  book  deals  with  live  issues,  City,  State,  National,  and 
humanitarian.  The  speeches  which  fill  its  pages  were  made  on 
the  firing  line  of  actual  life.  It  represents  the  hopes  and  aspira- 
tions of  a  people  who  have  elevated  their  champion  and  their 
tribune  to  the  bench,  the  mayor's  office,  and  the  Governor's  office. 
It  expresses  the  matured  opinions  and  convictions  of  an  idealist 
and  of  a  practical  statesman,  and  faithfully  depicts  the  crowd 
psychology  of  an  epoch. 

Governor  Edward  F.  Dunne's  career  is  remarkable  for 
achievements  and  results,  notwithstanding  the  fact  that  he  has 
often  been  compelled  to  oppose  the  strongest  forces  of  human  selfish- 
ness, organized  wealth,  and  partisan  unreason. 

He  has  been  uniformly  progressive.  As  a  judge,  though  thor- 
oughly safe  and  sane,  he  broke  through  the  restraining  red  tape 
of  ultra  conservatism  and  reaction  which  so  frequently  stigmatize 
the  rendering  of  judicial  opinions  in  the  minds  of  people  who  live 
in  the  vital  here  and  now. 

As  a  mayor  of  a  modern  metropolitan  city,  Chicago,  the  sec- 
ond on  the  continent,  his  name  will  pass  into  history  side  by  side 
with  those  of  Tom  Johnson  of  Cleveland,  Hazen  Pingree  of  Detroit, 
and  Golden  Rule  Jones  and  Brand  Whitlock  of  Toledo.  He  has 
been  a  people's  man  and  fought  the  battle  for  them,  without 
wavering  or  flinching,  against  privilege. 

Edward  F.  Dunne  was  elected  Governor  of  Illinois  after  the 
^  State  Government  at  Springfield  had  passed  through  a  protracted 
Apolitical  debauch. 

Again  he  did  not  disappoint  the  people,  but  holding  fast  to 
the  fundamental  principles  of  real  democracy  and  working  with 
almost  superhuman  energy,  he  realized  the  highest  expectations 
of  his  most  ardent  and  devoted  friends  and  followers. 

In  the  meantime  his  appearance  before  public  audiences  to 
deliver  addresses,  discussing  history  in  the  making  and  the 
drama  in  which  he  has  been  the  chief  actor  and  the  central  figure, 
were  quite  frequent  and  covered  a  vast  deal  of  territory.  To  have 
compiled  a  complete  record  of  these  would  require  many  volumes. 
I  have  therefore  selected  from  them  such  as  I  believed  most  vitally 
interesting  to  the  public.  These  speeches  it  is  intended  to  preserve 


8  CONTENTS 

PAGE 

On  the  Panama  Treaty 165 

Urges  Judge  Dunne  for  Mayor 170 

Makes  a  Unique  Pledge 176 

Accepting  Nomination  as  Mayor  of  Chicago 177 

Admonishes  Party  Leaders  of  Their  Duty 186 

Judge  Dunne  Scores  Harlan  Plan 188 

First  Inaugural  Address  as  Mayor 196 

Chicago's  Fight  for  Municipal  Ownership 197 

Upon  a  Sharp  Reversal  of  Public  Opinion 204 

The  Story  of  the  Street  Car  Companies  of  Chicago 206 

For  a  Compulsory  Board  of  Investigation 219 

Mayor  Dunne  Wants  Power  at  Cost — Canal  Board  Should  Aid  City 221 

"'Message  Regarding  Water  Rates 223 

Plans  for  Securing  Municipal  Ownership 225 

Plans  of  Mayor  Dunne  for  Building  New  Street  Railway  System 233 

//On  City  Ownership  of  Public  Utilities 235 

Favor  Voluntary  Arbitration  of  Labor  Disputes 239 

W.  J.  Bryan 243 

On  Vetoing  Certain  Street  Franchises 244 

What  Chicago  Needs  to  Become  Great • 245 

,/His  Objections  to  Proposed  Traction  Merger 250 

Denies  He  Intends  to  Resign  as  Mayor 257 

Makes  a  Demand  Upon  the  City  Council 260 

Regarding  Universal  Gas  Company 261 

The  Militant  Chief  of  the  Salvation  Army 263 

•/Chicago's  Progress  in  1905  and  Its  Future 265 

His  1906  New  Year's  Wish 276 

^ighty-five  Cent  Gas  Too  High  in  Chicago 277 

Wishes  Success  to  Seattle 282 

/  St.  Patrick's  Day 283 

The  Werno  Letter 286 

t  Objects  to  Electricity  Rates  Fixed  by  City  Council 295 

Praise  for  Builders  of  a  Public  Building 300 

Private  Monopolies  for  Private  Gain 302 

^Advises  City  Fixing  Phone  and  Electric  Rates 313 

/  The  City  Progress  of  Chicago 315 

Judge  Murray  F.  Tuley 324 

Vetoes  Two  Street  Railway  Ordinances 329 

The  Truth  About  the  Issues  of  the  Municipal  Campaign  of  1907 336 

The  Republican  Party  and  the  Panic  of  1907 , 350 

Tardy  Justice  to  Ex-Mayor  Dunne 357 

Lincoln,  the  Lawyer 358 

Protests  Honor  to  Judge  Dickinson  by  Iroquois  Club 363 

The  Traction  Slush  Fund 365 

Announcement  of  Candidacy  for  Governor 366 

Address  in  Memory  of  John  P.  Altgeld 370 

What  Name  and  Memory  Should  We  Leave 375 

*  The  Dangers  of  Monopolies 379 

The  Economic  Problem  of  the  Day 384 


CONTENTS  9 

PAGE 

Scores  Abuses  of  the  Shylocks 391 

Message  to  the  Forty-Eighth  Assembly 392 

Urges  Election  of  Lewis  and  Sherman  as  Senators 408 

On  the  Dedication  of  Lincoln  Hall 411 

A  Washington  Reincarnated 413 

Upon  the  Election  of  United  States  Senators  Lewis  and  Sherman 416 

Making  Two  Bushels  Grow  Where  One  Grew  Before 418 

Communication  of  "Fish  and  Game" 421 

The  Progress  of  the  Initiative  and  Referendum 424 

Address  in  Commemoration  of  the  Hundredth  Anniversary  of  the 

Birth  of  Stephen  A.  Douglas 426 

Seeks  Help  for  People  in  the  Flooded  District  on  Ohio  River 427 

Initiative  and  Referendum 429 

u-His  Attitude  Toward  the  University  of  Illinois 430 

Veto  of  So-Called  Kleeman  Bill 433 

Favors  Principle  of  Relief  to  Parents  of  Destitute  Children 435 

^Statement  of  Governor  Dunne  Regarding  Public  Utilities. 437 

The  Value  of  Fish  and  Game  in  Illinois 442 

Favor  Abolition  of  Board  of  Equalization 445 

/Cuts  Time  of  Honor  Prisoners  on  Public  Roads , 446 

Instructions  to  a  Newly  Appointed  Board 447 

The  Value  of  Governors'  Conferences 449 

The  Two  Battalion  System  in  Fire  Departments 451 

Important  Results  of  the  Battle  of  Lake  Erie 452 

/Stops  Maudlin  Sentiment  Over  Convicts 456 

The  Career  of  Michael  Kelly  Lawler 457 

The  Soil  We  Till  the  Source  of  All  Wealth 458 

Suggests  a  Thesis  or  Lecture  on  Practical  Farming 462 

On  the  Pardoning  of  Two  Convicts 463 

ixHis  Attitude  on  State  Civil  Service  Law 464 

On  Fixing  State  Fire  Prevention  Day 465 

Advises  Democrats  to  Vote  for  C.  C.  Craig 466 

Legislation  for  Improving  Farm  Life 467 

Protests  Against  Accusation  Against  Jewish  Religion 469 

Opposes  Teaching  Sex  Hygiene  in  Schools 470 

Was  Pleased  to  Sign  Woman's  Suffrage  Bill 471 

Value  of  Building  and  Loan  Associations 472 

Urges  Publication  of  Lincoln's  Gettysburg  Address 474 

Conserving  Power  Rights  at  Joliet 475 

Europe,  Not  England,  Is  the  Mother  Country  of  America 477 

Bishop  John  L.  Spalding 482 

Upon  the  Condition  of  State  Treasury 483 

Again  Opposes  Teaching  of  Sex  Hygiene  in  the  Schools 484 

On  the  Opening  of  the  New  Year 488 

jQn  the  Administration  of  President  Wilson 489 

Shelby  M.  Cullom 497 

Progress  in  Illinois'  Conservation 499 

On  the  Ownership  of  Public  Utilities     502 

Words  of  Cheer  and  Help  to  the  Imprisoned 522  • 


10  CONTENTS 

PAGE 

"The  Forty-Eighth  General  Assembly" 524 

Pleased  at  Registration  of  So  Many  Women 530 

Commends  Services  of  President  James 531 

On  Belleville's  Centenary 532 

Proclamation  for  "Road  Day" 535 

The  Highways  of  Illinois 537 

On  Subways  in  Chicago 540 

On  Amendments  to  Municipal  Court  Law 542 

On  the  Pardon  of  Charles  A.  Kimsey 544 

Democratic  Idealism 546 

As  to  Tuberculin  Test  of  Dairy  Herds 549 

To  Permit  Traveling  Salesmen  to  Vote 551 

Mediation  Plan  is  Favored  by  Governor  of  Illinois 552 

On  Mobilization  of  Illinois  National  Guard 553 

On  the  Death  of  Marine,  Samuel  Meisenberg,  at  Vera  Cruz 554 

To  the  Grand  Army  of  the  Republic 556 

As  to  Rental  of  Streets  by  Car  Companies 558 

The  Struggle  of  Ireland  for  Home  Rule , 560 

The  German  in  Illinois 563 

Safety  First  and  Grade  Crossings 567 

Illinois  Troops  at  Kenesaw  Mountain 568 

Tribute  to  John  A.  Logan 571 

The  Duty  of  Labor  to  Humanity 573 

Designates  a  Day  for  Prayer  for  Peace 579 

A  Plea  for  a  United  Democracy 580 

A  Call  to  Peace 582 

Eighteen  Months  of  Democratic  Administration 585 

The  Proposed  Eight-Foot  Waterway 592 

The  Ideals  of  a  Noted  Irish  Patriot 600 

Waterway  Transportation  Near 603 

Good  Roads  in  Illinois 604 

The  Work  of  the  Railroad  Man 610 

The  State  Charities  of  Illinois 615 

The  Spread  of  the  Foot  and  Mouth  Disease • 619 

Uniformity  of  Safety  and  Sanitation  Laws  for  Places  of  Employment.  620 

Proclaiming  the  Birthday  of  Illinois 631 

The  Law  and  Practice  in  Requisition 632 

The  Scotchman  in  America 634 

The  Past  and  Future  of  Illinois 637 

Upon  Refusing  to  Issue  Certificates  of  Election  in  Certain  Cases....  642 

On  the  Issuing  of  Election  Certificates 643 

Favors  Simplified  Spelling   645 

What  Has  1914  Done  for  Illinois? 647 

Upon  Developing  the  State  Militia 649 

On  the  Dissolution  of  an  Injunction  Affecting  Live  Stock 651 

Put  the  Unemployed  on  Illinois  Waterways 653 

Lincoln  and  Illinois 656 

Biennial  Message  to  the  Forty-Ninth  General  Assembly 658 

'  The  Corrupt  Lobbyist 688 


CONTENTS  11 

PAGE 

The  Pardoning  of  Newton  C.  Dougherty 690 

State  Hospitals  to  Treat  Drug  Victims 692 

On  the  Killing  of  Lumpy  Jaw  Cattle 693 

The  Abolition  of  Capital  Punishment 702 

The  Irish-American  Citizen 704 

On  the  Management  of  the  Biological  Laboratory 706 

Capital  Punishment 708 

On  the  Sinking  of  the  Lusitania 714 

•  The  Effect  of  the  Opening  of  the  Panama  Canal 716 

U.  S.  Diplomatic  Communication  to  Germany 716 

On  the  Oppression  of  the  Poles 717 

Gratified  at  Vote  on  the  Waterway  Bill 720 

Upon  the  Passage  of  the  Waterway  Bill 721 

t- Illinois  Waterways  722 

Naturalized  Citizens 726 

On  Raising  Legislators'  Salaries 728 

Governor  Vetoes  Moving  Picture  Censorship 731 

Emancipation  Exposition .- 732 

The  Abolition  of  Capital  Punishment 734 

On  Preparedness  for  War 743 

i- The  Honor  System  in  Illinois  Prisons 749 

The  Life  of  John  Peter  Altgeld 755 

Defends  Convicts  Working  on  Roads 758 

On  the  Opening  of  the  Dixie  Highway 759 

On  a  Citizen  Soldiery 761 

Answers  an  Attack  on  Dr.  O.  E.  Dyson 768 

^Defends  Integrity  of  Waterway  Legislation 770 

Defends  His  Veto  of  Appropriations 773 

Illinois  Plans  for  Waterway 775 

Appropriations  by  Forty-Eighth  General  Assembly 779 

On  the  Oppression  of  Poland 782 

Explains  the  State  Tax  Rate  for  1915 784 

On  the  Hanging  of  Joseph  DeBerry  and  Proposed  Execution  of  Elston 

Scott t 785 

Illinois  Senate  Endorses  Governor  Dunne  for  U.  S.  Supreme  Court. . .  790 

Abraham  Lincoln 791 

Preparedness 804 

Illinois'  Needs  for  Good  Roads 809 

Illinois'  Contribution  to  Preparedness 816 

Ireland  in  America 819 

The  Function  of  the  Modern  Hospital 826 

The  Function  and  Work  of  the  Public  Utilities..  828 


DECISION  ON  THE  FREEDOM  OF  THE 

PRESS. 

HISTORY  OF  THE  CASE. 

The  Fortieth  General  Assembly  of  Illinois  in  1897  passed  sev- 
eral objectionable  bills,  one  of  which  was  to  legalize  the  consolida- 
tion of  all  of  the  gas  companies  in  Chicago  except  the  Ogden  Gas 
Company.  Ten  companies  thus  united  formed  a  practical  monop- 
oly, which  took  the  name  of  the  Peoples  Gas  Light  &  Coke  Com- 
pany, one  of  the  constituent  companies.  Little  criticism,  however, 
was  made  of  this  law  until  the  fall  of  1900.  A  -mass  meet- 
ing was  held  in  Central  Music  Hall  in  October,  1900.  Resolu- 
tions were  adopted  denouncing  the  act  as  harmful  to  public  in- 
terests. A  committee  was  appointed  to  request  State's  Attorney 
Charles  S.  Deneen  to  begin  quo  warranto  proceedings  against  the 
Peoples  Gas  Light  &  Coke  Company.  After  hearing  arguments 
and  considering  briefs  submitted  by  counsel  for  and  against  the 
Gas  Company,  State's  Attorney  Deneen  took  the  matter  under 
advisement  until  August  9,  1901.  On  that  day  he  appeared  before 
Judge  Murray  F.  Tuley  in  the  Circuit  Court  and  obtained  leave  to 
file  the  information  in  the  quo  warranto  proceedings.  Counsel  for 
the  gas  company  went  before  Judge  Elbridge  Hanecy  of  the  Cir- 
cuit Court  and  moved  to  have  the  order  entered  by  Judge  Tuley 
vacated.  Arguments  on  the  motion  were  heard.  State's  Attorney 
Deneen  was  represented  by  Assistant  State's  Atorney  Albert 
Barnes.  Attorney  Adolph  Moses  appeared  to  represent  the  people 
of  the  Central  Music  Hall  mass  meeting.  Clarence  S.  Darrow  of  the 
firm  of  Altgeld,  Darrow  &  Thompson,  also  appeared  in  the  case, 
Attorneys  Darrow  and  Moses  appearing  at  the  request  of  the 
State 's  Attorney.  The  motion  was  taken  under  advisement  by 
Judge  Hanecy  on  October  6.  The  motion  was  disposed  of  by  Judge 
Hanecy  on  October  28  in  a  written  opinion,  in  which  he  dismissed 
the  petition  and  writ  which  had  been  filed  on  the  order  of  Judge 
Tuley  on  the  ground  that  the  gas  act  was  constitutional  and  no 
public  rights  were  jeoparded  by  the  trust  formed  under  its  terms. 
This  opinion  was  read  by  Judge  Hanecy  in  the  forenoon.  In  the 
afternoon  of  that  day  Hearst 's  Chicago  American  printed  a  report 
of  Judge  Hanecy 's  opinion,  in  which  the  action  of  the  court  was 

13 


14  DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,    GOVERNOR 

criticised  as  being  prejudicial  to  public  welfare.  On  October  31 
Judge  Hanecy  cited  on  the  charge  of  contempt  of  court  because 
of  the  published  criticism  of  his  opinion,  the  following  persons: 
William  R.  Hearst,  proprietor  of  Hearst's  Chicago  American;  S.  S. 
Carvalho,  general  manager;  Andrew  M.  Lawrence,  president  and 
managing  editor  of  Hearst's  Chicago  American;  H.  S.  Canfield, 
reporter  for  Hearst's  Chicago  American;  John  C.  Hammond,  as- 
sistant city  editor,  Hearst's  Chicago  American ;  Homer  Davenport, 
rtist,  Hearst's  Chicago  American;  Clare  A.  Briggs,  artist,  Hearst's 
Chicago  American,  and  Hearst 's  Chicago  American,  a  corporation. 
In  the  complaint  filed  by  Judge  Hanecy  he  stated  that  the  criticism 
was  "intended  to  terrorize  and  intimidate  this  court  in  the  per- 
formance and  discharge  of  its  duties ' '  in  connection  with  the  mo- 
tion in  the  quo  warranto  proceedings.  Judge  Hanecy  held  that 
the  case  was  pending  when  the  criticism  was  published  because, 
although  the  opinion  had  been  read  disposing  of  the  case,  no  "  en- 
try of  any  judgment  or  order  disposing  of  said  cause  was  entered 
by  this  court." 

On  November  1  Messrs.  Carvalho,  Lawrence,  Canfield  and 
Hammond  appeared  before  Judge  Hanecy,  the  others  cited  being 
not  in  the  State.  Pending  a  hearing  of  the  charge,  bond  was  ex- 
acted from  S.  S.  Carvalho  in  the  sum  of  $10,000,  from  A.  M.  Law- 
rence in  the  sum  of  $10,000,  from  H.  S.  Canfield  in  the  sum  of 
$5,000,  and  from  John  C.  Hammond  in  the  sum  of  $1,000.  The 
hearing  was  set  for  November  4,  on  the  rule  to  show  cause  why 
they  should  not  be  punished  for  contempt  of  court.  The  respond- 
ents appeared  in  court  with  the  following  counsel :  Former  Gov- 
ernor John  P.  Altgeld,  Clarence  S.  Darrow,  William  Thompson, 
Samuel  Alschuler,  Adolf  Kraus  and  Charles  R.  Holden.  Judge 
Hanecy  appointed  Simeon  P.  Shope  to  prosecute  the  proceedings, 
giving  as  a  reason  therefor  that  the  Attorney  General  was  absent 
and  not  within  the  jurisdiction  of  the  court  and  that  the  State's 
Attorney  of  Cook  County  was  a  party  to  the  cause.  In  the  answer 
filed  by  the  respondents  it  was  set  up  that  there  was  no  contempt, 
inasmuch  as  the  case  was  ended  before  the  criticism  was  published. 
Mr.  Lawrence  assumed  all  responsibility  for  the  publication.  Mr. 
Canfield  admitted  having  written  the  article  complained  of.  A  mo- 
tion was  made  by  Mr.  Altgeld  for  a  change  of  venue  on  the  ground 
that  Judge  Hanecy  was  not  qualified  to  try  the  case  because  of  his 
personal  interest.  This  motion  was  denied.  A  request  for  a  jury  was 
also  denied  by  Judge  Hanecy.  Arguments  were  heard  November 
4,  and  November  5  Judge  Hanecy  took  the  case  under  advisement 
and  rendered  his  decision  November  13.  He  ordered  that  forty 
days'  imprisonment  be  imposed  upon  Mr.  Lawrence  and  thirty 
days'  imprisonment  be  imposed  on  Mr.  Canfield.  The  charges 


DUNNE JUDGE,  MAYOR,  GOVERNOR  15 

against  S.  S.  Carvalho  and  John  C.  Hammond  were  dismissed. 
No  action  was  taken  with  regard  to  the  charges  against  William 
E.  Hearst,  Homer  Davenport,  Clare  A.  Briggs  and  Hearst's  Chicago 
American,  a  corporation. 

The  respondents  were  immediately  brought  before  Judge 
Edward  F.  Dunne  of  the  Circuit  Court  on  a  writ  of  habeas  corpus. 
They  were  released  on  bonds  of  $3,000  each  pending  a  hearing. 
The  hearing  went  over  until  November  15.  It  was  contended  by 
Mr.  Shope  that  the  petition  for  the  writ  was  premature  because  the 
order  for  commitment  by  Judge  Hanecy  had  not  been  entered.  He 
averred  that  the  relators  had  merely  been  taken  into  custody  by 
the  sheriff  on  an  attachment.  An  examination  of  the  book  of  the 
clerk  of  Judge  Hanecy 's  court  showed  that  a  line  had  been  erased, 
leaving  no  order  of  commitment.  Judge  Dunne  dismissed  the  writ 
November  16  on  the  agreement  that  the  relators  return  voluntarily 
to  Judge  Hanecy 's  court  and  answer  to  what  might  be  ordered  in 
the  contempt  case.  The  relators  returned  to  Judge  Hanecy 's 
court  and  the  order  of  commitment  was  then  entered.  As  soon  as 
the  order  of  Judge  Hanecy  could  be  transcribed  a  petition  for  a 
writ  of  habeas  corpus  was  presented  to  Judge  Dunne,  who  issued 
the  writ,  and  Mr.  Lawrence  and  Mr.  Canfield  were  taken  before 
Judge  Dunne  again.  They  were  released  on  bonds  of  $3,000  each 
and  by  agreement  of  counsel  the  hearing  was  set  for  November  25. 
The  case  was  argued  at  length  by  Mr.  Darrow  and  Mr.  Alschuler 
for  the  relators  and  by  Mr.  Shope  and  Assistant  State's  Attorney 
Barnett  for  the  respondent.  The  arguments  closed  December  3 
with  a  brilliant  speech  by  Clarence  S.  Darrow.  The  subject  of 
constructive  contempt  was  gone  into  more  exhaustively  than  ever 
before  in  the  legal  history  of  Cook  County.  The  opinion  of  Judge 
Dunne  was  handed  down  at  10  o  'clock  Saturday  morning,  December 
7,  1901,  in  which  he  held  that  no  contempt  had  been  committed  by 
the  relators,  who  were  thereupon  discharged. 

COMPLETE  TEXT  OF  JUDGE  DUNNE'S  DECISION. 

State  of  Illinois,  County  of  Cook,  ss. : 

In  the  Criminal  Court  of  Cook  County. 

The  People  ex  rel.  Andrew  M.  Lawrence  and  H.  S.  Canfield 
vs.  E.  J.  Magerstadt,  Sheriff  of  Cook  County,  Illinois. 

Petition  for  habeas  corpus. 

Opinion  by  Edward  F.  Dunne,  Judge. 

The  relators  have  been  found  guilty  of  contempt  of  court 
by  the  Hon.  Elbridge  Hanecy,  judge  of  the  Circuit  Court  of  Cook 
County,  Illinois,  under  the  following  circumstances  as  disclosed 
by  the  record  in  this  cause : 


16  DUNNE JUDGE,    MAYOR,    GOVERNOR 

On  October  28,  1901,  there  was  pending  before  Judge  Hanecy 
a  quo  warranto  proceeding  entitled  "The  People  ex  rel.  Charles 
S.  Deneen  vs.  The  Peoples  Gas  Light  &  Coke  Company,"  and  on 
that  day  the  judge,  shortly  after  the  opening  of  morning '  session 
of  court,  read  a  written  opinion  disposing  of  the  legal  questions 
involved.  Immediately  after  reading  the  opinion  the  judge,  in 
open  court,  made  use  of  the  following  language:  "Order  of 
August  9,  1901,  is  set  aside  and  the  petition  for  leave  for  filing 
information,  etc.,  and  the  information  are  dismissed."  Imme- 
diately following  this  declaration  in  open  court  the  following 
colloquy  took  place  between  the  judge  and  counsel  in  that  case : 

Mr.  Moses:  If  the  court  please,  the  people  reserve  an  ex- 
ception and  pray  an  appeal  to  the  Supreme  Court,  and  also  want 
the  court  to  fix  a  time  to  file  a  bill  of  exceptions. 

The  Court:  I  cannot  allow  you  less  than  twenty  days, 
can  I? 

Mr.  Moses:     Bill  of  exceptions — yes? 

The  Court:  No.  I  think  the  statute  provides  that  it  shall 
not  be  less  than  twenty. 

Mr.  Moses:     Only  as  to  the  bond. 

The  Court:  I  guess  it  is  the  same  for  each.  I  may  have 
made  errors  before  without  your  assistance,  but  I  am  not  dis- 
posed to  make  them  now  with  it.  'I  can  not  give  you  less  than 
twenty  days. 

Mr.  Moses :     As  to  the  bill  of  exceptions — 

The  Court:  You  may  file  it  in  fifteen  minutes,  if  you  want 
to,  so  that  giving  you  a  longer  time  does  not  in  any  way  injure 
you. 

Mr.  Moses:     Then  the  order  is  twenty  days? 

The  Court:  Twenty  days.  The  order  of  August  9,  1901,  is 
set  aside  and  the  petition  for  leave  to  file  and  the  information 
itself  dismissed. 

Mr.  Meagher:  If  the  court  please,  I  will  prepare  a  formal 
order  and  submit  it  to  Brother  Barnes. 

The  Court:  You  submit  it  to  the  other  side.  I  wish  you 
would  give  me  a  copy  of  your  brief.  I  scratched  that  off  hur- 
riedly and  I  may  wish  to  make  some  corrections. 

On  the  same  day,  and  after  the  foregoing  proceedings  had 
taken  place  in  court,  Hearst's  Chicago  American,  a  newspaper  of 
this  city,  published  a  certain  article  which  is  set  out  in  this 
record;  and  on  the  following  day,  the  29th  inst.,  published 
another  article  and  a  cartoon  upon  Judge  Hanecy,  the  latter  of 
which  is  probably  libelous.  Both  of  the  articles,  if  not  libelous, 
were  of  such  character  as  to  have  a  clear  tendency  to  intimidate, 
coerce,  frighten  and  terrorize  the  judge,  and  to  affect  his  judg- 


DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,    GOVERNOR  17 

ment  IF  ANY  CASE  WERE  THEN  UNDER  CONSIDERATION. 
BY  HIM. 

The  relator,  Canfield,  in  his  answer  filed  before  Judge 
Hanecy  in  the  contempt  proceedings,  has  admitted  that  he  wrote 
the  articles  in  question ;  and  the  relator,  Lawrence,  in  his  answer, 
admits  that  he  was  responsible  for  their  publication.  Both 
defendants  in  the  proceedings  before  Judge  Hanecy  denied  that 
they  intended  to  influence,  prejudice  or  terrorize  the  Court  with 
reference  to  his  decision  in  said  cause,  and  aver  that  the  "cause 
of  The  People  ex  rel.  Charles  S.  Deneen,  State's  Attorney  for 
Cook  County,  Illinois,  vs.  The  Peoples  Gas  Light  &  Coke  Com- 
pany, was  decided,  adjudicated  and  determined  on  the  morning 
of  October  28,  1901,  before  the  publication  of  any  of  the  papers 
complained  of,  and  that  His  Honor,  Judge  Hanecy,  then  and 
there,  in  open  court  and  acting  as  judge  of  said  court,  did  so  dis- 
miss said  proceeding.  That  these  respondents  submit  that  this 
was  a  decision  of  the  entire  question  pending  before  him,  and 
was  a  c'omplete  determination  of  said  question  and  ended  the 
matter  in  controversy,  so  far  as  that  court  was  concerned.  That 
they  are  advised  and  so  state  the  fact  to  be,  that  no  motion  for 
further  argument,  or  for  further  consideration  or  modification  of 
said  decision  was  made,  either  by  counsel  in  the  case  or  by  any- 
body else,  but  that  on  the  contrary  counsel  for  the  State  accepted 
said  decision  as  final  *  *  *  and  then  and  there  prayed  an 
appeal  to  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  State." 

No  evidence  was  heard  before  Judge  Hanecy,  but  the 
decision  was  based  upon  the  information  and  answer,  amended 
information  and  amended  answer. 

The  statement  as  to  what  took  place  before  Judge  Hanecy 
in  open  court  on  October  28  appears  both  in  the  information 
and  answer  and  is  undisputed.  It  is  also  undisputed  that  the 
articles  and  cartoon  in  question  were  published  after  these  pro- 
ceedings had  taken -place  in  court. 

Judge  Hanecy,  after  considering  the  information  and  answer, 
as  amended,  and  after  hearing  arguments  of  counsel  at  great 
length,  found  the  defendants  guilty  of  contempt  of  court  in 
publishing  said  articles  and  cartoon  and  sentenced  them  to  im- 
prisonment in  the  county  jail  for  thirty  and  forty  days,  respec- 
tively. The  defendants  were  then  taken  into  custody  by  the 
sheriff  of  Cook  County,  Illinois,  under  the  final  order  of  commit- 
ment. 

At  the  time  of  the  issuance  of  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus  in 
this  cause  they  were  confined  in  the  county  jail  in  the  custody 
of  the  sheriff  of  Cook  County,  and  they  now  apply  to  this  court 
to  be  released  from  said  imprisonment. 


18  DUNNE JUDGE,    MAYOR,    GOVERNOR 

It  is  contended  by  counsel  for  the  relators  that  Judge  Hanecy 
had  no  jurisdiction  to  enter  the  final  order  of  commitment,  and 
some  sixteen  different  reasons  or  grounds  are  set  up  in  the  peti- 
tion in  support  of  their  contention.  Many  of  these  grounds  were 
abandoned  upon  argument,  and  it  it  is  only  necessary  for  this 
court  to  consider  two. 

First:  Did  Judge  Hanecy  acquire  jurisdiction  by  the  infor- 
mation filed  before  him?  and, 

Second :    Had  he  jurisdiction  to  enter  the  final  order  therein? 

Upon  the  hearing  of  a  petition  for  habeas  corpus,  the  court 
has  no  right  to  inquire  into  disputed  questions  of  fact  or  mere 
errors  of  law  committed.  Only  a  court  of  review  has  this  power. 

Upon  habeas  corpus  the  court  can  only  examine  the  record 
and  ascertain  whether,  upon  the  face  of  the  record,  the  commit- 
ting court  had  jurisdiction  to  order  the  relators  into  imprison- 
ment. If  the  committing  court  had  not  jurisdiction  to  enter  such 
order,  any  court  having  the  right  to  issue  writs  of  habeas  corpus 
will  have  the  right  to  discharge  the  relators  from  such  imprison- 
ment, even  though  such  imprisonment  be  for  contempt  of  another 
court. 

In  ex  parte  George  "W.  Thatcher,  2d  Oilman,  our  own 
Supreme  Court  on  a  writ  of  habeas  corpus,  discharged  the  rela- 
tor  from  imprisonment  by  the  the  County  Commissioners'  Court, 
for  contempt  of  such  latter  court. 

In  Miskimins  vs.  Shaver,  Sheriff,  decided  September  18,  1899, 
and  published  in  the  58th  Pac.  Rep.,  page  411,  the  Supreme  Court 
of  Wyoming  discharged  a  prisoner  held  for  contempt  of  another 
court,  holding  that  "where  one  imprisoned  for  contempt  sues  out 
a  writ  of  habeas  corpus,  the  court  before  whom  such  writ  is  re- 
turnable may  examine  into  the  acts  constituting  such  contempt." 
The  court  held  further,  that  if  said  acts  did  not  in  law  constitute 
contempt,  the  court  committing  the  prisoner  acted  without  juris- 
diction and  the  prisoner  should  be  discharged. 

In  re  Blush,  .was  a  case  decided  by  the  Court  of  Appeals  of 
Kansas,  March  17,  1897,  published  in  the  58th  Pac.  Kep.,  page 
147.  The  court  in  that  case  discharged  the  relator  on  an  original 
habeas  corpus  proceeding,  who  was  imprisoned  for  contempt  of 
the  District  Court. 

In  Wyatt  vs.  The  People,  published  in  28th  Pac.  Rep.,  961, 
decided  February  1,  1892,  the  Supreme  Court  of  Colorado 
released  in  an  original  habeas  corpus  proceeding  a  relator  who 
was  fined  for  contempt  of  court  alleged  to  have  been  committed 
in  the  Criminal  Court  of  Arapahoe  County. 

In  re  Nichols,  published  in  the  28th  Pac.  Rep.,  1076,  the 
Supreme  Court  of  Kansas,  on  February  6;  1892,  upon  an  original 


DUNNE JUDGE,    MAYOR,    GOVERNOR  19 

writ  of  habeas  corpus,  discharged  the  relator  who  was  impris- 
oned for  an  alleged  contempt  of  the  District  Court  of  Kansas. 

On  July  2,  1890,  the  Supreme  Court  of  Michigan  released  a 
relator  upon  habeas  corpus  from  imprisonment  for  an  alleged 
contempt  of  the  Circuit  Court  of  Wayne  County. 

The  case  is  entitled  "In  re  Woods,"  reported  in  the  45th 
Northwestern  Reporter,  page  1113. 

The  Supreme  Court  of  Washington,  on  July  13  of  the  present 
year,  released  a  relator  in  habeas  corpus  from  imprisonment  for 
an  alleged  contempt  of  a  lower  court. 

In  re  Coulter,  56th  Pac.  Rep.,  759. 

Church  on  Habeas  Corpus  states  the  law  as  follows : 

"Where  acts  alleged  to  be  a  contempt  do  not  constitute  a 
contempt  for  which  one  can  be  punished  by  fine  or  imprisonment, 
the  court  is  without  jurisdiction,  and  a  judgment  of  conviction  is 
not  warranted  by  law,  and  the  prisoner  will  be  discharged  on 
habeas  corpus.  Jurisdiction  is  not  obtained  by  the  mere  assertion 
of  it." 

Church  on  Habeas  Corpus,  Sec.  323,  Page  454,  citing : 

In  re  Dill,  32  Kan.  668; 

Ex  parte  Grace,  12  Iowa,  208 ; 

79  Am.  Dec.,  529 ; 

Ex  parte  Summers,  5  Ired.,  149 ; 

In  re  Ayres,  Scott  and  McCabe,  123  U.  S.,  443 ; 

Cooper  vs.  The  People,  13  Colo.,  337 ; 

Ex  parte  Gordon,  92  Calif.,  478 ;  and 

Holman  vs.  Mayer,  34  Tex.,  668. 

Other  authorities  which  hold  that  release  from  imprisonment 
upon  a  void  process  for  contempt  of  court,  may  be  had  in  habeas 
corpus,  might  be  cited,  but  the  doctrine  is  too  well  established  to 
call  for  further  citations  upon  this  point.  The  Circuit,  Criminal 
and  Superior  Courts  of  the  State  of  Illinois  have  the  same  plenary 
jurisdiction  in  habeas  corpus,  as  has  the  Supreme  Court  of  the 
State. 

This  court  has  the  undoubted  right  in  habeas  corpus  proceed- 
ings to  ascertain  whether  or  not  a  coordinate  court  has  jurisdiction 
to  enter  such  a  final  order  of  commitment  as  was  entered  before 
Judge  Hanecy. 

Having  disposed  of  the  question  of  the  jurisdiction  of  this 
court,  let  us  consider  the  points  raised  by  the  relators: 

It  is  first  contended  that  Judge  Hanecy  never  acquired  juris- 
diction in  the  contempt  proceeding,  because  of  the  fact  that  the 
information  upon  which  the  same  was  based  was  not  verified.  The 
information  was  filed  by  the  Hon.  Simeon  P.  Shope,  who  was  ap- 
pointed by  Judge  Hanecy  as  Special  State's  Attorney  for  that 


20  DUNNE — JUDGE,  MAYOR,  GOVERNOR 

purpose,  and  the  information  is  signed  by  him  in  his  alleged  official 
capacity  and  is  unverified. 

It  is  contended  by  the  respondents  that,  inasmuch  as  the  in- 
formation is  filed  by  a  public  official  who  had  taken  his  oath  of 
office,  that  the  information  need  not  be  verified ;  that  it  was,  in  fact, 
verified  by  his  oath  of  office. 

The  relators  reply  that  he  was  never  legally  appointed  to  this 
position;  that  the  only  authority  for  the  appointment  of  a  special 
State's  Attorney  by  a  court  is  contained  in  the  Revised  Statutes 
of  Illinois,  section  6,  chapter  14,  upon  Attorney  Generals  and 
State's  Attorneys,  which  reads  as  follows: 

"Whenever  the  Attorney  General  or  State's  Attorney  is  sick 
or  absent,  or  unable  to  attend,  or  is  interested  in  any  cause  or 
proceeding,  civil  or  criminal,  which  it  is  or  may  be  his  duty  to 
prosecute  or  defend,  the  court  in  which  SUCH  cause  or  proceeding 
is  pending  may  appoint  some  competent  attorney  to  prosecute  or 
defend  SUCH  cause  or  proceeding;  and  the  attorney  so  appointed 
shall  have  the  same  power  and  authority  in  relation  to  SUCH  cause 
or  proceeding  as  the  Attorney  General  or  State's  Attorney  would 
have  had  if  present  and  attending  to  the  same." 

Section  5  of  the  same  act  declares : 

"That  the  duties  of  each  State's  Attorney  shall  be: 

"First — To  commence  and  prosecute  all  actions,  suits,  indict- 
ments and  prosecutions,  civil  and  criminal,  in  any  court  of  record 
in  his  county  in  which  the  people  of  the  State  or  county  may  be 
concerned. ' ' 

Relying  on  these  two  sections,  it  is  claimed  by  the  relators  that 
it  was  the  State's  Attorney's  duty  to  prosecute  the  contempt  pro- 
ceedings before  Judge  Hanecy,  and  that  he  was  the  only  one  who 
could  do  so  unless  the  court,  for  some  of  the  reasons  expressed  in 
section  6  of  chapter  14,  Revised  Statutes  of  Illinois,  appointed  a 
special  State's  Attorney.' 

The  order  appointing  Judge  Shope  reads  as  follows: 

"It  appearing  to  the  court  that  the  Attorney  General  of  the 
State  of  Illinois  is  absent  and  not  within  the  jurisdiction  of  this 
court,  and  that  the  State's  Attorney  of  Cook  County  is  a  party  to 
arid  interested  in  SAID  CAUSE  OF  THE  PEOPLE  OF  THE 
STATE  OF  ILLINOIS  EX  REL.  CHARLES  S.  DENEEN, 
STATE'S  ATTORNEY,  VS.  THE  PEOPLES  GAS  LIGHT  & 
COKE  COMPANY,  this  court  doth  hereby  appoint  the  Honorable 
Simeon  P.  Shope,  attorney  of  the  bar  of  this  court,  to  institute  and 
prosecute  such  petition,  information  or  other  proceeding  as  shall 
be  proper  to  bring  before  the  court  in  legal  form  the  said  matter 
of  said  scandalous  publication,  in  order  that  the  court  may  legally 
inquire  into  the  matter  of  said  publication,  and  as  to  the  persons 


DUNNE JUDGE,  MAYOR,  GOVERNOR  21 

who  may  be  guilty  thereof,  to  the  end  that  such  person  may  be 
dealt  with  according  to  law." 

It  will  be  noticed  that  in  this  order  there  is  no  finding  that  the 
State's  Attorney  of  Cook  County  is  interested  in  the  contempt 
proceedings  of  the  People  vs.  Hearst's  Chicago  American  and 
others,  the  proceedings  under  which  the  relators  were  found  guilty 
of  contempt  of  court.  The  only  finding  of  the  court  is  that  he  was 
interested  in  an  altogether  different  proceeding,  to-wit :  The  People 
vs.  the  Peoples  Gas  Light  &  Coke  Company. 

This  court  is  clearly  of  the  opinion  that  the  appointment  of 
Judge  Shope  was  not  justified  under  the  statute  and  was  illegal 
and  void. 

Counsel  for  the  relators  have  cited  a  long  list  of  authorities 
to  this  court,  some  of  which  hold  that  even  where  an  information 
is  filed  by  a  State's  Attorney  that  it  must  be  verified  to  give  the 
court  jurisdiction,  and  many  more  of  which  hold  that  no  court  can 
take  jurisdiction  of  a  proceeding  for  contempt  alleged  to  have 
been  committed  outside  of  the  presence  of  the  court,  unless  the 
facts  are  brought  to  the  notice  of  the  court  by  a  sworn  information 
or  sworn  affidavit.  Most  of  these  cases  declare  that  the  affidavit 
or  verification  of  the  information  is  necessary  to  give  jurisdiction 
in  such  cases  and  released  parties  found  guilty  of  contempt  because 
of  the  absence  of  this  affidavit  upon  habeas  corpus  and  upon  error. 
Some  of  these  cases  were  decided  in  states  where  the  statute  re- 
quires that  such  affidavits  should  be  filed.  Others  of  them  are 
decided  in  states  where  there  was  no  statute  requiring  such  affidavit, 
but  where  the  proceedings  are  had  according  to  the  practice  of 
common  law. 

The  following  cases  hold  squarely,  in  the  absence  of  the  statute 
requiring  the  filing  of  an  affidavit,  that  the  absence  of  such  affidavit 
is  fatal,  because  the  same  is  indispensable  to  give  jurisdiction : 

Freeman  vs.  City  of  Huron,  66  N.  W.  Rep.,  928  (S.  D.)  ; 

Wilson  vs.  Territory,  1  Wy.,  155  ; 

State  vs.  Blackwell,  10  S.  Car.,  155; 

Wyatt  vs.  People,  17  Colo.,  232 ; 

State  vs.  Sweetland,  54  N.  "W.  Rep.,  415. 

In  the  latter  case  there  was  a  provision  in  the  statute  requiring 
the  filing  of  an  affidavit,  but  the  decision  declares  that  the  statute 
is  declaratory  of  the  common  law,  and  that  the  decision  is  based 
upon  the  common  law  as  well  as  the  statute. 

In  addition  to  the  foregoing  the  following  cases  hold  the 
affidavit  jurisdictional,  but  they  are  all  in  states  where  the  statute 
itself  provides  for  the  filing  of  the  affidavit : 

In  re  Blush,  48  Pac.  Rep.,  147 ; 

In  re  Smith,  52  Kans.,  13  ; 


22  DUNNE JUDGE,  MAYOR,  GOVERNOR 

In  re  Wood,  45  N.  W.  Rep.,  1113  (82  Mich.)  ; 

Ex  parte  Rockert,  126  Calif.,  244 ; 

In  re  Nichol,  26  Pac.  Rep.,  1076  (Kans.) ; 

In  re  Coulter,  56  Pa.  Rep.,  759 ; 

Thomas  vs.  The  People,  14  Colo.,  254; 

Worland  vs.  State,  82  Ind.,  49; 

State  vs.  Kaiser,  203  Pa.  Rep.,  964  (Ore.)  ; 

State  vs.  Conn.,  62  Pac.  Rep.,  269. 

The  authorities  in  the  State  of  Illinois  seem  to  hold  to  the 
same  position. 

In  Oster  vs.  The  People,  decided  October  24,  1901,  the  Supreme 
Court  declares  that  "as  a  general  rule  attachment  for  contempt 
alleged  to  have  been  committed  out  of  the  presence  of  the  court 
should  be  based  upon  an  affidavit  stating  the  facts  constituting  the 
alleged  contempt."  Citing  4th  Ency.  of  Pleadings  and  Practice, 
779. 

In  Chapin  vs.  The  People,  57  111.  App.,  577,  the  Appellate 
Court  holds  as  follows : 

"When  a  contempt  is  committed  out  of  the  presence  of  the 
court  the  court  has  no  power  to  proceed  summarily  against  the 
offender  without  the  filing  of  a  written  complaint  or  affidavit  to 
set  the  machinery  of  the  court  in  motion." 

Moreover,  the  Constitution  of  this  State  declares,  section  6 
of  article  2  of  the  Bill  of  Rights,  that  "no  warrant  shall  issue 
without  probable  cause,  supported  by  affidavit  particularly  de- 
scribing the  place  to  be  searched  and  the  'persons'  or  things  to  be 
seized. ' ' 

The  authorities,  however,  are  not  uniform  upon  this  question. 

The  Supreme  Court  of  Massachusetts,  in  Telegram  Newspaper 
Company  vs.  Commonwealth,  held  that  when  it  comes  in  any  man- 
ner to  the  knowledge  of  the  court  that  articles  are  published  in 
a  newspaper  circulated  in  the  place  where  the  court  is  held  which 
are  calculated  to  prevent  a  fair  trial  of  the  cause  on  trial  before 
the  court,  the  court,  on  its  own  motion,  can  institute  proceedings 
for  contempt. 

In  State  vs.  Gibson,  a  West  Virginia  case,  reported  in  10th 
Southeastern  Reporter,  on  page  58,  it  was  held  "that  neither  the 
statute  nor  the  common  law  makes  it  absolutely  necessary  that  an 
affidavit  should  be  filed  on  which  to  base  such  a  rule  (referring 
to  a  rule  to  show  cause  in  contempt  proceeding).  Such  a  rule  is 
usually  properly  based  on  affidavits,  but  I  don't  regard  it  as  abso- 
lutely necessary  in  every  case. ' ' 

And  so  in  State  vs.  Frew,  24  W.  Va.,  it  was  held  that  where 
a  contempt  is  not  committed  in  open  court  the  usual  course  is  to 
issue  a  rule  to  show  cause  why  an  attachment  should  not  issue, 


DUNNE JUDGE,  MAYOR,  GOVERNOR  23 

though  the  attachment  sometimes  issues  in  the  first  instance.  Such 
a  rule  is  usually  based  in  case  of  constructive  contempt  on  affidavit 
or  other  sworn  statement  of  the  facts  constituting  the  alleged  con- 
tempt, but  this  is  not  always  essential.  The  court  may  act  on  its 
own  information  or  on  the  unsworn  statement  of  a  member  of  the 
bar  in  cases  where  the  facts  are  clear  and  unmistakable,  such  as 
contemptuous  publications  in  a  newspaper. 

In  ex  parte  Wall,  107  U.  S.,  271,  the  court  declares : 

"It  would,  undoubtedly,  have  been  more  regular  to  have  re- 
quired the  charge  to  be  made  by  affidavit,  and  to  have  had  a  copy 
thereof  served  (with  the  rule)  upon  the  petitioner.  But  the  cir- 
cumstances of  the  case  as  shown  by  the  return  of  the  Judge  seems 
to  us  to  have  been  sufficient  to  authorize  the  issuing  of  the  rule 
without  such  affidavit." 

And  in  ex  parte  Henry  Petrie,  38  111.,  498,  it  was  held  that 
"in  a  proceeding  against  a  party  by  attachment  for  an  alleged 
contempt  for  disobedience  to  an  order  of  the  court,  it  is  not  neces- 
sary that  notice  of  the  proceeding  shall  be  given  to  the  party  before 
the  attachment  can  properly,  issue. " 

In  the  case  entitled  in  re  Cheesman,  49  N.  J.  L.,  142,  the 
Supreme  Court  of  that  state  declared : 

"No  doubt  the  ordinary  course  of  practice  in  such  cases  in 
courts  of  law  is  that  an  affidavit  of  the  facts  should  first  be  pre- 
sented; *  *  *  but  the  practice  has  not  been  uniform.  Some- 
times a  rule  to  show  cause  has  been  allowed  without  an  affidavit, 
on  a  mere  suggestion;  sometimes  an  attachment  has  been  issued 
without  a  rule  to  show  cause;  sometimes  punishment  has  been  in- 
flicted forthwith  on  the  offender's  confession  when  brought  in  by 
the  writ,  without  interrogatories;  and  sometimes  *  *  *  the 
penalty  has  been  imposed  on  the  offender's  admissions  under  the 
original  rule,  without  either  writ  or  interrogatories.  So  that  these 
various  steps  are  manifestly  not  jurisdictional,  except  to  the  extent 
of  laying  before  the  court  matters  which  constitute  a  contempt,  and 
affording  to  the  party  accused  a  fair  opportunity  of  denying  or 
confessing  their  truth. ' ' 

The  weight  of  authorities  seems  to  incline  to  the  contention 
of  the  relators  that  an  affidavit  is  jurisdictional.  But  the  law  must 
be  very  clear  and  unmistakeable  to  justify  a  coordinate  court  in 
releasing  a  relator  upon  habeas  corpus.  As  there  is  a  conflict  in 
the  authorities,  this  court  is  not  disposed  to  sustain  the  contention 
of  the  relators'  counsel  and  release  the  prisoners  upon  this  ground, 
although  in  the  opinion  of  the  court  the  authorities  strongly  pre- 
ponderate in  favor  of  the  relators'  contention. 

It  remains,  then,  to  dispose  of  the  question  as  to  whether  or  not 
Judge  Hanecy  had  jurisdiction  to  enter  the  final  order  of  commit- 


24  DUNNE — JUDGE,  MAYOR,  GOVERNOR 

ment  under  which  the  relators  in  this  cause  are  held  by  the  sheriff 
of  Cook  County. 

Under  the  common  law  it  was  contempt  of  court  to  slander  or 
libel  or  speak  disparagingly  or  disrespectfully  of  any  judge  of  a 
superior  court  at  any  time.  It  was  held  that  such  conduct  brought 
the  administration  of  the  law  into  disrepute  and  contempt.  Such 
was  the  law  in  England  up  to  within  at  least  a  few  years  before  the 
American  Revolution.  Such  has  never  been  the  law  in  the  State 
of  Illinois,  nor  in  most  of  the  states  of  the  United  States. 

It  is  admitted  by  counsel  for  the  respondents  that  any  man  in 
the  State  of  Illinois  may  slander  or  libel  or  speak  in  a  disparagingly 
or  disrespectful  way  of  a  judge  upon  the  bench  in  relation  to 
the  action  of  such  judge  in  a  lawsuit  which  has  been  disposed  of 
and  adjudicated  by  him  without  exposing  the  author  of  such 
slander  or  libel  to  proceedings  in  the  nature  of  a  contempt  of  court. 
The  sole  remedy  of  the  judge  as  against  the  author  of  such  libel 
or  slander  is  the  remedy  which  is  given  to  every  citizen  of  the 
State,  to-wit,  the  right  to  sue  civilly  and  to  indict  criminally. 

Counsel  for  the  respondents  in  conceding  such  to  be  the  law 
show  that  they  are  familiar  with  all  the  decisions  of  our  Supreme 
Court  in  relation  to  contempts  of  court. 

In  Stuart  vs.  The  People,  3  Scam.,  404,  the  court  declared: 

"Contempts  are  either  direct,  such  as  are  offered  to  the  court 
while  sitting  as  such  and  in  its  presence,  or  constructive,  being 
offered,  not  in*  its  presence,  but  tending  by  their  operation  to  ob- 
struct and  embarrass  or  prevent  the  due  administration  of  justice. 
Into  this  vortex  of  constructive  contempts  have  been  drawn.by  the 
British  courts  many  acts  which  have  no  tendency  to  obstruct  the 
administration  of  justice,  but  rather  to  wound  the  feelings  or  offend 
the  personal  dignity  of  the  judge,  and  fines  imposed  and  imprison- 
ment denounced  so  frequently  and  with  so  little  question  as  to  have 
ripened,  in  the  estimation  of  many,  into  a  common  law  principle ; 
and  it  is  urged  that,  inasmuch  as  the  common  law  principle  is  in 
force  here  by  legislative  enactment,  this  principle  is  also  in  force. 
But  we  have  said  in  several  cases  that  such  portions  only  of  the 
common  law  as  are  applicable  to  our  institutions  and  suited  to  the 
genius  of  our  people  can  be  regarded  as  in  force.  It  has  been 
modified  by  the  prevalence  of  free  principles  and  the  general  im- 
provement of  society,  and  whilst  we  admire  it  as  a  system,  having 
no  blind  devotion  for  its  errors  and  defects,  we  cannot  but  hope 
that  in  the  progress  of  time  it  will  receive  many  more  improvements 
and  be  relieved  from  most  of  its  blemishes.  CONSTITUTIONAL 
PROVISIONS  ARE  MUCH  SAFER  GUARANTIES  FOR  CIVIL 
LIBERTY  AND  PERSONAL  RIGHTS  THAN  THOSE  OF  THE 
COMMON  LAW,  however  much  they  may  be  said  to  protect  them. 


DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  .25 

"If  a  judge  be  libeled  by  the  public  press  he  and  his  assailants 
should  be  placed  on  equal  grounds  and  their  common  arbiter  should 
be  a  jury  of  the  country ;  and  if  he  has  received  an  injury  ample 
remuneration  will  be  made. 

"In  restricting  the  power  to  punish  for  contempts,  to  the 
cases  specified,  more  benefits  will  result  than  by  enlarging  it.  It  is 
at  best  an  arbitrary  power,  and  should  only  be  exercised  on  the 
preservative  and  not  on  the  vindicative  principle.  It  is  not  a  jewel 
of  the  court,  to  be  admired  and  prized,  but  a  rod  rather,  and  most 
potent  when  rarely  used. 

"The  whole  case  being  presented  to  this  court,  in  the  same 
form  and  manner  in  which  it  was  presented  before  the  Circuit 
Court,  we  are  satisfied  that  no  contempt  was  committed  of  which 
that  court  could  take  jurisdiction  and  accordingly  reverse  the 
judgment. ' ' 

This  was  said  of  a  publication  in  a  newspaper,  during  the  trial 
of  a  case,  which  charged  the  court  with  directing  the  officers  of  the 
court  to  close  the  doors  during  the  trial  of  Stone,  to  prevent  all 
ingress  and  egress;  and  another  publication,  in  the  same  paper, 
which  declared  that  one  individual  said  that  "the  weakness  of  His 
Honor's  head  would  not  permit  of  the  noise  and  confusion  of  a 
crowd  and  a  proper  attention  to  the  trial  of  the  cause  all  at  the 
same  time. ' ' 

This  was  the  first  case  in  which  the  question  of  the  right  of  a 
court  to  punish  for  constructive  contempt  arose  in  this  State.  The 
last  case  is  Storey  vs.  The  People,  79  111.,  45. 

In  this  case  the  Chicago  Times  published  certain  libelous  arti- 
cles concerning  the  members  of  a  grand  jury  which  had  returned 
three  indictments  against  the  editor  of  that  paper,  and  the  court, 
in  commenting  upon  the  question  as  to  whether  the  editor  was  liable 
for  contempt  of  court  for  making  such  publication,  used  the  fol- 
lowing language: 

"The  only  question,  therefore,  is,  assuming  the  article  to  be 
libelous,  whether  the  publishing  of  a  libel  on  a  grand  jury,  or  on  any 
of  the  members  thereof,  because  of  an  act  ALREADY  DONE,  may 
be  summarily  punished  as  a  contempt. 

"We  do  not  understand  the  articles  as  having  a  tendency 
directly  to  impede,  embarrass  or  obstruct  the  grand  jury  in  the  dis- 
charge of  any  of  its  duties  remaining  to  be  discharged  after  the 
publications  were  made.  *  *  *  All  that  it  would  seem  could 
be  claimed  is  that  the  publication  would  cause  disrespect  to  be  en- 
tertained by  the  public  for  the  grand  jury,  and  for  its  action  in 
the  particular  cases  criticised,  and  thereby  tend  to  that  extent  to 
bring  odium  upon  the  administration  of  the  law.  *  *  *  It  is 
not  denied  by  counsel  for  the  respondents  that  courts  may  punish, 
as  for  contempt,  those  who  do  any  act  directly  tending  to  impede, 


26  DUNNE JUDGE,  MAYOR,  GOVERNOR 

embarrass  or  obstruct  the  administration  of  the  law;  but  they  do 
deny  that  any  publication,  however  disrespectful,  when  applied  to 
jurymen  in  regard  to  the  manner  in  which  they  have  ALREADY 
DISCHARGED  a  duty,  does  or  is  calculated  to  impede,  embarrass 
or  obstruct  the  administration  of  the  law. 

"Authority  may  be  found  in  the  textbook  and  in  English 
and  American  cases,  holding  a  doctrine  at  variance  with  this  posi- 
tion. Thus,  for  instance,  Blackstone,  says,  in  showing  how  con- 
tempt of  court  may  be  committed,  '  it  may  be  by  speaking  or  writing 
contemptuously  of  the  court  or  judges,  acting  in  their  judicial 
capacity;  by  printing  false  accounts  (or  even  true  ones,  without 
proper  permission)  of  causes  then  depending  in  judgment;  and  by 
anything,  in  short,  that  demonstrates  a  gross  want  of  that  regard 
and  respect  which,  when  courts  of  justice  are  deprived  of  their 
authority  is  entirely  lost  among  the  people.'  But  the  law  in  rela- 
tion to  contempt  has  never  been  held,  in  any  case  decided  by  this 
court,  to  be  so  indefinitely  broad  as  it  is  thus  stated  by  Blackstone. 
Our  Constitution  and  statutes  certainly  affect  the  question  to  some 
extent  and  it  is  only  in  determining  precisely  how  far  they  do  so 
that  we  have  any  difficulty." 

The  decision  then  proceeds  to  discuss  the  Stuart  case,  herein- 
before mentioned,  and  then  continues: 

"It  was  said  in  that  case  (the  Stuart  case),  in  speaking  of  the 
power  to  punish  for  contempt  in  case  of  mere  libels  upon  the  court 
having  no  direct  tendency  to  interfere  with  the  administration  of 
the  law:  'It  does  not  seem  necessary  for  the  protection  of  courts 
in  the  exercise  of  their  legitimate  powers  that  this  one,  so  liable  to 
abuse,  should  also  be  conceded  to  them.'  ' 

The  court  then  goes  on  to  discuss  the  case  of  The  People  vs. 
Wilson,  64  111.,  195,  in  which  the  Supreme  Court,  by  a  bare  majority 
of  one,  held  the  Chicago  Journal  liable  for  contempt  of  court  for 
publishing  a  libelous  article  upon  the  Supreme  Court  itself  relating 
to  a  case  then  pending  and  undetermined  in  that  court. 

In  analyzing  that  case  the  Supreme  Court,  in  the  Storey  case, 
declared  (page  50)  that  "the  decision  turned  upon  the  point,  as 
will  be  seen  by  reference  to  the  opinion  of  the  Chief  Justice,  that 
the  cause  in  reference  to  which  the  article  was  published  was 
THEN  PENDING  before  the  court,  UNDECIDED  and  that  the 
article  was  CALCULATED  to  and  was  DESIGNED  to  influence 
the  members  of  the  court  in  deciding  it." 

Continuing,  the  Court  declares: 

"Courts,  however,  possess  certain  common-law  powers,  subject 
to  modification  that  may  have  been  imposed  by  our  constitution  and 
statutes,  among  which  is  included  that  of  punishing  for  contempts. 

"Differences  of  opinion  have  been  entertained  by  members  of 
this  court  at  different  times,  in  regard  to  the  extent  of  such  modi- 


DUNNE JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  27 

fications:  AND  WE  FEEL  CONSTRAINED,  in  giving  expres- 
sion to  our  views  in  the  present  case,  TO  DISAGREE  TO  SOME 
EXTENT  WITH  REMARKS  MADE  BY  SOME  OF  THE  MEM- 
BERS COMPOSING  THE  MAJORITY  OF  THE  COURT  IN 
WILSON'S  CASE,  SUPRA. 

"In  our  opinion  IT  IS  NOT  ADMISSIBLE,  UNDER  OUR 
CONSTITUTION,  THAT  A  PUBLICATION,  HOWEVER  LI- 
BELOUS,  NOT  DIRECTLY  CALCULATED  TO  HINDER,  OB- 
STRUCT OR  DELAY  COURTS  in  the  exercise  of  their  proper 
functions,  SHALL  BE  TREATED  AND  PUNISHED,  SUM- 
MARILY, AS  A  CONTEMPT  OF  COURT.  *  *  * 

"In  this  State  our  Constitution  guarantees  'that  every  person 
may  freely  speak,  write  and  publish  on  all  subjects,  being  respon- 
sible for  the  abuse  of  that  liberty;  and  in  all  trials  for  libel,  both 
civil  and  criminal,  the  truth,  when  published  with  good  motives 
and  for  justifiable  ends,  shall  be  a  sufficient  defense.' 

"This  language,  plain  and  explicit  as  it  is,  cannot  be  held  to 
have  no  application  to  courts,  or  those  by  whom  they  are  conducted. 
The  judiciary  is  elective,  and  the  jurors,  although  appointed,  are 
in  general  appointed  by  a  board  whose  members  are  elected  by 
popular  vote.  There  is,  therefore,  the  same  responsibility,  in  theory, 
in  the  judicial  department  that  exists  in  the  legislative  and  execu- 
tive departments  to  the  people,  for  the  diligent  and  faithful  dis- 
charge of  all  duties  enjoined  on  it ;  and  the  same  necessity  exists  for 
public  information  with  regard  to  the  conduct  and  character  of 
those  entrusted  to  discharge  those  duties,  in  order  that  the  elective 
franchise  shall  be  intelligibly  exercised,  as  obtains  in  regard  to  the 
other  departments  of  the  government." 

"When  it  is  conceded  that  the  guaranty  of  this  clause  of  the 
Constitution  extends  to  words  spoken  or  published  in  regard  to 
judicial  conduct  and  character,  it  would  seem  necessarily  to  follow 
that  the  defendant  has  the  right  to  make  a  defense  which  can  only 
be  properly  tried  by  a  jury,  and  which  the  Judge  of  a  court, 
especially  if  he  is  himself  the  subject  of  the  publication,  is  un- 
fitted to  try." 

"Entertaining  these  views,  the  judgment  of  the  court  below 
must  be  reversed,  and  the  respondents  discharged." 

The  law  of  the  State  of  Illinois  upon  constructive  contempt, 
as  laid  down  in  this  decision,  has  never  been  changed,  modified  or 
disturbed  from  the  date  when  the  same  was  rendered  down  to  the 
present  time.  It  is  in  full  force  and  effect  today,  as  is  conceded 
by  counsel  for  the  respondents.  It  follows,  therefore,  that  if  there 
was  a  proceeding  PENDING  before  Judge  Hanecy  at  the  time 
of  the  publication  of  these  articles,  and  the  cartoon  in  question,  the 
decision  of  which  by  Judge  Hanecy  would  have  been  impeded, 
embarrassed  or  obstructed  by  the  publication  of  the  same,  that  it 


28  DUNNE JUDGE,    MAYOR,    GOVERNOR 

was  constructively  a  contempt  of  court,  and  that  the  relator  should 
be  remanded.  If,  on  the  other  hand,  there  was  no  proceeding 
PENDING  before  Judge  Hanecy,  which  the  publication  of  these 
articles  might  affect,  then,  under  the  law  as  laid  down  in  the  Storey 
case,  no  contempt  of  court  could  have  been  committed  by  the  pub- 
lication of  these  articles,  however  libelous  they  may  have  been. 

The  question  as  to  whether  or  not  a  cause  or  proceeding  was 
PENDING  before  Judge  Hanecy  is  a  question  of  LAW  and  not  of 
FACT.  The  facts  as  set  out  in  the  amended  information  and  ad- 
mitted and  restated  in  the  defendants'  answers,  are  identical, 
verbatim  et  literatim. 

Upon  concluding  the  reading  of  his  opinion,  Judge  Hanecy 
declared  in  open  court  "the  order  of  August  9,  1901,  is  set  aside 
and  the  petition  for  leave  to  file  and  the  information  are  dismissed" ; 
and  again,  "the  order  of  August  9,  1901,  and  the  petition  for  leave 
to  file  and  the  information  itself  dismissed." 

Was  this,  or  was  this  not  a  final  order  ? 

Counsel  for  the  relators  claim  that  this  language  was  the  final 
judgment  of  the  court. 

Counsel  for  the  respondents  admit  that  the  language  was  used, 
but  contend  that  because  the  clerk  did  not  enter  it  of  record  the 
case  was  not  finally  disposed  of. 

The  relators  swear  in  their  answers  that  they  understood  it 
to  be  the  final  order  of  the  court,  and  they  attach  to  their  answer 
excerpts  from  publications  made  by  the  Chicago  Daily  News,  the 
Chicago  Post,  the  Chicago  Journal,  the  Inter  Ocean,  the  Tribune, 
the  Chicago  Herald,  and  the  Chicago  Chronicle,  all  published  either 
on  the  28th  of  October,  1901,  or  the  29th,  which  show  that  the  re- 
porters of  these  papers,  as  well  as  the  reporters  for  the  American, 
understood  that  it  was  a  final  disposition  of  the  case. 

Reporters  of  modern  newspapers  as  a  rule  are  a  highly  edu- 
cated, intelligent  class  of  men  and  women,  as  competent  to  judge 
of  the  meaning  of  the  ordinary  English  language  as  the  ordinary 
lawyer,  and  the  nonlegal  world — as  evidenced  by  the  conduct  of 
the  newspapers — certainly  understood  the  language  as  a  final  dis- 
position of  the  case  so  far  as  Judge  Hanecy  was  concerned. 

Let  us  examine  the  law  books  and  see  whether  or  not  the  law 
writers  would  call  the  use  of  such  language,  in  open  court,  a 
final  judgment. 

Black  on  Judgments,  vol  1,  section  106,  declares: 

' '  The  rendition  of  a  judgment  is  the  judicial  act  of  the  court 
in  pronouncing  the  sentence  of  the  law  upon  the  facts  in  con- 
troversy as  ascertained  by  the  pleadings  and  the  verdict.  The 
ENTRY  of  a  judgment  is  a  ministerial  act,  which  consists  of 
spreading  upon  the  record  a  statement  of  the  final  conclusion 
reached  by  the  court  in  the  matter.  *  *  *  In  the  nature  of 


DUNNE JUDGE,  MAYOR,  GOVERNOR  29 

things,  a  judgment  must  be  RENDERED  before  it  can  be 
ENTERED.  And  not  only  that,  but  though  the  judgment  be  not 
entered  at  all,  still  it  is  none  the  less  a  judgment.  The  omission 
to  enter  it  does  not  destroy  it,  nor  does  its  vitality  remain  in 
abeyance  until  it  is  put  upon  the  record.  The  entry  may  be  sup- 
plied, perhaps  after  the  lapse  of  years,  by  an  order  nunc  pro 
tune.  ...  *  *  As  is 'said  by  the  Supreme  Court  of  California: 
'The  enforcement  of  a  judgment  does  not  depend  upon  its 
ENTRY  or  docketing.  These  are  merely  ministerial  acts,  the  first 
of  which  is  required  to  be  done  for  putting  in  motion  the  right 
of  appeal  from  the  judgment  itself,  or  of  limiting -the  time  within 
which  the  right  may  be  exercised,  or  in  which  the  judgment  may 
be  enforced;  and  the  other,  for  the  purpose  of  creating  a  lien 
by  the  judgment  upon  the  real  property  of  the  debtor.  But 
neither  is  necessary  for  the  issuance  of  an  execution  upon  a 
judgment  which  has  been  duly  rendered.  "Without  docketing  an 
entry  execution  may  be  issued  on  the  judgment  and  land  levied 
upon  and  sold,  and  the  deed  executed  by  the  sheriff,  in  fulfillment 
of  the  sale,  not  only  approves  the  sale,  but  also  estops  the  defend- 
ant from  controverting  the  title  acquired  by  it.'  " 

Freeman  on  Judgments,  2d  Ed.,  Sec.  38,  declares : 

"  Expressions  occasionally  find  their  way  into  reports  and 
textbooks,  indicating  that  the  entry  is  essential  to  the  existence 
and  force  of  the  judgment.  These  expressions  have  escaped  from 
their  authors  when  writing  of  matters  OF  EVIDENCE,  and 
applying  the  general  rule  that  in  each  case  the  best  testimony 
which  is  capable  of  being  produced  must  be  received,  to  the 
exclusion  of  every  means  of  proof  less  satisfactory  and  less 
authentic.  The  RENDITION  OF  a  judgment  is  a  judicial  act; 
its  ENTRY  upon  the  record  is  merely  ministerial.  A  judgment 
is  not  what  is  ENTERED,  but  what  is  ORDERED  and  CON- 
SIDERED. The  entry  may  express  more  or  less  than  was 
directed  by  the  court,  or  it  may  be  neglected  altogether.  Yet  in 
either  of  these  cases  is  the  judgment  of  the  court  any  less  its 
judgment  than  though  it  was  accurately  entered.  In  the  very 
nature  of  things  the  act  must  be  perfect  before  its  history  can  be 
so.  And  the  imperfection  or  neglect  of  its  history  fails  to  modify 
or  obliterate  the  act." 

The  distinction  between  the  RENDITION  of  a  judgment  and 
its  ENTRY  is  clearly  pointed  out  by  our  Supreme  Court  in  the 
case  of  Blatchford  vs.  Newberry,  100  Illinois,  484. 

In  discussing  a  provision  of  the  statute  which  authorizes  the 
Supreme  Court  in  vacation  to  correct  a  judgment  which  might 
have  been  erroneously  ENTERED  by  the  clerk  the  court  uses  the 
following  language : 


30  DUNNE JUDGE,  MAYOR,  GOVERNOR 

"It  will  be  observed  that  the  power  here  assumed  to  be  con- 
ferred upon  the  judges  is  not  to  grant  rehearings,  but  when  a 
judgment  is  found  to  have  been  erroneously  entered  up  to 
change  the  same  without  ordering  a  rehearing.  The  words 
'RENDERED'  and  'ENTERED'  are  plainly  used  antithetically, 
and  each  in  its  distinctive  correct  legal  sense,  'rendered'  being 
used  to  indicate  the  giving  of  the  judgment  and  'entered'  to  indi- 
cate the  act  of  placing  the  judgment  RENDERED  on  record.  In 
other  words,  enrolling  or  recording  it.  'Erroneously  ENTER- 
ING up  a  judgment'  expresses  only  an  error  in  the  clerical  act 
of  placing  it  upon  the  record  and  implies  that  the  judgment 
enrolled  or  recorded  is  not  the  judgment  RENDERED  or  given" 
(pp.  489-490). 

In  Fontaine  vs.  Hudson,  93  Mo.,  62.  decided  in  1887,  and 
reported  in  the  5th  Southwestern  Reporter,  692,  the  court  holds : 

"That  it  is  not  essential  to  the  validity  .of  records  of  courts 
in  this  State  that  they  should  be  signed  by  the  judge,  and  that 
the  party  in  whose  favor  any  judgment  is  rendered  may  have 
execution  in  conformity  therewith,  that  the  right  to  the  execu- 
tion follows  EO  INSTANTE  upon  the  RENDITION  of  the  judg- 
ment. The  RENDITION  of  the  judgment  is  the  judicial  act 
upon  which  the  execution  rests.  Its  ENTRY  upon  the  record  is 
a  mere  ministerial  act  evidencing  the  judicial  act,  but  not  essen- 
tial to  its  validity  or  giving  to  the  judgment  any  additional 
force  or  efficacy.  A  valid  judgment  rendered  will  support  and 
validate  an  execution  issued  in  conformity  therewith,  although 
the  formal  record  evidence  of  its  rendition  may  not  have  been  in 
existence  at  the  time  the  execution  issued." 

The  court  in  that  case  confirmed  the  title  of  a  purchaser 
upon  execution  sale,  although  the  judgment  was  not  entered  of 
record  when  execution  issued. 

In  Los  Angeles  County  Bank  vs.  Raynor,  61  Calif.,  147, 
which  was  an  action  for  the  possession  of  land  brought  upon  a 
sheriff's  deed  obtained  under  an  execution  which  had  been  issued 
before  the  judgment  was  entered  of  record,  the  court  sustained 
the  title  based  upon  said  sheriff's  deed.  This  is  the  case  cited  by 
Black  in  his  work  on  judgments  hereinbefore  quoted. 

In  the  case  of  Sieber  et  al.,  vs.  Frink  et  al.,  7th  Colo.,  151,  the 
Supreme  Court  of  that  State  declares: 

"The  pronouncing  of  a  judgment  is  a  judicial  act;  the  entry 
of  record  is  a  ministerial  duty.  The  judgment  is  complete  when 
properly  declared,  though  the  mechanical  act  of  recording  the 
same  has  not  been  performed." 

The  Supreme  Court  of  North  Carolina,  in  91  Am.  Dec.  93,  in 
the  case  of  Davis  vs.  Shaver,  declared : 


DUNNE JUDGE,    MAYOR,    GOVERNOR  31 

"The  entry  is  a  memorial  of  what  the  judgment  was.  If 
there  had  been  no  entry  at  all,  it  would  have  been  competent  for 
his  honor  to  have  it  entered  NUNC  PRO  TUNG,  upon  his  being 
satisfied  that  judgment  was  in  fact  delivered. ' ' 

In  Baker  vs.  Baker,  reported  in  8th  N.  W.  Rep.,  291,  the 
court  declares: 

"The  testimony  is  most  clear,  positive  and  conclusive  that 
this  order  was  actually  made  by  the  Probate  Court,  but  through 
inadvertence  was  not  signed.  But  we  apprehend  that  the  fail- 
ure to  sign  did  not  defeat  the  order;  that  it  took  effect  as  the 
decision  of  the  court,  notwithstanding  that  omission.  The 
judicial  act  performed  was  in  deciding  upon  the  application  and 
announcing  such  decision.  True,  the  County  Court  is  a  court  of 
record,  having  a  seal,  and  each  judge  of  said  court  is  required 
to  keep  a  true  and  fair  record  of  each  order,  sentence  and  judg- 
ment of  the  court.  Properly,  the  order  in  question  should  have 
been  entered  of  record.  But  the  failure  to  do  this,  or  to  sign 
the  order,  did  not  have  the  effect  to  nullify  or  destroy  the  decision 
which  was  actually  made. ' ' 

In  Schuster  vs.  Rader,  13  Colo.  Rep.,  334,  the  Supreme  Court 
of  that  State  declares : 

"At  common  law  the  giving  of  judgment  was  a  judicial  act, 
to  be  performed  only  by  the  court  sitting  at  stated  time  and 
places.  *  The  judgment  having  been  so  pronounced  in 

open  court, .  the  act  of  entering  the  same  in  the  record  by  the 
clerk  was  purely  ministerial  and  was  not  essential  to  the  exist- 
ence of  the  judgment  so  rendered,  though  the  entry  was  neces- 
sary to  preserve  it,  and  as  a  matter  of  proof,  was  the  best  evi- 
dence of  its  existence.  The  judgment  derived  its  force  and 
effect  from  the  fact  that  it  had  beeil  so  considered,  adjudged  and 
decreed  by  the  court;  and  it  became  effective  from  the  time  of 
such  adjudication  and  promulgation  in  open  court,  though  the 
ministerial  act  of  entering  the  same  in  the  records  of  the  court 
might  be  delayed." 

In  the  case  of  Ward  vs.  "White,  66  111.,  App.,  156,  the  court 
declared : 

"It  appears  that  there  was  no  entry  by  the  clerk  of  the  case 
in  which  judgment  was  rendered,  on  the  docket  of  the  court,  or 
the  trial  calendar,  or  the  judge's  docket,  or  upon  the  clerk's 
docket,  and  there  were  no  minutes  of  the  judge  upon  his  docket 
of  the  entry  of  the  judgment  or  the  finding  of  the  court  thereon. 

"It  is  insisted  that  the  Circuit  Court  obtained  no  jurisdiction 
of  the  case,  to  enter  the  judgment,  for  the  reason  that  there  was 
no  'note,  minute  or  memorandum  made  by  the  judge,'  or  under 


32  DUNNE JUDGE,    MAYOR,    GOVERNOR 

his  direction,  upon  the  docket  of  the  term  or  upon  the  papers, 
files  or  some  memorial  paper  found  of  recprd  in  the  court." 

Notwithstanding  the  court  held  that  a  judgment  was  actu- 
ally rendered  and  that  it  was  a  valid  judgment  and  declared: 

"The  court  had  power  to  pass  on  the  case  orally  and  order 
the  clerk  orally  to  enter  the  judgment  and  the  duty  of  the  clerk 
was  to  enter  the  judgment  accordingly.  *  *  *  The  clerk  is  a 
mere  ministerial  officer  and  enters  only  such  orders  and  judg- 
ments as  he  is  ordered  by  the  court. ' ' 

In  the  case  of  Metzger  vs.  Wooldridge,  183  111.,  178,  our 
Supreme  Court  uses  the  following  language : 

"It  is  true,  as  insisted  by  counsel  for  appellants,  that  a 
judgment  is  not  necessarily  what  is  entered  by  the  clerk,  but 
that  which  is  ordered  and  considered  by  the  court." 

In  the  Encyclopedia  of  Pleadings  and  Practice,  Vol.  18,  page 
429,  on  Judgments,  the  following  language  is'  used : 

"The  act,  after  the  trial  and  final  submission  of  a  case,  of 
pronouncing  judgment  in  language  which  finally  determines  the 
rights  of  the  parties  to  the  action  and  leaves  nothing  more  to  be 
done  except  the  entry  of  the  judgment  by  the  clerk,  constitutes 
the  rendition  of  a  judgment.  No  particular  form  is  requii'ed  in 
the  proceedings  of  a  court  to  render  them  an  order  of  judgment. 
It  is  sufficient  if  they  are  final.  The  RENDITION  and  the 
ENTRY  of  a  judgment  are  entirely  different  things.  The  first  is 
a  purely  judicial  act  of  the  court  alone,  and  must  be  first  in  the 
order  of  time,  while  the  entry  is  merely  evidence  that  a  judgment 
has  been  rendered,  and  is  purely  a  ministerial  act  (pp.  429-430). 
In  none  of  these  citations,  however,  is  the  distinction  between 
a  judgment  and  the  entry  thereof  more  clearly  drawn  and  dis- 
tinguished than  is  done  by  the  statutes  of  this  state.  Chapter  25 
of  the  Revised  Statutes  relates  to  clerks  of  courts.  Sec.  14  of 
this  chapter  reads  as  follows: 

"They  (the  clerks)  shall  enter  of  record  all  judgments, 
decrees  and  orders  of  their  respective  courts  before  the  final 
adjournment  of  the  respective  terms  thereof,  OR  AS  SOON 
THEREAFTER  AS  PRACTICABLE." 

The  following,  Section  16,  then  provides,  "that  any  clerk 
who  fails  to  enter  of  record  all  *  *  *  judgments  and  decrees 
of  the  court  by  or  before  the  next  succeeding  regular  term  of 
the  court  shall  be  fined  not  exceeding  $100." 

It  thus  appears  that  by  the  statutes  of  this  State  that  after 
the  close  of  the  term  and  when  the  court  itself  has  lost  all  juris- 
diction over  the  judgment  rendered  at  that  term  that  the  clerk 
is  permitted  to  enter  up  the  judgments  rendered  by  the  judge  at 
the  term. 


DUNNE JUDGE,    MAYOR,    GOVERNOR  33 

Could  the  distinction  between  the  judgment  itself  and  the 
entry  thereof  be  more  clearly  pointed  out  ? 

As  opposed  to  this  mass  of  authorities  as  to  what  constitutes 
a  judgment,  counsel  for  respondents  in  the  case  at  bar  rely  upon 
certain  cases  which  will  now  be  noticed  and  discussed. 

Judson  vs.  Gage,  98  Fed.  Rep.,  542.  In  that  case  the  judge 
noted  upon  his  minute  book  as  follows : 

"Oct.  5  (517)  Gage,  Secretary  of  Treasury,  vs.  Judson. 
AAvard  of  $32,000  in  favor  of  Judson,  and  United  States  is  satis- 
fied with  award  and  asks  report  to  be  accepted,  and  discontinue 
as  to  others.  Order  discontinuance  granted.  Balance  continued, 
October  7,  and  United  States  (Gage)  vs.  Judson;  award  approved 
and  accepted;  $32,000." 

The  judge  who  made  these  entries  held  "that  these  minutes 
were  not  in  any  sense  the  entries  of  a  judgment.  They  are  the 
mere  memoranda  of  the  judge  as  to  the  proceedings  in  court  and 
as  to  the  course  to  be  pursued  when  the  judgment  file  shall  be 
presented." 

The  Circuit  Court  of  Appeals  expressly  held  in  relation  to 
this  entry: 

"The  oral  expression  of  the  District  Judge  in  regard  to  the 
propriety  of  the  acceptance  of  the  report  is  not  a  judgment  until 
it  has  become  a  written  order  of  court.  Until  then  it  has  not 
taken  the  form  of  an  authoritative  decree,  and  is  not  operative. 
A  JUDGMENT  IN  FORM  WAS  NOT  ASKED  FOR.  The  cause 
was  continued  to  the  next  term  of  the  court,  when  some  one, 
apparently  recognizing  that  the  cause  was  not  at  an  end,  pre- 
pared a  written  judgment,  which  was  signed  by  the  judge,  and 
which  spoke  from  that  term."  In  other  words,  there  was  no 
evidence  of  any  sort  of  a  judgment  having  IN  FACT  been  ren- 
dered. 

In  the  casevof  State  vs.  Tugwell,  19  Wash.,  Rep.,  242,  cited  by 
counsel  for  respondents,  the  facts  that  appear  of  record  were 
that  on  the  24th  of  February,  1898,  a  certain  libelous  article  was 
published  concerning  the  Supreme  Court.  On  the  18th  of  Feb- 
ruary a  majority  of  the  court  had  rendered  an  OPINION.  On  the 
very  date  of  the  publication  of  the  article  a  dissenting  OPINION 
had  been  rendered  by  two  of  the  judges.  On  February  28,  1898, 
a  petition  for  the  modification  of  the  opinion  by  the  majority 
of  the  court  was  filed,  and  on  March  2,  1898,  a  majority  opinion 
of  the  court  was  filed  denying  the  last  petition  for  modification 
of  the  opinion  of  reversal,  and  final  JUDGMENT  was  entered 
on  March  9,  1898. 

In  other  words,  when  the  libel  was  published  which  it  was 
claimed  was  contempt  of  court  the  cause  was  still  pending  and 


34  DUNNE — JUDGE,  MAYOR,  GOVERNOR 

\ 

undetermined  and  the  final  order  was  pot  entered  until  thirteen 
days  afterward. 

Counsel  for  respondents  also  cite  "Encyclopedia  of  Pleading 
and  Practice,"  Vol.  8,  which  holds  that  a  court  may  at  any  time 
before  closing  of  term  at  which  judgment  is  rendered  grant  a 
new  trial  or  modify  or  correct  his  findings. 

No  one  questions  that  this  is  law,  but  the  fact  that  a  court 
may  modify  or  change  or  set  aside  a  judgment  during  a  term 
does  not  mean  that  a  judgment  already  rendered  is  not  in  full 
force  and  effect  until  modified  or  set  aside. 

They  also  cite  ' '  Encyclopedia  of  Pleadings  and  Practice, ' '  Vol. 
11,  which  declares  that  the  DECISION  or  FINDING  of  a  court, 
referee  or  committee  does  not  constitute  a  judgment,  but  merely 
forms  a  basis  upon  which  the  judgment  is  subsequently  to  be 
rendered. 

What  relation  this  can  have  to  the  language  used  by  Judge 
Hanecy  this  court  is  unable  to  discover. 

They  also  cite  the  case  of  Fishback  vs.  The  State,  131  Ind., 
313,  in  which  the  court  declares : 

"But  as  to  the  pendency  of  the  action,  it  may  be  said  that 
its  pendency  does  not  terminate  with  the  return  of  the  verdict  of 
the  jury  or  the  rendition  of  the  judgment,  but  may  be  said  to  be 
pending  while  it  remains  in  fieri,  for  after  judgment  the  parties 
are  still  in  court  for  certain  purposes.  A  motion  for  a  new  trial 
may  be  made  and  a  new  trial  granted  without  additional  notice." 

This  may  all  be  true,  and  is  true,  of  any  case  until  it  is  finally 
disposed  of,  but  a  final  order  or  judgment  rendered  during  the  term 
remains  a  final  order  of  judgment  until  it  is  set  aside  or  modified. 

In  the  case  of  Martin  vs.  Earnhardt,  39  Illinois,  9,  it  is  simply 
held  that  an  entry  made  on  the  clerk's  docket,  which  reads  as 
follows:  "Judgment  entered  upon  verdict  for  $3,000  and  costs," 
is  not  an  entry  of  a  judgment. 

The  case  of  Edwards  vs.  Evans,  61  111.,  493,  is  a  case  in  which 
the  court  declared: 

"From  the  record  in  this  case  there  has  never  been  a  trial 
upon  the  merits,  and  we  are  now  asked  to  affirm  the  judgment  on 
account  of  the  decision  between  the  same  parties  in  Evans  vs. 
Edwards,  26  111.,  279.  *  *  *  The  supposed  judgment  at  the 
June  term,  1862,  of  the  court  below  was  no  judgment.  It  was 
never  entered  upon  the  record.  There  was  only  a  verdict  and  an 
order  of  the  judge  upon  his  docket." 

In  other  words,  there  was  no  proof  on  the  docket  or  otherwise 
that  a  judgment  had  in  fact  been  rendered.  This  case  is  wholly 
irrelevant  to  the  issues  in  the  case  at  bar. 


DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,    GOVERNOR  35 

In  Hanson  vs.  Schlesinger,  125  111.,  230,  the  Court  held,  which 
is  undoubtedly  the  law,  that: 

"During  the  term  of  a  court  all  proceedings  rest  in  the  breast 
of  the  judge,  and  he  can  amend  the  record  according  to  the  facts 
within  his  own  knowledge. ' ' 

No  one  disputes  this  is  the  law,  but  what  bearing  or  applica- 
tion can  it  have  upon  the  question  as  to  whether  or  not  a  judg- 
ment once  rendered  continues  to  be  a  judgment  until  changed  or 
modified  ? 

In  the  case  of  Stift  vs.  Kurtenback,  85  111.  App.,  38,  the  court 
holds  to  the  same  effect,  to-wit:  That  they  (the  court)  can  amend, 
alter,  change  or  modify  its  records  at  any  time  within  the  term. 

These  are  the  only  authorities  upon  which  counsel  for  respond- 
ents seem  to  rely  with  reference  to  the  question  as  to  whether  or 
not  the  language  used  by  Judge  Hanecy  on  the  28th  of  October, 
1901,  amounted  to  a  rendition  of  a  judgment. 

This  language,  as  we .  have  seen,  was  understood  as  a  final 
order  by  all  the  representatives  of  newspapers  present.  It  was 
also  so  understood  by  the  attorneys  of  record  in  the  case,  for  they 
at  once  preserved  an  exception  and  prayed  an  appeal.  Does  not 
the  language  used  clearly  indicate  that  the  court  entered  a  final 
order  in  the  case? 

The  present  tense  is  used.  The  orders  to  be  set  aside  are 
designated  and  the  information  itself  declared,  in  the  present  tense, 
to  be  dismissed.  The  court  uses  the  language  twice,  on  both  oc- 
casions using  the  present  tense,  making  complete  disposition  of  the 
motion  and  complete  disposition  of  the  suit  itself. 

It  is  true  that  one  of  the  counsel  declared  that  he  would  pre- 
pare a  formal  order.  In  other  words,  an  order  putting  in  form  the 
judgment  rendered.  Permission  was  not  given  to  do  even  that.  The 
court,  in  response  to  the  suggestion,  stated,  ' '  submit  IT  to  the  other 
side."  No  directions  were  given  to  the  clerk  not  to  enter  on  the 
record  the  judgment  of  the  court,  and  it  was  his,  the  clerk's  min- 
isterial duty,  to  enter  the  decision  as  announced. 

As  this  court  understands  the  language,  it  was  a  plain,  clear, 
concise  and  plenary  disposition  of  the  case. 

But  it  is  contended  by  counsel  for  the  respondents,  that  even 
if  it  were  a  final  order  of  the  court,  the  court  had  a  right  to  change 
it  at  any  time  during  the  term,  and  that  it  was  therefore  in  fieri 
and  pending. 

They  seem  to  rely  almost  solely  upon  the  authority  of  Fishback 
vs.  State,  131  Ind.s  313,  hereinbefore  quoted. 

The  language  of  that  opinion  hereinbefore  quoted  was  used  in 
a  case  in  which  a  newspaper  had  published  a  certain  article  reflect- 
ing upon  the  credit  of  a  grand  jury,  and  tending  to  bring  them 
into  disrepute  and  to  embarrass  and  interrupt  a  legitimate  investi- 


36  DUNNE — JUDGE,  MAYOR,  GOVERNOR 

gation  by  them  as  to  the  commission  of  a  crime  at  any  time  during 
their  session.  As  applied  to  the  facts  in  that  case  it  may  have  had 
some  relevance,  but  if  it  be  held  that  an  individual  or  a  newspaper 
cannot  comment  upon  the  decision  of  a  court,  at  any  time  while 
a  case  is  pending  in  court,  even  though  the  final  order  has  been 
entered,  without  exposing  the  person  so  commenting  to  prosecu- 
tion for  contempt  of  court,  it  will  amount  to  a  suppression  of  free 
speech  and  of  free  press  in  relation  to  all  judicial  proceedings. 

The  concluding  sentences  of  the  Storey  opinion,  in  which  a 
sitting  grand  jury  was  libeled,  practically  abolishes  the  law  of  con- 
structive contempt  in  the  State  of  Illinois. 

In  speaking  of  the  clause  of  the  Illinois  Constitution  relating  to 
free  speech  and  a  free  press,  the  court  declares : 

''THIS  LANGUAGE,  PLAIN  AND  EXPLICIT  AS  IT  IS, 
CANNOT  BE  HELD  TO  HAVE  NO  APPLICATION  TO  THE 
COURTS.  *  *  * 

"WHEN  IT  IS  CONCEDED  THAT  THE  GUARANTY  OF 
THIS  CLAUSE  OF  THE  CONSTITUTION  EXTENDS  TO 
WORDS  SPOKEN  OR  PUBLISHED  IN  REGARD  TO  JUDI- 
CIAL CONDUCT  OR  CHARACTER  IT  WOULD  SEEM  NECES- 
SARILY TO  FOLLOW  THAT  THE  DEFENDANT  (Storey) 
HAS  A  RIGHT  TO  MAKE  A  DEFENSE  WHICH  CAN  ONLY 
BE  PROPERLY  DECIDED  BY  A  JURY,  AND  WHICH  THE 
JUDGE  OF  A  COURT,  ESPECIALLY  IF  HE  IS  HIMSELF 
THE  SUBJECT  OF  THE  PUBLICATION,  IS  UNFITTED  TO 
TRY. 

"Entertaining  these  views,  the  judgment  of  the  court  below 
must  be  reversed  and  the  respondent  discharged. ' ' 

But  even  if  any  trace  of  the  law  of  constructive  contempt  be 
left  in  the  State  of  Illinois  under  the  views  enunciated  by  the 
Supreme  Court  in  the  Wilson  case,  which  was  decided  three  years 
before  the  Storey  case  by  a  bare  majority  of  the  court,  after  the 
respondent  had  failed  and  refused  to  offer  any  argument  or  submit 
any  brief — the  law  of  which  has  been  assailed  by  Wharton  in  his 
great  work  on  criminal  law — such  trace  of  the  former  law  of  con- 
structive contempt  is  confined  to  words  spoken  or  published  con- 
cerning a  judge  before  whom  a  case  is  PENDING. 

What  is  the  meaning  of  the  word  "pending,"  as  used  in  the 
Wilson  case  and  referred  to  in  the  Storey  case  ? 

Counsel  for  relators  contend  that  a  "pending"  case  means  a 
case  on  trial  or  under  consideration  by  the  particular  judge  whose 
conduct  is  the  subject  of  criticism.  Counsel  for  respondents  contend 
that  it  means  a  case  which  is  in  any  way  under  the  control  of  such 
judge,  even  after  a  final  order  has  been  entered  by  such  judge 
therein.  All  cases  are  in  that  condition  during  the  term. 


DUNNE JUDGE,  MAYOR,  GOVERNOR  37 

Under  the  first  construction  a  person  or  a  newspaper  could 
lawfully  criticise  a  final  order  rendered  by  a  judge  or  court  imme- 
diately after  its  rendition,  without  committing  contempt  of  court. 
Under  the  latter  construction  no  man  or  newspaper  could  criticise 
a  final  order  entered  until  the  end  of  the  term,  which  in  the 
courts  of  Cook  County  lasts  one  month.  In  the  case  of  the  Supreme 
and  Appellate  Courts  the  terms  last  two  and  six  months,  re- 
spectively. 

To  give  the  word  ' '  pending ' '  the  first  construction  would  be  to 
render  the  constitutional  provision  that  ' '  Every  person  may  freely 
speak,  write  or  publish  on  all  subjects,  being  responsible  for  the 
abuse  of  that  liberty, ' '  effective  and  of  benefit  to  the  community. 

To  give  the  word  the  latter  construction  would  make  this  pro- 
vision of  the  Constitution  a  mere  jumble  of  words  without  force 
or  effect  in  the  community,  VERBA  PRAETEREA  NIL. 

To  give  the  word  the  former  interpretation  would  enable  the 
public  to  discuss  living  questions  arising  in  the  courts.  To  give 
it  the  latter  would  confine  the  public  to  the  consideration  of  what 
is  flat,  stale  and  unprofitable. 

The  occupation  of  a  journalist  in  connection  with  court  pro- 
ceedings would  be  gone.  His  place  would  be  taken  by  the  historian. 

This  court  has  no  hesitation  in  giving  the  word  the  construc- 
tion which  is  natural  and  not  forced ;  which  is  reasonable  and  not 
unreasonable ;  which  is  in  consonance  with  modern  progress,  and 
the  letter  and  spirit  of  the  Supreme  law  of  the  State  and  the  Bill 
of  Rights. 

Giving  the  word  this  construction  a  "PENDING"  CASE 
MEANS  SIMPLY  A  CASE  ON  TRIAL  BEFORE  OR  UNDER 
CONSIDERATION  BY  A  CERTAIN  JUDGE. 

In  the  case  under  consideration  the  quo  warranto  proceeding's 
before  Judge  Hanecy  were  "pending"  while  it  was  on  trial  be- 
fore him  or  under  consideration  by  him.  When  he  rendered  his 
opinion  and  then  uttered  the  words : 

"The  order  of  August  9,  1901,  is  set  aside  and  the  petition 
for  leave  for  filing  information,  etc.,  and  the  information  are  dis- 
missed, ' '  he  entered  a  final  order  and  the  cause  was  not  ' '  pending ' ; 
before  him.  This  order  could  have  been  set  aside  or  modified  by 
Judge  Hanecy  during  the  term,  but  nevertheless  until  it  was  so 
set  aside  or  modified  it  was  a  final  order. 

NO  MORE  EFFECTIVE  WAY  CAN  BE  CONCEIVED  OF 
SUPPRESSING  FREE  SPEECH  AND  FREE  PRESS  IN  RE- 
LATION TO  PROCEEDINGS  IN  COURT  THAN  BY  THE 
COURTS  SUSTAINING  THIS  EXTRAORDINARY  CONTEN- 
TION ADVANCED  BY  COUNSEL  FOR  RESPONDENTS. 


38  DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,    GOVERNOR 

In  the  case  under  consideration  three  weeks  elapsed  between 
October  28,  1901,  when  Judge  Hanecy  's  decision  was  rendered,  and 
the  end  of  the  October  term. 

Under  the  contention  of  counsel  for  the  respondents  no  ad- 
verse comment  upon  that  case  could  have  been  made  until  three 
weeks  after  its  rendition.  This  court  cannot  accept  or  put  in 
force  by  legal  construction  such  an  extraordinary  contention. 

PUBLIC  OFFICIALS,  EXECUTIVE,  LEGISLATIVE  AND 
JUDICIAL,  HAVE  ALWAYS  BEEN  AND  ALWAYS  WILL  BE 
SUBJECT  TO  CRITICISM  BECAUSE  OF  THEIR  OFFICIAL 
ACTS.  IT  IS  ONE  OF  THE  INCIDENTS  AND  BURDENS 
OF  A  PUBLIC  LIFE. 

If  the  criticism  be  just  it  will  commend  itself  to  the  public 
and  be  effective  for  good.  If  it  be  unjust  and  unfair  it  will  fail 
to  injure  the  man  assailed. 

THERE  IS  NO  GOOD  REASON  WHY  A  JUDGE  SHOULD 
HAVE  A  DIFFERENT  LAW  APPLIED  TO  HIM  THAN  IS 
APPLIED  TO  A  PRESIDENT,  A  GOVERNOR  OR  A  MEMBER 
OF  THE  LEGISLATURE. 

Editorial  lawyers  who  gather  their  law  from  the  circulation 
department  or  the  counting  room,  have  differed  and  will  continue 
to  differ  with  judges  who  obtain  their  law  and  inspiration  from 
law  books  and  legal  precedents.  But  there  is  no  good  reason  why, 
after  the  judge  has  given  his  exposition  of  the  law  and  disposed 
of  the  case  before  him,  SUCH  AN  EDITORIAL  LAWYER  may 
not  decide  the  same  case  to  suit  himself.  It  is  only  when  he  fore- 
stalls the  judge  with  his  opinion,  and  endeavors  in  his  paper  to 
coerce,  intimidate,  terrorize,  wheedle  or  cajole  the  judge  into 
agreeing  with  his  newspaper  law,  that  his  conduct  by  any  pos- 
sible construction  of  the  Illinois  decisions  can  become  contempt 
of  court. 

It  is  not  without  some  reluctance  that  I  feel  constrained  to 
differ  so  radically  with  the  able  and  honorable  jurist  whose  order 
has  committed  the  relators  to  jail,  because  of  the  undeserved  as- 
sault upon  him,  and  because  of  my  respect  and  friendship  for  him. 
But  such  considerations  must  give  way  before  the  vital  principle 
involved  in  the  protection  of  free  speech  and  a  free  press,  a  prin- 
ciple so  important  that  it  has  been  carefully  and  zealously 
guarded  by  the  Constitution  of  our  State  and  the  Constitution  of 
the  United  States  and  the  well  considered  decisions  of  our  own 
Supreme  Court. 

I  am  clearly  of  the  opinion  that  the  language  used  in  open 
court  by  Judge  Hanecy  on  October  28,  1901,  amounted  to  a  final 
order  disposing  of  the  case  under  consideration,  and  that  being 
a  final  order,  under  the  doctrine  of  "Contempts,"  as  laid  down 


DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  39 

in  this  State  by  our  Supreme  Court  in  Storey  vs.  The  People, 
that  the  relators  had  a  right  to  comment  and  criticise  that  decision, 
even  to  the  extent  of  libelling  the  honored  and  respected  judge  who 
rendered  the  opinion,  without  exposing  themselves  to  prosecution 
for  contempt  of  court. 

Such  being  the  views  of  the  court,  and  the  court  being  of 
the  opinion  that  upon  the  undisputed  facts  in  the  case,  the  re- 
lators, under  the  authority  of  Storey  vs.  The  People  and  the  other 
authorities  cited,  did  not  commit  a  contempt  of  court,  the  relators 
must  be  discharged,  and  it  is  so  ordered. 


40  DUNNE JUDGE,  MAYOR,  GOVERNOR 


DECISIONS  IN  IMPORTANT  JUDICIAL 

CASES. 

[During  his  term  of  service  as  Judge  of  the  Circuit  and 
Criminal  Courts  of  Cook  County,  Judge  Dunne  was  called  upon 
to  try  and  decide  many  important  cases,  involving  often  the  public 
interest  and  grave  questions  of  public  policy. 

A  number  of  such  decisions  have  been  condensed  for  publica- 
tion in  this  volume  and  will  be  found  on  the  following  pages.] 

RESTRICTIONS  BY  THE  STATE  UPON  INTERSTATE 
COMMERCE. 

Act  making  it  the  duty  of  railroad  corporations  to  weigh  grain 
shipped  into  counties  of  the  third  class  (Cook  County)  or  into  cities  of 
50,000  or  more  inhabitants  held  to  violate  Clause  3,  Section  8,  Article  I 
of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  regarding  interstate  commerce 
when  foreign  shipments  are  involved. 

An  action  of  debt  to  recover  penalties  for  the  violation  of 
sections  192  and  193  of  the  Railroad  and  Warehouse  Act  was 
brought  by  the  people  against  the  Lake  Shore  and  Michigan  South- 
ern Railway  Company,  in  which  Francis  A.  Riddle  represented  the 
people  and  Gardner  and  MacFadon  represented  the  defendants. 
The  matter  came  on  for  decision  in  January,  1893,  before  Edward 
F.  Dunne,  as  circuit  judge. 

STATEMENT  OF  THE  CASE. 

Section  192  of  the  Railroad  and  "Warehouse  Act  provided  that 
in  all  counties  of  the  third  class  and  in  all  cities  having  not  less 
than  50,000  inhabitants,  where  bulk  grain,  mill  stuifs,  or  seeds  are 
delivered  by  any  railroad  transporting  the  same  from  initial  points 
to  another  road  for  transportation  to  other  points,  such  road  or 
roads  receiving  the  same  shall  provide  suitable  appliances  for  un- 
loading, weighing,  and  transferring  such  property  from  one  car 
to  another  without  mixing  or  in  any  way  changing  the  identity 
of  the  property  so  transferred  and  such  property  shall  be  accu- 
rately weighed  in  suitably  covered  hopper  scales  which  will  de- 
termine actual  net  weight  *  *  *  which  weights  shall  always 
be  given  in  the  receipts  or  bills  of  lading  and  used  as  the  basis  of 


DUNNE — JUDGE,  MAYOR,  GOVERNOR  41 

any  freight  contracts  affecting  such  shipments  *  *  *".  Sec- 
tion 193  of  the  same  act  provided  *  *  *  "2.  The  practice  of 
loading  grain,  mill  stuffs,  or  seeds  into  foreign  or  connecting  line 
cars  at  the  initial  point  for  which  the  grain,  mill  stuffs,  or  seeds 
are  originally  shipped  or  the  running  of  the  original  car  through 
without  transfer  shall  not  relieve  the  railroad  *  *  *  from 
weighing  and  transporting  such  property  in  the  manner  aforesaid 
*  *  *" 

By  section  195  a  penalty  for  failure  to  comply  with  the  pro- 
visions of  the  law  of  not  less  than  one  hundred  nor  more  than  five 
hundred  dollars  was  provided  ''to  be  recovered  in  an  action  of 
assumpsit  in  the  name  of  the  People  of  the  State  of  Illinois  for 
the  use  of  the  county  in  which  such  act  or  acts  of  neglect  or  re- 
fusal shall  occur. ' ' 

A  carload  of  rye  was  delivered  to  the  Chicago,  Rock  Island 
&  Pacific  Railway  Company  at  Iowa  City,  Iowa,  consigned  to 
"William  H.  Beebe  &  Company,  at  Keermoor,  Clearfield  County, 
in  the  state  of  Pennsylvania.  The  rye  passed  through  Chicago 
and  Beebe  &  Company  demanded  a  certificate  of  the  railway 
company,  under  sections  192  and  193  above  referred  to,  showing 
the  correct  weight  as  disclosed  by  weighing  the  same  in  Chicago, 
according  to  the  statute.  The  railroad  company  refused  the  cer- 
tificate and  the  suit  was  brought  to  recover  the  penalty  provided 
for  in  section  195. 

SUBSTANCE  OF  THE  OPINION  BY  JUDGE  DUNNE. 

SUIT  NOT  BROUGHT  IN  COMPLIANCE  WITH  STATUTE. 

As  a  matter  of  form  the  action  is  faulty,  first  because  not 
brought  for  the  use  of  the  county  where  the  original  default  and 
refusal  to  comply  with  the  statute  took  place  as  required  by  the 
statute ;  second,  it  is  not  shown  that  the  defendant  company  failed 
to  provide  suitable  appliances  for  unloading,  weighing,  and  trans- 
ferring the  rye  in  question,  as  provided  by  the  statute.  Section 
194  provides  that  there  must  be  a  failure  to  comply  with  all  of 
the  requirements  of  sections  192  and  193. 

ACT   CONTRAVENES  INTERSTATE   COMMERCE   CLAUSE  OP  THE   CONSTITU- 
TION OF  THE  UNITED  STATES. 

Clause  3,  section  8,  of  article  I  of  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States  declares  that  the  Congress  of  the  United  States  shall 
have  power  "to  regulate  commerce  with  foreign  nations  and 
among  the  several  states  and  with  the  Indian  tribes." 

I  am  of  the  opinion  that  the  act  in  question  is  in  contraven- 
tion of  that  clause  of  the  Constitution  and  also  of  the  interstate 


42  DUNNE — JUDGE,  MAYOR,  GOVERNOR 

commerce  act  passed  by  Congress  so  far  as  it  applies  to  or  aff ects 
goods  and  merchandise  being  shipped  from  other  states  through 
the  State  of  Illinois  to  other  states  of  the  United  States. 

Section  7  of  the  interstate  commerce  act  which  went  into 
effect  in  1887,  a  few  months  before  the  act  of  the  Illinois  Legis- 
lature in  question,  provides  "that  it  shall  be  unlawful  for  any 
common  carrier  subject  to  the  provisions  of  this  act  to  enter  into 
any  combination,  contract,  or  agreement,  express  or  implied,  to 
prevent  by  carriage  in  different  cars  or  by  other  means  or  devices 
the  carriage  of  freight  from  being  continuous  from  place  of  ship- 
ment to  the  place  of  destination." 

This  provision  of  the  interstate  commerce  act  plainly  indi- 
cates that  it  is  the  policy  of  the  Federal  Government  to  further 
and  protect  in  every  possible  way  the  continuous  shipment  of 
merchandise  without  check  or  hindrance. 

Even  before  the  passage  of  the  interstate  commerce  act  the 
Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States,  in  the  case  of  Wabash,  etc., 
v.  Illinois,  118  U.  S.,  557,  572,  declared  that  the  right  of  continuous 
transportation  from  one  end  of  the  country  to  the  other  is  essen- 
tial, in  the  following  language:  "It  can  not  be  too  strongly  in- 
sisted upon  that  the  right  of  continuous  transportation  from  one 
end  of  the  country  to  the  other  is  essential  in  modern  times  to  that 
freedom  of  commerce  from  the  restraints  which  the  State  might 
choose  to  impose  upon  it  that  the  commerce  clause  was  intended 
to  secure.  This  clause,  giving  to  Congress  the  power  to  regulate 
commerce  among  the  states  and  with  foreign  nations,  as  this  court 
has  said  before,  was  among  the  most  important  of  the  subjects 
which  prompted  the  formation  of  the  Constitution.  Cook  v. 
Pa.,  97  U.  S.,  566,  574;  Brown  v.  Md.,  12  Wheaton,  419,  446. 

It  thus  appears  not  only  from  the  language  of  the  interstate 
commerce  act,  but  from  the  construction  placed  by  State  and 
Federal  Courts  upon  the  intent  and  aim  of  the  provision  of  the 
Federal  Constitution,  that  the  policy  of  the  Federal  Government 
has  always  been  in  favor  of  continuous  and  unobstructive  trans- 
mission of  property  and  passengers  between  the  states.  Such 
being  the  plain  provision  of  the  Federal  Constitution  and  Federal 
enactments,  how  can  it  be  claimed  that  any  state  legislation 
which  compels  the  unloading,  separate  weighing,  and  reloading 
of  grain  can  be  held  to  be  constitutional? 

Celerity  in  tiie  transportation  of  passengers  and  freight  is 
now  imperatively  demanded  by  the  business  of  the  country.  Every 
impediment  thereto  is  a  burden  upon  commerce.  State  statutes 
producing  such  results  are,  under  the  authorities  cited,  clearly 
in  conflict  with  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States.  Subjects 
of  legislation  of  this  character  which  are  in  their  nature  national 


DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,    GOVERNOR  43 

affect  the  whole  country  and  confined  by  the  Constitution  to  the 
general  Government,  are  exclusively  within  the  legislative  control 
of  Congress."  Council  Bluffs  v.  K.  C.  St.  J.  and  C.  B.  R.  R.  Co., 
45  Iowa,  349. 

The  position  I  have  taken  in  this  matter  is,  I  believe,  abund- 
antly sustained  by  the  following  among  authorities:  County  of 
Mobile  v.  Kimball,  102  U.  S.,  691-702 ;  Wilton  v.  Mo.,  91  U.  S., 
275,  280;  Original  Package  Case,  135  U.  S.,  108;  Wabash,  etc., 
Railway  Co.  v.  Illinois,  118  U.  S.,  577. 

In  the  case  of  Stanley  v.  Wabash,  St.  L.  and  P.  R.  R.  Co.,  42 
American  and  England  Railroad  cases,  328,  the  Supreme  Court  of 
Missouri  held  that  "a  statute  requiring  a  railroad  company  to 
furnish  double-deck  cars  for  transporting  sheep  was  unconstitu- 
tional as  to  an  interstate  shipment." 

In  H.  and  St.  J.  R.  R.  Co.  v.  Huston,  95  U.  S.,  473,  a  statute 
of  Missouri  prohibiting  the  entry  of  Texas  cattle  at  certain  times 
of  the  year  was  held  bad  as  being  in  violation  of  the  commerce 
provision  of  the  Constitution. 

In  Norfolk  and  W.  R.  Co.  v.  Commonwealth  (Va.),  13  South- 
eastern, 345,  the  court  held  that  a  statute  of  the  state  of  Virginia 
prohibiting  the  running  of  freight  trains  within  certain  hours  on 
Sunday  was  bad,  as  being  in  conflict  with  the  commerce  provision 
of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States. 

SUNDAY  CLOSING  OF  THE  WORLD'S  FAIR. 

World's  Columbian  Exposition.  Statute  authorizing  Park  Board  to 
grant  use  of  Jackson  Park  to  World's  Columbian  Exposition  Company  for 
the  Exposition  held  valid  and  a  regulation  closing  the  fair  grounds  estab- 
lished upon  said  park  on  Sunday  held  within  the  power  of  the  company. 

A  suit  was  brought  in  1893  by  one  Clingman  against  the 
World's  Columbian  Exposition  and  others  to  enjoin  the  closing  of 
the  fair  on  Sunday  and,  upon  presentation  of  the  matter,  a  tem- 
porary injunction  was  granted. 

The  hearing  of  the  motion  was  assigned  to  Judge  Goggin  for 
disposal,  who  insisted  upon  the  calling  in  of  two  other  judges 
to  sit  en  bane  with  him  on  a  hearing.  The  judges  so  selected 
were  Edward  F.  Dunne  and  Theodore  E.  Brentano. 

The  hearing  before  the  three  judges  was  upon  a  motion  to 
dissolve  the  injunction  and  resulted  in  one  of  the  most  extraor- 
dinary scenes  ever  witnessed  in  an  American  court. 

Tremendous  public  interest  developed  in  the  case,  some  of  the 
citizens  of  Chicago  contending  that  the  exposition  should  be  com- 
pelled to  remain  open  on  Sunday  and  others  contending  that  it 
should  be  closed.  Chiefly  because  of  financial  reasons  the  di- 
rectors of  the  exposition,  thinking  it  would  prove  unremunerative 


44  DUNNE JUDGE,  MAYOR,  GOVERNOR 

to  keep  open,  decided  to  close  the  fair  on  Sunday.  Other  reasons 
may  have  contributed  to  the  same  results. 

Shortly  after  hearing  the  arguments,  Judge  Dunne  prepared 
a  written  opinion  based  upon  authorities  cited  by  him,  which  he 
submitted  to  his  brother  judges.  Judge  Goggin  disagreed  abso- 
lutely. Judge  Brentano  had  first  disagreed  with  Judge  Dunne's 
opinion  but  afterwards,  upon  reflection  and  careful  considera- 
tion, announced  his  intention  to  concur  in  Judge  Dunne 's  opinion. 
Judge  Dunne  and  Judge  Brentano  thereupon  urged  Judge  Goggin 
to  prepare  his  dissenting  opinion  and  after  much  delay  Judge 
Goggin  announced  that  he  would  have  a  dissenting  opinion  ready 
for  the  hearing  on  August  31,  1893. 

On  that  date,  after  notice  to  all  counsel  in  the  case,  the  three 
judges  appeared  upon  the  bench.  To  the  amazement  of  his  brother 
judges,  Judge  Goggin  failed  to  read  a  dissenting  opinion  but  an- 
nounced from  the  bench  that  he  would  enter  a  motion  to  continue 
the  case. 

Judge  Dunne  read  the  opinion  of  the  majority  of  the  court 
but  Judge  Goggin  refused  to  abide  by  the  opinion  of  his  associates 
upon  the  bench. 

Upon  request  of  the  associate  judges  a  conference  in  cham- 
bers was  held,  after  which  all  three  judges  resumed  their  seats 
upon  the  bench  and  Judges  Dunne  and  Brentano  announced  that 
upon  a  conference  with  their  associate,  Judge  Goggin,  he  had  re- 
fused to  enter  an  order  in  conformity  with  the  majority  opinion. 

Upon  the  retirement  from  the  court  of  Judges  Dunne  and 
Brentano,  Judge  Goggin  entered  an  order  continuing  the  case, 
thus  preventing  the  disposal  of  a  motion  to  dissolve  the  in- 
junction. 

STATEMENT   OF   THE   CASE. 

The  Legislature  of  the  State  of  Illinois  in  1890  enacted  a  law 
authorizing  the  South  Park  Commissioners  to  allow  the  use  of 
Jackson  Park  or  any  part  thereof  for  the  purposes  of  a  World's 
Columbian  Exposition.  Pursuant  to  this  authority  the  Commis- 
sioners of  the  South  Parks  passed  an  ordinance  authorizing  the 
exposition  officials  to  take  possession  of  a  portion  of  Jackson  Park 
for  the  purpose  of  holding  the  World's  Fair. 

The  Exposition  Company,  after  erecting  the  buildings  in  the 
park,  enclosed  a  portion  of  said  park,  erected  admission  gates  and 
began  charging  the  public  an  admission,  pursuant  to  the  authority 
given  by  the  act  of  the  Legislature  and  an  ordinance  passed  by 
the  city  council. 

The  directors  of  the  Exposition  concluded  to  close  the  Exposi- 
tion on  Sundays,  whereupon  Clingman,  the  complainant,  filed  a 


DUNNE — JUDGE,  MAYOR,  GOVERNOR  45 

bill  to  enjoin  them  from  so  doing.  A  temporary  injunction  was- 
granted  and  a  motion  made  to  dissolve  the  same,  which  came  on 
for  hearing  on  August  31,  1893,  before  Judges  Goggin,  Dunne 
and  Brentano. 

SUBSTANCE  OF  JUDGE  DUNNE'S  OPINION. 

An  Individual  May  Maintain  a  Suit  in  His  Own  Name  to  Prevent 
the  Diversion  of  Public  Property. 

It  is  contended  on  the  part  of  defendants  that  an  individual 
or  a  mere  member  of  the  general  public  can  not  come  into  a  court 
of  equity  and  claim  to  represent  the  general  public,  but  that  suit 
must  be  brought  by  the  attorney  general  of  the  State  representing 
the  public  at  large. 

This  is,  undoubtedly,  the  law  in  cases  where  it  is  sought  to 
enjoin  public  or  municipal  authorities.  In  this  case,  however,  the 
writ  is  not  invoked  against  any  public  authority  having  charge 
or  control  of  public  property  but  is  prayed  for  as  against  a  private^ 
corporation  to  whom  was  surrendered  and  given  over  a  public; 
park. 

The  case  of  Davidson  v.  Reed,  111  111.,  167,  seems  directly 
in  point.  That  was  a  bill  in  equity  filed  by  a  private  individual 
to  restrain  another  individual  from  meddling  or  interfering  with 
certain  graves  in  land  which  had  been  dedicated  to  the  public 
to  be  used  as  a  place  of  burial  of  the  dead.  -It  was  held  that  the 
complainant  as  a  private  individual  could  maintain  the  bill  in  his 
own  name  for  the  benefit  of  all.  To  the  same  effect  is  Maywood 
v.  Maywood,  118  111.,  61. 

The  State  May  Alter  the  Use  of  Property  acquired,  by  it,  Donated 
or  Dedicated. 

It  is  contended  that  the  public  has  a  usufruct  in  these  lands 
for  their  rest  and  recreation,  which  is  absolutely  inalienable  under 
any  law  or  ordinance,  and  that  any  citizen,  at  the  present  time  or 
among  the  generations  yet  to  come  may,  by  an  appeal  to  a  court 
of  chancery,  enjoin  the  diversion  of  these  lands  to  use  other  than 
the  "recreation,  health,  and  benefit  of  the  public,"  without  money 
and  without  price. 

Many  cases  are  cited  by  learned  counsel  in  support  of  this 
contention,  but  in  every  case  where  a  court  of  chancery  has  inter- 
fered to  prevent  the  diversion  of  lands  used  by  the  public  for 
streets,  parks,  or  other  purposes,  it  will  be  found  that  the  fee  of 
the  land  so  used  by  the  public  rested  in  some  private  person  or 
corporation  who  had  dedicated  it  to  public  use  by  platting  the 
same  or  by  conveying  the  same  to  the  public  upon  a  certain  trust 


46  DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

or  condition.  Such  were  the  facts  in  the  following  cases :  May- 
wood  Co.  v.  The  Village  of  Maywood,  118-  111.,  61 ;  Davidson  v. 
Reed,  et  al,  111  111.,  167 ;  the  City  of  Jacksonville  v.  the  Jackson- 
ville Railway  Co.,  67  111.,  540;  Grogan  v.  the  Town  of  Hay  ward, 
6  Sawyer,  498,  4  Federal,  161 ;  Carter  v.  Chicago,  51  111.,  283 ;  Price 
v.  Thompson,  48  Mo.,  361;  and  Sheehn  v.  Stothart,  29  La.  Ann., 
630. 

The  plain  distinction  between  this  class  of  cases  and  the  case 
at  bar  rests,  in  the  opinion  of  this  court,  in  the  fact  that  in  the  case 
under  consideration  the  land  acquired  by  the  South  Park  Commis- 
sioners (Jackson  Park)  was  not  donated  to  public  use  by  private 
owners,  clothing  it  with  a  special  use  for  the  benefit  of  the  public 
and  retaining  the  ownership  of  the  fee  in  the  donator  or  dedicator, 
but  was  acquired  by  purchase  or  condemnation  and  paid  for  by 
public  taxation. 

The  corporation,  designated  by  the  Legislature,  holds  the 
lands  for  the  people's  use,  it  is  true,  and  the  Legislature  has  de- 
clared, when  creating  this  corporation,  for  what  purpose  the  land 
is  to  be  used ;  but  it  does  not  follow  as  a  matter  of  law  that  because 
the  Legislature  had  declared  at  one  time  a  special  purpose  for 
which  the  land  was  to  be  used,  the  same  Legislature  or  any  sub 
sequent  Legislature,  acting  for  and  on  behalf  of  the  people,  can 
not  by  law  change  the  use  to  which  the  land  may  be  put. 

However  desirable  it  might  be  that  public  lands,  devoted 
to  park  purposes  for  the  rest  and  recreation  of  the  people  in  a 
great  city  like  Chicago  should  be  forever  sacredly  devoted  to  that 
purpose,  the  present  law  and  Constitution  are  not  effective  to  that 
end.  This  desirable  consummation  -can  only  be  attained,  in  our 
opinion,  by  an  amendment  to  the  Constitution. 

The  doctrine -here  alluded  to  is  thus  stated  in  Vol.  VII, 
American  and  English  Encyclopedia  of  Law,  at  p.  417,  "when 
lands  held  by  a  municipality  for  public  use  are  not  subject  to 
any  special  trust,  the  Legislature  may  authorize  a  municipal  cor- 
poration to  sell  and  dispose  of  the  same  or  apply  them  to  uses 
different  from  those  to  which  they  are  devoted,  but,  in  the  absence 
of  such  authority  (from  a  Legislature)  the  municipality  has  no 
implied  power  to  do  so.  If  the  title  to  the  lands  has  been  ac- 
quired by  condemnation  proceedings,  the  Legislature  may  author- 
ize a  sale  thereof,  if  the  fee  is  vested  in  the  city,  although  the  title 
of  the  city  may  be  deemed  to  have  been  impressed  with  a  trust  to 
hold  the  lands  for  the  uses  for  which  they  were  demurred.  If, 
however,  the  lands  have  been  dedicated  by  private  individuals  for 
a  public  park  or  square,  the  Legislature  has  no  authority  to  author- 
ize any  diversion  from  the  use  to  which  they  were  originally 
dedicated. 


DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  47 

The  rule  is  recognized  in  Brooklyn  Park  Commissioners  v. 
Armstrong,  45  N.  Y.,  234 ;  Clark  v.  City  of  Providence,  16  R.  I., 
337,  15  AtL,  763;  Mowery  v.  City  of  Providence,  16  R.  I.,  422, 
16  Atl.,  511 ;  Chicago,  Rock  Island  and  Pacific  R.  R.  Co.  v.  The 
City  of  Joliet,  79  111.,  25. 

Dillon,  in  his  admirable  work  on  Municipal  Corporations, 
4th  Ed.,  Sec.  651,  lays  down  the  law  upon  this  subject  in  the  fol- 
lowing terms:  "As  between  the  municipality  and  general  public, 
the  legislative  power  is,  in  the  absence  of  special  constitutional 
restriction,  supreme — and  so  it  is  in  all  cases  where  there  are  nq> 
private  rights  involved.  If  the  municipal  corporation  holds  the 
full  title  to  the  ground  for  public  uses  without  restriction,  the 
Legislature  may,  doubtless,  direct  and  regulate  the  purposes  for 
which  the  public  may  use  it,  but  if  a  grant  be  made  by  a  pro- 
prietor of  a  town  in  laying  it  out  for  a  specific  and  limited  pur- 
pose, as,  for  example,  a  public  square,  the  municipality  or  public 
acquiring  it  upon  a  trust  for  the  uses  and  purposes  set  forth  on 
the  plat  or  in  the  conveyance,  it  has  been  decided  by  the  Supreme 
Court  of  Iowa  that  the  grantor  in  such  case  retains  an  interest 
therein  of  such  a  nature  that  it  is  not  as  against  him  within  the 

power  of  the  Legislature  to  authorize  its  sale  by  the  municipality 

#     #     *     " 

Our  own  Supreme  Court,  in  the  case  of  People  v.  Walsh,  96 
111.,  262,  has  recognized  the  right  of  the  Legislature  to  control  and 
change  the  uses  of  property,  the  fee  of  which  is  held  by  or  for 
the  public.  In  that  case,  the  right  of  the  South  Park  Commis- 
sioners to  change  the  use  of  one  of  the  streets  of  the  city  of  Chi- 
cago to  a  boulevard  was  called  into  question  by  quo  warrarito  and 
in  passing  upon  the  question  the  court  said  (p.  248)  :  "The  fee 
of  the  streets  is  here,  on  both  sides,  stated  to  be  in  the  city;  that 
is  to  say,  the  city  as  the  agent  or  representative  of  the  public 
holds  the  fee  for  the  use  of  the  public,  not  the  citizens  of  the  city 
alone  but  the  entire  public  of  which  the  Legislature  is  the  repre- 
sentative. Citing  Chicago  v.  Rumsey,  87  111.,  355,  and  on  -page 
250  the  court,  continuing,  says  that:  "The  Legislature  repre- 
sents the  public.  So  far  as  concerns  the  public,  it  may  authorize 
one  use  today  and  another  and  different  use  tomorrow.  If  the 
new  use  affects  private  rights,  proceedings  for  condemnation  may 
have  to  be  invoked,  but  so  far  as  it  affects  the  public  alone,  its 
representative,  in  the  absence  of  constitutional  restraint,  may 
do  as  it  pleases." 

The  conclusion,  therefore,  seems  irresistible  that  the  Legisla- 
ture of  the  State  of  Illinois  in  the  absence  of  constitutional  re- 
straint (and  none  appears)  has  plenary  power  to  declare  by  leg- 
islative enactment  to  what  use  the  lands  in  question  should  be  put. 


48  DUNNE JUDGE,  MAYOR,  GOVERNOR 

By  virtue  of  the  Enabling  Act,  the  court  is  of  opinion  that  the 
World's  Columbian  Exposition  is  in  lawful  possession  of  the  prop- 
erty and  had,  under  the  ordinance  referred  to,  the  right  to  enclose 
the  property,  to  charge  an  admission  fee  on  days  on  which  it 
may  be  opened  and  has,  also,  the  right  to  close  the  fair  grounds 
upon  the  first,  the  last,  or  any  other  day  of  the  week  during  the 
fair ;  that  there  is  no  religious  question  involved  in  the  case,  that 
had  the  directory  decided  to  keep  the  gates  open  every  day  of  the 
week,  they  would  have  full  authority  to  do  so. 

STATEMENT  BY  JUDGE  DUN'NE  TO  THE  PRESS. 

After  Judge  Goggin  had  entered  the  order  of  continuance, 
Judge  Dunne  was  interviewed  as  follows: 

"I  was  invited  into  a  case  by  a  brother  judge  and  was  in- 
vited out  again.  Both  invitations  I  accepted.7' 

Such  was  Judge  Dunne's  comment  on  the  Clingman  pro- 
ceedings. 

"At  the  request  of  Judge  Goggin  I  consented  to  hear  argu- 
ments on  the  Clingman  injunction.  Before  a  final  decision  was 
rendered  Judge  Brentano  and  myself  retired." 

"How  does  that  affect  the  injunction?"  was  asked. 

"It  is  still  in  effect.  I  left  before  Judge  Goggin  entered  the 
final  order,  but  am  informed  that  it  amounted  to  a  continuance." 

"Will  you  enter  an  order  on  the  majority  decision?" 

"No,  I  am  out  of  the  case." 

"And  Judge  Brentano?" 

"He  takes  the  same  position." 

"Is  not  the  decision  joined  in  by  you  and  Judge  Brentano 
binding  on  Judge  Goggin?" 

"Judge  Goggin  is  the  presiding  judge  and  we  are  out  of  the 
case.  His  orders  will  stand.  I  consented  to  hear  the  case  only 
after  urgent  request.  A  motion  to  dissolve  the  injunction  had 
been  made  and  it  was  desired  to  have  two  other  judges  in  the 
case.  A  third  judge  of  the  Superior  Court  could  not  be  reached 
and  I  was  called  on.  At  that  time  I  had  my  satchel  packed 
for  a  short  vacation,  but  on  the  representation  of  counsel  that 
vast  public  interests  were  involved  I  consented  to  accept  the  in- 
vitation. We  heard  the  arguments  and  my  decision  has  been 
prepared  some  days.  Judge  Brentano  concurred  with  me  and 
Judge  Goggin  dissented." 

"Would  not  that  joint  decision  be  foundation  for  a  final 
order?" 

"The  uninterrupted  course  of  history  and  precedent  is  that, 
when  judges  are  invited  to  participate  in  a  case,  the  decision  of 
the  majority  is  accepted  as  conclusive.  Acting  on  this  belief  I 


DUNNE — JUDGE,  MAYOR,  GOVERNOR  49 

rendered  my  decision  and  was  interrupted  by  Judge  Goggin, 
who  attempted  to  enter  an  order.  We  retired  for  a  conference 
and  Judge  Brentano  and  I  tried  to  prevail  on  Judge  Goggin 
to  alter  his  course.  He  refused  and  announced  that  he  desired 
no  further  conference  with  us.  We  had  been  invited  to  leave 
and  did  so  without  entering  any  order.  We  returned  to  the  bench 
and  announced  our  retirement  from  the  case.  We  have  nothing 
further  to  do  with  the  matter. ' ' 

THE  CONTROL  OF  CORPORATIONS  BY  THE  STATE. 

Anti-Trust  Laws.  Held  that  enough  of  the  anti-trust  law  of  1891 
is  legal  to  require  a  corporation  to  report  to  the  Secretary  of  State 
annually. 

In  the  case  of  The  People  v.  Richards  &  Kelley  Manufactur- 
ing Co.,  and  fifty-six  other  similar  cases,  an  action  of  debt  was 
filed  in  the  Circuit  Court,  numbered  200,636,  and  following 
numbers,  to  recover  penalties  for  failure  of  the  corporation  de- 
fendants to  report  to  the  Secretary  of  State. 

By  the  pleadings,  the  defendants  admitted  failure  to  report 
and  relied  upon  a  claim  of ' unconstitutionally  of  the  act  requiring 
the  reports. 

The  case  being  considered  of  extraordinary  importance,  it 
was  requested  that  three  judges  sit  for  the  determination  thereof> 
and  Judges  Arba  N.  Waterman,  Murray  F.  Tuley  and  Edward 
F.  Dunne  heard  the  case  on  demurrer  and  rendered  an  opinion. 
Charles  S.  Deneen  as  State 's  Attorney,  represented  the  people  and 
Levy  Mayer  represented  the  defendants. 

STATEMENT  OF  THE   CASE. 

Section  1  of  the  act  in  question  forbade  combinations  of  cor- 
porations or  individuals  to  regulate  or  fix  the  price  of  any  article 
of  merchandise  or  to  limit  the  quantity  of  commodities  and  mer- 
chandise to  be  manufactured,  mined,  produced,  or  sold,  and  pro- 
vided that  any  person,  partnership,  or  corporation  violating  the 
law  would  be  deemed  guilty  of  a  conspiracy  to  defraud  and  sub- 
ject to  indictment  and  punishment,  as  provided  by  the  act. 

The  act  of  1891  was  amended  in  1893  by  adding  two  new 
sections,  known  as  section  7a  and  7b.  Section  7a  provided  that 
it  shall  be  the  duty  of  the  Secretary  of  State,  on  or  before  the 
first  day  of  September  of  each  year,  to  address  to  the  President, 
Secretary,  or  Treasurer  of  each  incorporated  company  doing  busi- 
ness in  this  State  *  *  *  a  letter  of  inquiry  as  to  whether 
the  said  corporation  has  all  or  any  part  of  its  business  or  interest 
in  or  with  any  trust,  combination  or  association  of  persons  or 
stockholders,  as  named  in  the  preceding  provisions  of  this  act, 


50  DUNNE JUDGE,    MAYOR,    GOVERNOR 

and  to  require  an  answer  under  oath,  of  the  President,  Secretary, 
or  Treasurer,  or  any  director  of  said  company  *  *  *  and 
upon  refusal  or  failure  to  make  oath  to  said  inquiry  within  thirty 
days,  it  shall  be  the  duty  of  the  Secretary  of  State  to  certify  the 
fact  to  the  Attorney  General,  whose  duty  it  shall  be  to  direct  the 
State's  Attorney  of  the  county  wherein  such  corporation  is 
located,  in  the  name  of  the  people,  to  proceed  against  such  cor- 
poration for  the  recovery  of  a  penalty  of  $50.00  for  each  day 
after  such  refusal  to  make  oath,  within  thirty  days  from  the 
mailing  of  such  notice. 

Or,  that  the  Attorney  General  may  by  any  proper  proceedings 
in  a  court  of  law  or  chancery  proceed  upon  such  failure  or  re- 
fusal to  forfeit  such  charter  of  such  incorporated  company  *  *  * 
and  to  revoke  the  rights  of  any  foreign  corporation  located  here- 
in to  do  business  in  this  State. 

Section  7b  in  substance  provided  that  the  Secretary  of  State, 
at  any  time,  if  satisfactory  evidence  came  to  him,  that  any  com- 
pany or  association  of  persons  has  entered  into  any  trust,  com- 
bination, or  association  in  violation  of  the  preceding  section,  to 
demand  that  it  shall  make  an  affidavit,  as  above  set  forth. 

Section  7a  contained  a  saving  clause,  as  follows:  "Provided, 
that  no  corporation,  firm,  association,  or  individual  shall  be  subject 
in  any  criminal  prosecution  by  reason  of  anything  truthfully 
disclosed  by  the  affidavit  required  by  this  act,  or  truthfully  dis- 
closed in  any  testimony  elicited  in  the  execution  thereof,  and 
provided,  further,  that  corporations  organized  under  the  Build- 
ing, Loan  and  Homestead  Association  laws  of  this  State,  are  ex- 
cused from  the  provisions  of  this  act." 

In  1897  the  act  of  1891  was  again  amended  by  adding  to 
section  1 . the  following  proviso:  "Provided,  however,  that  in 
the  mining,  manufacturing,  or  production  of  articles  of  merchan- 
dise, the  cost  of  which  is  mainly  made  up  of  wages,  it  shall  not 
be  unlawful  for  persons,  firms,  or  corporations  doing  business  in 
this  State  to  enter  into  a  joint  arrangement  of  any  sort,  the  prin- 
cipal object  or  effect  of  which  is  to  maintain  or  increase  wages." 

The  Legislature  at  its  session  in  1893  passed  an  act  entitled: 
"An  act  to  define  trusts  and  conspiracies  against  trade,"  which 
declared  contracts  in  violation  of  the  provisions  thereof  void, 
making  certain  violations  misdemeanors  and  describing  the  pun- 
ishment therefor. 

SUBSTANCE  OF  THE  OPINION   BY  THE  COURT. 

The  demurrer  to  the  declaration  in  this  case  raises  the  ques- 
tion of  the  constitutionality  of  the  Trust  Act  of  1891,  as  amended 


DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,    GOVERNOR  51 

by  the  acts  of  1893  and  of  1897,  respectively,  and  as  to  whether 
the  Trust  Act  of  1893  does  not  repeal  act  of  1891. 

NO  REPEAL   EFFECTED. 

That  the  Legislature  did  not  intend  to  repeal  the  act  of  1891 
by  the  enactment  of  the  law  of  1893  defining  "trusts  and  con- 
spiracies against  trade"  is  made  manifest  by  the  fact  that  at  the 
same  session,  on  the  same  day,  the  act  of  1891  was  amended  by 
adding  Sections  7a  and  7b,  and  by  the  further  fact  that  the  Leg- 
islature of  1897  again  amended  the  act  of  1891,  at  both  times, 
treating  the  act  of  1891  as  being  in  full  force  and  effect. 

We  see  no  difficulty  in  construing  the  act  of  1891,  as  amend- 
ed, and  the  act  of  1893,  defining  trusts  and  conspiracies,  so  that 
they  can  both  stand,  and  are  of  opinion  that  there  is  no  fatal 
repugnance  between  the  two. 

INVALID   PORTION    OF  THE   ACT. 

Section  1  of  the  act  of  1891,  as  amended  in  1897,  is  uncon- 
stitutional and  void;  first,  because  in  its  legal  effect  it  is  an 
amendment  of  the  general  incorporation  law  and  operates  as  an 
amendment  to  the  charters  of  some  but  not  all  of  the  corporations 
incorporated  under  said  general  law.  It  is,  therefore,  a  special 
law  prohibited  by  section  2, 'article  2,  of  the  Constitution,  which 
prohibits  the  creation,  change,  or  amendment,  by  special  law, 
of  the  charter  of  any  corporation  excepting  those  for  charitable, 
educational,  penal,  or  reformatory  purposes.  The  Supreme  Court 
has  held  that  the  power  to  prescribe  regulations  and  provisions 
which  shall  be  binding  upon  any  and  all  corporations  formed 
under  the  general  law  must  be  exercised  by  general  law  and  can- 
not be  exercised  by  special  law. 

Braceville  Coal  Co.  vs.  People,  147  111.,  66. 

The  Legislature  has  power  to  classify  corporations  and  to 
determine  what  is  a  proper  classification  for  such  purposes,  but 
its  determination  is  subject  to  review  by  the  courts. 
Frorer  vs.  People,  141  111.,  171. 

And  is  subject  to  the  limitation  that  such  classification  must 
not  arbitrarily  discriminate  between  corporations  in  substantially 
the  same  situation  and  must  rest  upon  reasonable  grounds.    Arbi- 
trary selection  cannot  be  justified  by  calling  it  classification. 
Gulf  C.  &  S.  F.  R.  R.  vs.  Ennis,  165  U.  S.,  150. 

Section  1,  by  attempting  to  separate  certain  mining  and  man- 
ufacturing corporations  from  others  and  to  withdraw  them  from 
the  operation  of  the  act,  clearly  discriminates  arbitrarily.  Legis- 
lation of  this  character  making  arbitrary  classifications  and  dis- 


U.  OF  ILL  MR. 


52  DUNNE JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

criminations  between  persons  or  classes,  has  been  repeatedly  held 
to  be  in  violation  of  section  2,  article  1  of  the  State  Constitution, 
which  provides  that  "no  person  shall  be  deprived  of  life,  liberty, 
or  property  without  due  process  of  law."  The  words  "due  pro- 
cess of  law"  in  this  connection  are  held  to  be  synonymous  with 
the  law  of  the  land  and  means  the  general  public  law,  binding 
upon  all  the  members  of  the  community,  under  all  circumstances, 
and  not  partial  or  private  laws  affecting  the  rights  of  private  in- 
dividuals or  classes  of  individuals. 

Millet  vs.  The  People,  117  111.,  294. 

Frorer  vs.  People,  41  111.,  171. 

In  the  case  of  Frorer  vs.  People,  supra,  the  Supreme  Court 
said  of  the  law  and  the  construction  in  that  case :  ' '  The  same  act 
in  substance  and  in  principle,  if  done  by  one  is  lawful,  but  if 
done  by  the  other  is  not  only  unlawful  but  is  a«  misdemeanor, 
punishable  by  fine,"  and  for  that  reason  the  court  held  the  law 
unconstitutional.  In  the  same  case  the  court  held  that  "un'der 
the  guise  of  the  police  power,  a  person  cannot  be  deprived  of  a 
constitutional  right,"  and  that  "it  is  impossible  that  under  that 
power  what  is  lawful  if  done  by  A,  if  done  by  B,  can  be  a  mis- 
demeanor, the  circumstances  and  conditions  being  the  same." 
Other  decisions  to  the  same  effect  are : 

Braceville  Coal  Co.  vs.  People,  147  111.,  66. 

Ritchie  vs.  People,  155  111.,  98. 

Eden  vs.  People,  161  111.,  296. 

Such  a  law  violates  the  fourteenth  amendment  to  the  Federal 
Constitution,  which  prohibits  a  state  from  denying  "to  any  per- 
son equal  protection  of  the  laws." 

Gulf  C.  &  S.  F.  R.  R.  vs.  Ennis,  165  U.  S.,  150. 

In  re  Converse,  137  U.  S.,  634. 

Low  vs.  Rees  Printing  Co,  41  Neb.,  127,  59  N.  W.,  362. 

Luman  vs.  Kitchens,  90  Md.,  14,  44  Atl.,  1051. 
Two  of  the  judges  are  of  the  opinion  that  section  1  must  be 
held  to  have  been  amended  by  the  act  of  1897,  and  that  as  amend- 
ed, it  must  be  held  -unconstitutional  and  void,  for  the  reasons 
above  stated.  The  other  of  the  three  judges  held  that  the  ques- 
tion as  to  whether  section  1  of  the  act  of  1891  is  still  in  force, 
is  not  necessary  to  a  decision  in  this  case ;  that  all  the  virus 
of  unconstitutionality  of  the  Trust  Act  is  to  be  found  in  the  pro- 
viso added  to  section  1  by  the  amendment  of  1897  and  quoted 
above,  and  that  section  1  may  be  preserved  by  holding  the  entire 
amendatory  act  of  1897  unconstitutional  and  void,  or,  that  the 
proviso  may  be  rejected  because  repugnant  to  the  purview  of  the 
act  or  section  and  cannot  stand  without  rendering  the  act  or 
section  unconstitutional  and  destructive  of  itself.  The  result 


DUNNE — JUDGE,  MAYOR,  GOVERNOR  53 

would  be  the  same  in  either  case — that  part  of  the  law  which 
is  not  obnoxious  to  the  Constitution  stands,  while  that  part  which 
infringes  it  is  repealed. 

The  judges  concur  in  the  opinion  that  the  exemption  of  the 
Loan  and  Homestead  Association,  contained  in  the  proviso  of 
section  7b  in  the  amendment  of  1893,  does  not  affect  the  validity 
of  the  act  of  1891,  as  amended  by  the  amendment  of  1893.  Loan 
and  Homestead  Associations  are  a  class  to  themselves,  different 
in  many  particulars  from  all  other  corporations.  As  to  them, 
the  exemption  and  classification  is  not  arbitrary  and  was  within 
the  power  of  the  Legislature. 

Lasher  vs.  The  People,  183  111.,  226. 

VALID  PROVISIONS  OF  THE  ACT. 

It  is  contended  by  the  defendants  that  the  amendment  made 
in  1893 — section  7a,  providing  for  reports  to  the  Secretary  of 
State,  violates  section  10,  article  2  of  the  State  Constitution, 
which  provides  that  "no  person  shall  be  compelled  in  any  crim- 
inal case  to  give  evidence  against  himself,"  and  the  fifth  amend- 
ment to  the  Federal  Constitution,  "nor  shall  any  person  be  com- 
pelled in  any  criminal  case  to  give  evidence  or  be  a  witness  against 
himself." 

There  can  be  no  doubt  under  the  authorities  as  to  the  cor- 
rectness of  this  provision,  unless  the  clause  of  the  act  granting 
immunity  is  broad  enough  to  prevent  any  prosecution  for  pen- 
alties or  forfeitures  in  any  proceeding  in  law  or  equity  founded 
upon  or  growing  out  of  disclosures  made  by  the  affidavit  re- 
quired by  section  7a.  The  immunity  clause  of  the  statute  is  in 
the  following  language:  "No  corporation,  firm,  association,  or 
individual  shall  be  subject  to  any  criminal  prosecution  by  reason 
of  anything  truthfully  disclosed  by  the  affidavit  required  by  this 
act  or  truthfully  disclosed  in  any  testimony  elicited  in  the  exe- 
cution thereof." 

In  our  opinion,  this  clause  is  broad  enough  to  protect  the 
corporation  and  officer  or  officers  making  the  affidavit,  not  only 
against  any  criminal  prosecution,  strictly  speaking,  but  also 
against  any  prosecution  to  collect  any  fine  or  against  any  action 
of  debt  to  recover  any  penalty  or  against  any  proceeding  at  law 
or  in  equity  to  enforce  a  forfeiture  of  the  charter  of  the  corpora- 
tion, which  may  be  brought  by  reason  of  anything  truthfully  dis- 
closed in  the  affidavit  required  in  the  act  or  disclosed  in  any 
testimony  elicited  in  the  execution  thereof.  *  *  *  If  com- 
plete immunity  is  afforded  corporation  and  its  officers,  we  can 
see  no  reason  why  under  the  power  reserved  by  the  State  in  sec- 


54  DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,    GOVERNOR 

tion  9  of  the  Corporation  Act,  the  Legislature  cannot  prescribe 
in  the  exercise  of  the  police  power,  a  regulation  requiring  cor- 
porations to  make  the  reports  called  for  by  section  7a  of  this 
act.  Because  one  section  of  the  Statute  is  unconstitutional,  it 
does  not  follow  that  other  sections  of  the  same  act  which  are 
within,  the  powers  given  by  the  Constitution,  should  not  be  en- 
forced. 

Nelson  vs.  People,  33  111.,  390. 
Donnersberger  vs.  Prendergast,  128  111.,  229. 

The  General  Assembly  may  impose  the  duty  upon  any  officer 
of  a  corporation  to  make  report  of  its  affairs  and  doings  to  the 
same  extent  it  could  impose  such  duty  upon  the  corporation  and 
may  make  the  corporation  liable  for  the  failure  of  such  official 
to  perform  such  duty. 

For  the  purposes  of  this  decision,  it  is  sufficient  to  hold  that 
section  7a  (of  the  amendment  of  1893),  which  imposes  the  duty 
upon  certain  officials  to  make  answer  to  the  letter  of  inquiry 
of  the  Secretary  of  State  remains  in  force  and  that  the  action 
of  debt  will  lie  to  enforce  the  penalty  prescribed  for  a  failure  to 
perform  such  duty. 

PAYMENT  FOR  OVERTIME. 

Labor.  Held,  that  recovery  may  be  had  for  labor  performed  after 
hours,  where  the  contract  of  employment  fixed  the  hours  of  employment, 
and  that  the  receipt  of  regular  pay  for  regular  employment  will  not  pre- 
vent such  recovery. 

Tried  in  the  Circuit  Court  of  Cook  County  and  decided  by 
Judge  Dunne  in  May,  1899. 

STATEMENT   OF   THE   CASE. 

One  Reid  contracted  with  Levi  to  work  for  him  as  a  sales- 
man and  stockman,  under  an  agreement  in  which  the  hours  of  em- 
ployment were  fixed  "from  a  quarter  before  eight  to  half  past 
six,  except  on  Saturdays,  when  the  store  would  be  kept  open 
until  half  past  ten." 

By  direction  of  the  employer,  Reid  performed  a  great  deal 
of  night  work,  sometimes  working  all  night. 

He  was  paid  weekly,  as  per  contract,  and  nothing  was  said 
at  the  time  of  receiving  payment  by  either  party  as  to  compen- 
sation for  night  work  until  after  several  months  had  elapsed. 
Finally  a  dispute  having  arisen  between  Reid  and  his  employer 
relating  to  the  time  of  taking  a  vacation,  the  employer  tendered 
Reid  his  last  week's  pay  and  demanded  a  receipt  in  full.  Reid, 
thereupon,  presented  his  claim  for  extra  labor  and  demanded 


DUNNE — JUDGE,  MAYOR,  GOVERNOR  55 

payment.    The  employer  refused  to  pay  and  disclaimed  liability 
for  the  overtime  and  Reid  brought  this  suit. 

Reid  kept  an  accurate  account  of  the  overtime  and  testified 
definitely  thereto  at  the  trial,  and  the  jury  gave  him  a  verdict, 
whereupon  the  employer  asked  the  court  to  grant  a  new  trial. 
Upon  the  motion  for  a  new  trial,  Judge  Dunne  rendered  an 
opinion. 

SUBSTANCE  OF  THE  OPINION. 
Employments  Distinguished. 

The  defense  relies  upon  the  principles  stated  in  Wood,  on. 
Master  and  Servant,  to  the  effect  that  "if  a  servant  employed  for 
a  term  is  required  to  labor  an  unreasonable  number  of  hours  each 
day  or  to  perform  labor  upon  the  Sabbath,  he  cannot  recover  any- 
thing for  extra  work  during  the  term  unless  there  was  an  ex- 
press promise  to  pay  therefor." 

This  statement  is  plainly  intended  to  apply  to  domestic  or 
agricultural  servants,  the  very  nature  of  whose  employment 
makes  them  liable  to  be  called  upon  for  assistance  every  day  in 
the  week  and  any  hour  of  the  day  or  night.  It  can  have  no  ap- 
plication to  such  a  case  as  that  at  bar,  where  a  man  contracted 
to  sell  his  labor  for  a  certain  specified  sum  per  week  in  commer- 
cial business,  specifying  in  the  contract  when  the  day's  work 
would  commence  and  when  it  would  close. 

The  court  distinguished  the  following  cases  from  the  case 
at  bar: 

Gisell  vs.  Noel  Bros.  Flour,  Feed  Co.,  9  Ind.  App.,  251. 

Foster  vs.  Grigg,  111  Mich.,  264.          , 

Haverhill  vs.  U.  S.,  14  Court  of  Claims,  203. 

Schurr  vs.  Savigny,  85  Mich.,  144. 

McCarthy  vs.  Mayer,  96  N.  Y.,  1. 

Guthrie  vs.  Merrill,  4  Kan.,  159. 

Lowe  vs.  Marlowe,  4  111.  App.,  420. 

No  case  in  point  from  the  Supreme  Court  of  this  State  has 
been  cited  by  counsel  on  either  side,  but  the  view  held  by  this 
Court  has  been  recognized  by  the  Supreme  Court  of  Maine  in 
the  well  considered  case — Bachelder  vs.  Bickford,  62  Maine,  527, 
in  which  the  court  declares  "if  a  laborer  works  nights  after  his 
legal  (contractual)  day's  work  is  done,  at  the  request  of  the  em- 
ployer and  for  his  benefit  the  law  implies  a  promise  on  his  part 
to  pay  for  such  labor.  Acceptance  of  pay  for  the  day  labor  is 
no  bar  to  recovery  for  the  night  labor.  It  is  true  that  the  above 
rule  is  not  applicable  to  'monthly  labor'  nor  to  agricultural 
employments. ' ' 


56  DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,    GOVERNOR 

In  the  case  under  consideration,  the  plaintiff  contracted  to 
perform  about  eleven  hours  labor  each  day,  for  a  fixed  price  per 
week.  If  he  had  contracted  to  deliver  to  his  employer  eleven 
barrels  of  flour  each  day  for  so  much  per  week,  can  it  be  doubted 
that  if  at  the  request  of  his  employer  he  delivered  fifteen  barrels 
of  flour  each  day  per  week,  he  could  recover  for  the  extra  barrels 
of  flour  so  delivered  ?  Why,  then,  should  a  different  rule  apply 
to  labor  than  to  merchandise?  The  one  is  as  valuable  to  the 
employer  and  the  merchant  as  the  other.  The  defendant  in  the 
case  at  bar  recognized  its  value  by  docking  plaintiff  twenty-five 
cents  for  being  two  minutes  late.  Why,  then,  should  he  not 
compensate  him  for  extra  labor  performed  by  him  in  hours  out- 
side of  the  hours  specified  in  the  contract?  Labor  is  the  only 
commodity  that  a  great  portion  of  the  community  has  to  sell. 
Why  should  not  the  same  rule  apply  to  it  as  to  merchandise? 
This  court  knows  no  reason  why. 

NOT   CONCLUDED   BY   RECEIVING   WEEKLY   PAY. 

In  the  case  at  bar,  plaintiff  was  not  informed  at  the  time 
he  made  his  contract  that  he  would  be  required  to  work  over- 
time, and  never  gave  a  receipt  in  full.  He  receipted  regularly 
for  each  weekly  stipend,  less  such  deductions  as  were  made  from 
time  to  time  as  fines  for  being  late  at  work,  but  never  in  full, 
and  regularly  kept  an  accurate  memoranda  of  his  overtime  in 
anticipation  of  a  final  settlement.  "Acceptance  of  pay  for  day 
labor  will  be  no  bar  to  a  recovery  for  night  work."  Bachelder 
vs.  Buckford,  62  Maine,  527.  , 

All  of  the  extra  labor  performed  by  plaintiff  for  defendant, 
for  which  he  seeks  compensation,  was  performed  at  night  and 
without  the  hours  specified  in  the  contract,  and  after  defendant's 
store  was  closed,  some  of  it  for  all  night  vigils,  and  the  court  can 
see  no  just  reason  and  recognizes  no  rule  of  law  which  deprives 
him  of  compensation  therefor. 

TEACHERS  AND  THEIR  SALARIES. 

Teachers'  Salaries.  Held,  that  the  Board  of  Education  cannot  reduce 
teachers'  salaries  during  the  school  year  for  which  they  are  employed 
and  that  the  teachers  did  not  lose  their  rights  to  the  salaries  contracted 
for  by  signing  the  pay  rolls  and  receipting  for  amounts  paid  them. 

STATEMENT   OF  THE   CASE. 

In  1900,  the  Board  of  Education  adopted  a  resolution  reduc- 
ing the  salaries  of  the  teachers  in  Chicago,  whereupon  Katherine 
Goggin  brought  suit  against  the  board  to  enjoin  the  enforcement 


DUNNE JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  57 

of  such  resolution.      Case  was  heard  before  Judge  Dunne,  who 
rendered  the  opinion  therein. 

SUBSTANCE  OF  THE  OPINION. 
Employment  of  Teachers  is  a  Yearly  Contract. 

A  resolution  of  the  Board  of  Education  fixing  the  salaries  of 
the  teachers  for  the  ensuing  year,  election  of  teachers  thereafter 
and  the  performance  by  the  teachers  of  their  work  under  the 
contract  constituted  a  valid  contract  between  the  Board  of  Edu- 
cation and  the  teachers  as  to  their  salaries  for  the  full  school 
year  which  cannot  be  abrogated  by  an  ex  parte  resolution  of  the 
board  thereafter  during  the  year. 

City  Council   Has  Power  to  Designate  Items  of  Appropriations. 

The  city  council,  in  an  ordinance  appropriating  part  of  the 
school  fund,  has  the  power,  if  it  so  elects,  to  designate  or  specify 
each  particular  item  for  which  the  fund  appropriated  shall  be 
used. 

Signing  Pay  Rolls  Not  Accord  and  Satisfaction. 

The  fact  that  the  teachers  signed  the  pay  rolls  submitted  by 
the  Board  of  Education  for  the  respective  months  in  question  did 
not  constitute  an  accord  and  satisfaction  so  as  to  bar  action  for 
the  further  amounts  claimed,  but  amounted  simply  to  receipts 
for  the  amounts  set  opposite  the  respective  names  of  the  signers. 

Equity    Favors   "Diligent   Creditor." 

The  action  of  the  teachers  through  the  complainant  in  enforc- 
ing the  payment  into  the  public  treasury  by  tax-avoiding  quasi- 
public  corporations  of  the  very  fund  in  controversy  by  a  long 
protracted,  expensive  and  laborious  consideration  constrains  a 
court  of  equity  to  recognize  them  as  "diligent  creditors"  and  to 
give  them  and  enforce  in  their  behalf  an  equitable  lien  upon  the 
fund  in  question  for  the  payment  of  their  debts  out  of  the  fund 
so  unearthed  and  produced. 

THE  CONTEACTUAL  RELATION  BETWEEN  MASTER 
AND  SERVANT. 

Labor.  Held,  that  workman  who  has  contracted  with  an  employer 
for  his  services,  cannot  be  enjoined  from  abandoning  such  services  and 
entering  into  the  employment  of  another. 

Donker  &  Williams  Company  brought  suit  against  H.  G. 
Vance,  in  the  Circuit  Court  of  Cook  County,  which  came  for  de- 
cision before  Judge  Dunne,  October  2,  1900. 


58  DUNNE — JUDGE,  MAYOR,  GOVERNOR 

Pam,  Calhoun  &  Glennon  represented  the  complainants,  and 
Rich  &  Loer  represented  the  defendant. 

STATEMENT  OF  THE   CASE. 

In  their  bill  of  complaint,  the  complainants  alleged  that  "de- 
fendant is  competent,  skilled  and  well  versed  in  the  leather  goods 
business,  and  competent  and  able  to  take  charge  of  and  become 
foreman  of  the  leather  goods  department  of  complainant's  busi- 
ness;" that  "his  knowledge  and  skill  are  peculiar  and  special 
to  himself;"  that  they,  the  complainants,  cannot  "find  any  other 
person  possessing  the  same  peculiar  skill  and  qualifications;" 
that  on  account  of  such  qualifications,  they  employed  him  as  fore- 
man .at  a  salary  of  $18.00  a  week,  in  consideration  of  which  the 
defendant,  Vance,  agreed  to  give  his  whole  time,  skill  and  ex- 
perience for  a  certain  period  and  to  work  for  no  one  else;  that 
pursuant  to  said  contract,  Vance  entered  the  company's  employ- 
ment, worked  for  about  two  years,  became  acquainted  with  the 
names  of  the  persons  for  whom  complainant  purchased  its  raw 
material  and  the  prices  paid  for  same  and  the  cost  of  articles 
manufactured  by  complainant,  and  thereupon  left  complainant's 
employment  and  is  engaging  in  business  with  others  in  competi- 
tion with  complainant;  that  complainant  is  absolutely  unable 
to  replace  the  defendant,  and  cannot,  at  the  present  time,  pro- 
cure any  other  person  possessed  of  the  requisite  skill  and  ability 
to  carry  on  the  services  agreed  to  be  performed  by  the  de- 
fendant. ' ' 

As  the  case  came  before  the  court  (on  demurrer),  all  these 
allegations  stood  admitted. 

SUBSTANCE  OF  THE  OPINION. 
Specific    Performance    Cannot    be    Decreed. 

At  the  outset  it  will  be  conceded  that  specific  performance 
of  such  a  contract  cannot  be  decreed.  No  court  in  any  country 
where  the  common  law  prevails,  has  ever  attempted  to  compel  one 
man  to  work  for  another,  no  matter  how  solemnly  he  has  con- 
tracted so  to  do.  It  is  to  be  hoped  that  many  years  will  elapse 
before  such  a  decree  will  be  entered. 

A   MAN    MAY  NOT   BE   ENJOINED   FROM    WORKING   FOR   ANOTHER. 

Counsel  for  complainants  contend  that  when  a  man  has 
contracted  to  work  for  one  •company  or  individual,  he  may  be 
enjoined  from  working  elsewhere  during  the  term  of  such  con- 
tract, and  cite  in  support  of  their  contention: 

Hoyt  vs.  Fuller,  19  N.  Y.  S.,  962. 


DUNNE JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  59 

Duff  vs.  Russell,  14  N.  Y.  S.,  134. 

Canary  vs.  Russell,  30  N.  Y.  S.,  122,  9  Misc.,  15. 

Daily  vs.  Smith,  49  How.  Practice,  150,  38  N.  Y.  Sup.  Ct.,  158. 

Hayes  vs.  Willis,  11  Abbott's  Practice,  N.  S.,  167. 

McCaull  vs.  Braham,  16  Fed.,  37. 

All  these  cases,  on  examination,  will  be  found  to  be  not  cases 
between  master  and  servant  or  employer  and  employe,  providing 
for  the  rendering  of  services  which  would  bring  the  contracting 
parties  in  close  personal  contact  from  day  to  day  over  a  lapse  of 
time,  but  pure  theatrical  contracts  providing  for  the  production 
of  certain  plays  or  exhibitions  before  the  public,  and  in  all  of 
them  it  would  appear  that  large  amounts  of  money  had  been  ex- 
pended in  providing  theatres,  advertising,  etc.,  upon  the  force  of 
the  contracts. 

Because  of  such  expenditures  and  because  the  services  con- 
tracted for  were  in  their  very  nature  unique  and  of  an  extraor- 
dinary character  so  that  they  could  not  be  replaced,  and  con- 
sequently there  could  be  no  adequate  remedy  at  law,  the  court  of 
chancery  has  very  properly  intervened  to  prevent  the  contracting 
performers  from  exhibiting  elsewhere.  There  is  a  plain  distinc- 
tion between  such  cases  and  cases  involving  the  relation  between 
master  and  servant  or  employer  and  employe. 

Under  similar  circumstances,  as  admitted  by  all  the  parties 
to  this  suit,  the  issuance  of  an  injunction  has  been  denied  as 
against  an  insurance  agent  in  Burney  vs.  File,  91  Ga.,  701,  71 
S.  E.  986. 

As  against  a  baseball  player  in  Met.  Ex.  Co.  vs.  Ewing,  42 
Fed.,  198,  7  L.  R.  A.,  381. 

As  against  a  lithographic  designer  in  Strowbridge  Litho- 
graphic Co.  vs.  Crane,  20  Cir.  Pro.,  24,  12  N.  Y.  S.  834. 

And  as  against  an  acrobat  in  Cort  vs.  Lassard,  18  Ore.,  221, 
22  Pac.,  1054,  17  Am.  St.  Rep.,  1054,  6  L.  R.  A.,  653. 

AGAINST    PUBLIC    POLICY. 

In  the  judgment  of  this  court  it  is  against  public  policy  to 
force  an  unwilling  servant  to  work  for  his  master  or  an  unwilling 
master  to  keep  a  servant  after  the  relations  have  become  strained 
and  distasteful.  To  force  them  into  daily  contact  with  each  other, 
under  such  circumstances,  would  be  fraught  with  much  more 
evil  consequences  than  might  flow  from  the  breach  of  the  contract 
of  employment.  Better  far  to  leave  them  to  their  remedies  at 
law,  even  though  inadequate,  than  to  force  association  and  per- 
sonal contact  between  hostile  and  unwilling  parties. 


60  DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

VIOLATION    OF   THE   CONSTITUTION. 

It  is  against  the  spirit  of  the  13th  amendment  of  the  Con- 
stitution of  the  United  States,  which  prohibits  "  slavery  and  in- 
voluntary servitude"  within  its  borders.  Involuntary  servitude 
in  juxtaposition  to  the  word  "slavery"  has  a  significance  so 
placed,  it  cannot  mean  the  same  as  slavery,  else  it  is  a  redundancy. 
It  must  mean  servitude  outside  of  slavery.  Outside  of  slavery 
servitude  can  originate  only  by  contract.  No  free  man  can  be- 
come the  servant  of  another  except  by  consent,  to-wit,  by  con- 
tract. Involuntary  servitude  can  only  arise,  therefore,  after  a 
consenting  party  changes  his  mind  and  becomes  an  unwilling 
servant — in  volens  servitor. 

THE  INJUNCTION  SOUGHT  TANTAMOUNT  TO  A  COMMAND  TO 
WORK    FOR   COMPLAINANT. 

It  may  be  said  that  there  is  a  difference  between  enjoining  a 
man  from  working  for  others  and  compelling  him  to  work  for  one 
man  in  particular.  In  effect  there  is  none.  To  say  to  a  man, 
"work  for  me  or  nobody,"  if  that  man  be,  as  alleged  of  defendant, 
without  means,  is  to  say  "work  for  me  or  starve,"  such  a  heart- 
less edict  should  not  go  out  of  a  court  of  equity.  That  there 
are  cases  in  which  courts  of  equity  have  negatively  enforced 
specific  performance  where  it  was  impossible  to  do  so  by  positive 
decree,  is  not  denied,  but  I  have  failed  to  find  any  arising  between 
master  and  servant  and  employer  and  employe. 

NOT  AN   EXCEPTIONAL  CASE. 

It  is  claimed  that  the  allegation  that  "the  knowledge  and 
skill  of  the  defendant  are  peculiar  and  special  to  himself. ' '  and 
that  "complainant  cannot  at  the  present  time  procure  any  other 
person  possessed  of  the  requisite  skill  and  ability  to  conduct  the 
services  agreed  to  be  performed  by  defendant,"  places  the  case 
in  the  same  category  as  the  theatrical  cases  alluded  to.  The  court 
is  of  a  contrary  opinion.  These  allegations  are  mere  conclusions. 
No  facts  are  set  out  to  sustain  them.  It  does  not  appear  that  de- 
fendant is  acquainted  with  any  special  or  secret  process  or  gifted 
with  any  special  or  unusual  dexterity.  The  facts  as  alleged  are 
that  he  is  a  skillful  and  expert  leather  worker,  thoroly  competent 
to  act  as  foreman,  and  that  he  was  employed  at  $18.00  a  week. 
This  does  not  place  him  in  the  category  of  a  prima  donna,  a 
tragedienne  or  premier  danseuse. 


DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  61 

ASSIGNMENT  OF  UNEARNED  WAGES. 

Wages.  Assignment  of.  Assignment  of  wages,  due  or  to  accrue  from 
the  present  or  any  future  employers  for  ten  years,  as  security  for  the  pay- 
ment of  a  usurious  debt,  held  invalid. 

In  1901  a  bill  was  filed  in  the  Circuit  Court  of  Cook  County 
for  an  injunction  to  prevent  C.  F.  Wenham  from  enforcing  an 
assignment  of  wages,  executed  by  one  Mallin,  the  complainant 

in  the  bill. 

STATEMENT   OF  THE   CASE. 

Mallin  in  June,  1898,  signed  and  delivered  to  Wenham,  an 
instrument  in  writing,  which  reads  as  follows:  "For  a  valuable 
consideration  to  me  paid  *  *  *  I  do  hereby  transfer,  assign 
and  set  over  to  C.  F.  Wenham,  his  heirs  and  assigns,  all  salary 
or  wages  due  or  to  become  due  me  from  P.  D.  Armour  &  Co. 
or  from  any  other  person  or  persons,  firm,  copartnership,  com- 
pany, corporation,  organization  or  official,  by  whom  I  may  now 
or  may  hereafter  become  employed,  at  any  time  before  the  expira- 
tion of  ten  years  from  date  hereof." 

The  evidence  shows  that  the  instrument  in  question  was 
given  to  secure  a  loan  made  at  usurious  rates  of  interest. 

It  was  further  shown  that  Mallin  filed  a  petition  in  bank- 
ruptcy, scheduled  the  indebtedness  he  owed  to  Wenham,  and 
after  legal  notice  to  Wenham,  obtained  a  discharge  in  bankruptcy 
in  October,  1899. 

ASSIGNMENT  OF  WAGES  DUE  OR  TO  ACCRUE  FROM   PRESENT 
EMPLOYER   SUSTAINEDJN    SOME   COURTS. 

Assignments  of  unearned  wages  have  been  sustained  in 
courts  of  equity,  when  such  assignments  cover  wages  to  be  earned 
by  an  employe  from  an  employer  in  whose  employment  he  was 
engaged,  at  the  time  of  making  the  assignment.  MeNamara 
vs.  Coal  Co.,  6  Gulp  Pa.,  181 ;  Evans  vs.  Kingston  Coal  Co.,  6 
Gulp,  351 ;  Auger  vs.  Commercial  Packing  Co.,  39  Conn.,  536 ; 
Hawley  vs.  Bristol,  39  Conn.,  26 ;  Manhall  vs.  Quinn,  1  Gray,  107 ; 
Hartley  vs.  Kapling,  2  Gray,  566 ;  Ouilett  vs.  Osairus,  124  Mass., 
162 ;'  King  vs.  Clow,  36  Mich,  436 ;  and  Fair  vs.  Kelly,  28  Vt.,  19. 

ASSIGNMENT  OF  WAGES  TO  ACCRUE  FROM   FUTURE  EMPLOYERS 
NOT   RECOGNIZED. 

The  cases  above  referred  to,  while  sustaining  assignments 
of  wages  from  present  employers,  hold  that  an  assignment  of 
wages  to  be  earned  from  future  employer  or  employers,  nonexist- 
ent at  the  time  of  the  assignment,  cannot  be  sustained  in  law 
or  equity. 


62  DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

ASSIGNMENT    OF    WAGES   TO    ACCRUE   AGAINST    PUBLIC    POLICY 

OF  ILLINOIS. 

It  is  undoubtedly  the  law  that  assignments  of  moneys  not 
due  or  to  become  due  upon  contracts,  leases  and  other  instru- 
ments will  be  enforced  as  executory  contracts  in  courts  of  equity 
and  when  the  moneys  actually  do  fall  due,  a  court  of  equity  will 
enforce  the  collection  of  the  same  in  favor  of  the  assignee. 

In  the  cases  above  cited,  no  distinction  is  drawn  between 
moneys  which  would  accrue  in  the  future  as  wages  due  employes 
and  moneys  falling  due  in  other  cases,  nor  was  the  question  di- 
rectly raised  that  an  assignment  of  wages  to  be  earned  in  future 
was  against  the  policy  of  the  law  in  the  states  in  which  the  de- 
cisions were  rendered. 

The  complainant  here  and  one  of  the  defendants,  Armour  & 
Co.,  contend  that  the  laws  of  the  State  of  Illinois  draw  such  a 
distinction  and  that  it  is  the  policy  of  the  State  to  protect  the 
wages  of  laborers  against  claims  in  the  nature  of  assignments. 

This  policy  is  indicated  in  the  facts  that-  the  revised  statutes 
of  Illinois,  for  many  years  past  have  contained  laws  enacted  for 
the  special  purpose  of  securing  to  laborers  and  employes,  special 
rights  in  the  way  of  collecting  and  preserving  wages.  The  Gar- 
nishment Act  exempts  from  garnishment  a  certain  amount  of 
wages  each  week.  The  claim  of  laborers  and  servants  for  wages, 
is  made  a  preferred  claim,  which  must  be  paid  in  full  before  the 
other  debtsi  can  be  paid  in  whole  or  in  part.  In  a  suit  brought 
to  recover  wages,  an  attorney's  fee  is  allowed  to  the  plaintiff  to 
enable  him  to  collect  the  same.  "Wages  due  employes  are  made 
liens  under  the  mechanic's  lien  law. 

All  these  cases  plainly  indicate  that  the  policy  of  this  State 
is  to  secure  to  a  laborer  or  employe,  the  fruits  of  his  labor  in 
cash. 

ASSIGNMENT  OF  WAGES  CONTRARY  TO  THE  STATUTE. 

Aside  from  all  the  acts  above  referred  to,  however,  the  Legis- 
lature, in  1891,  passed  an  act  which  to  thisi  court  seems  con- 
clusive of  the  question  involved  in  this  case.  Section  3  of  the 
act  provides  that  "it  shall  be  unlawful  for  any  person,  company, 
corporation  or  association  employing  workmen  in  this  State  to 
make  deductions  from  the  wages  of  his,  its  or  their  workmen 
except  for  lawful  money,  checks  or  drafts  actually  advanced, 
without  discount,  and  except  such  sums  as  may  be  agreed  upon 
between  employer  and  employe,  which  may  be  deducted  for  hos- 
pital or  relief  fund  for  sick  or  injured  employes." 

The  aim  and  object  of  this  statute  was  plainly  to  secure  to 
every  employe  in  this  State  the  right  to  collect  his  wages  in  cash. 


DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  63 

To  further  secure  the  payment  of  such  wages  in  cash,  section 
4  of  the  same  act  provides  that  "any  deductions  made  from  the 
wages  of  any  workman  in  this  State,  except  as  provided  in  section 
3  of  this  act,  may  be  recovered  in  any  appropriate  action  before 
any  court  of  competent  jurisdiction,  together  with  such  reason- 
able attorney 's  fee  as  the  court  in  its  discretion  may  think  proper 
and  no  offset  or  counter  claim  of  any  kind  shall  be  allowed  in 
such  proceeding."  And  by  section  5,  the  act  provided  that  "all 
attempts  to  evade  or  avoid  the  provisions  of  this  act  by  contract 
or  otherwise  shall  be  deemed  a  violation  thereof,  and  for  every 
violation  in  addition  to  the  severe  remedy  provided  for  in  section 
4,  there  shall,  on  conviction,  be  a  fine  imposed  of  not  less  than 
$50.00  nor  more  than  $200.00. 

The  Legislature  in  passing  this  act  seemed  to  be  actuated 
by  a  resolute  purpose  to  enforce  the  payment  of  all  wages  in 
cash  and  to  prevent  in  every  possible  way  any  shift  or  device 
which  would  prevent  a  laborer  or  employe  from  receiving  his 
wages,  when  due,  in  cash. 

If  the  assignment  in  question  in  this  case  be  upheld  by  the 
courts  any  employer  or  employe  can  evade  and  avoid  its  provis- 
ions by  giving  or  accepting  such  an  assignment  at  any  time  be- 
fore the  wages  are  earned,  and  thus  the  object  which  the  Legis- 
lature was  so  strenuously  seeking  to  accomplish  would  be 
frustrated. 

Sections  1  and  2  of  the  act  of  1891,  just  referred  to,  applying 
to  truck  stores,  have  been  held  unconstitutional  in  Frorer,  et  al, 
vs.  The  People,  141  111.,  171,  as  applying  specially  to  mining  and 
manufacturing  corporations  only,  but  that  decision  in  no  way  im- 
pairs the  force  or  vitality  of  sections  3,  4  and  5,  appyling  to  the 
payment  of  wages. 

THE  WAGES  OF  THE  LABORER  GIVEN  SPECIAL  PROTECTION  BOTH 
FOR  HIS  OWN  BENEFIT  AND  THAT  OF  HIS  FAMILY. 

These  statutes  relating  to  the  payment  of  wages  are  for  the 
protection  not  only  of  the  laborer,  but  his  family,  and  by  no  act 
of  his  own  can  the  wage  earner  waive  the  protection  thrown 
around  his  family  as  well  as  himself  by  the  law.  In  Recht  vs. 
Kelly,  82  111.,  147,  it  is  held  that  a  waiver  of  an  exemption  where 
the  same  is  attempted  to  be  made  by  an  executory  contract,  is 
invalid,  and  will  not  be  enforced,  citing  Phelps  vs.  Phelps,  82 
Iowa,  545;  Curtis  vs.  O'Brien,  20  Iowa,  376;  Maxwell  vs.  Reid, 
7  Wis.,  583. 

The  Supreme  Court  in  that  case  declared  that  the  principle 
in  the  cases  cited  is  "that  the  exemption  created  by  the  statute 
is  as  much  for  the  benefit  of  the  family  of  the  debtor  as  for  him- 


64  DUNNE — JUDGE,  MAYOR,  GOVERNOR 

self,  and  for  that  reason  he  cannot,  by  an  executory  contract, 
waive  the  provisions  made  by  law  for  their  support  and  mainte- 
nance. Such  contracts  contravene  the  policy  of  the  law,  and 
hence  are  inoperative  and  void  *  *  *  laws  enacted  from  con- 
siderations of  public  concern  and  to  subserve  the  general  welfare 
cannot  be  abrogated  by  mere  private  agreement."  Recht  vs. 
Kelly,  82  111.,  147-148. 

The  salutary  effect  of  such  a  law  can  be  fully  appreciated 
when  we  consider  for  a  moment  the  overreaching  and  outrageous 
character  of  the  alleged  assignment  introduced  in  evidence  in  this 
cause,  under  which  it  is  sought  to  mortgage  the  whole  earning 
capacity  of  a  head  of  a  family,  for  ten  years,  for  the  payment 
of  a  usurious  debt. 

CONTRARY  TO  THE  SPIRIT  OF  THE  CONSTITUTION. 

If  a  laborer  or  employe  in  this  State  can  be  permitted  to 
mortgage  or  assign  absolutely  his  whole  earning  capacity,  for  ten 
years  in  advance,  he  can  be  permitted  upon  the  same  principle  to 
mortgage  or  assign  his  earning  capacity  for  life.  If  thi's  be  pos- 
sible, the  thirteenth  amendment  to  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States  which  declared  that  "neither  slavery  nor  involuntary  ser- 
vitude shall  exist  within  the  United  States,"  would  be  practically 
nullified. 

THE   DEBT   DISCHARGED    IN    BANKRUPTCY. 

The  discharge  in  bankruptcy  granted  to  Mallin  on  the  23rd 
day  of  October,  1889,  is  a  complete  discharge  of  his  indebtedness 
due  to  the  defendant,  "Wenham,  and  the  debt  having  been  dis- 
charged, the  security  given  by  the  alleged  assignment  of  wages 
to  be  earned  subsequent  to  the  discharge  in  bankruptcy,  must 
fall  to  the  ground.  "When  the  debt  itself  is  discharged,  a  security 
springing  into  existence  subsequent  to  the  discharge,  by  reason 
of  any  prior  executory  contract,  cannot  be  held  for  the  payment 
of  the  discharged  debt.  Thomas  vs.  Cohen,  7  Law  Rep.  (Q.  B.), 
527;  Cole  vs.  Kernon,  7  Law  Rep.  (Q.  B.),  534. 

ENJOINING  UNLAWFUL  TRADE  COMBINATIONS. 

Trade  Combinations.  An  agreement  amongst  brick  makers  and  con- 
tractors by  which  the  members  of  the  combined  association  shall  be  per- 
mitted to  purchase  materials  from  certain  persons,  firms  and  corporations 
only,  and  employ  only  members  of  the  bricklayers  association,  held  un- 
lawful and  enjoined. 

In  1899  the  Union  Pressed  Brick  Company  brought  suit 
against  the  Chicago  Hydraulic  Pressed  Brick  Company,  et  al,  in 
the  Circuit  Court  of  Cook  County,  under  the  general  number 


DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  65 

196,935,  asking  for  an  injunction  against  the  defendants  to  pre- 
vent them  from  carrying  out  a  trade  combination.  Newman, 
Northrup  &  Levinson  represented  the  complainants  and  Darrow, 
Thomas  &  Thompson,  Henry  M.  Matthews  and  Gott  &  Robinson 
represented  the  defendants.  The  case  was  heard  on  bill  and  affi- 
davits in  support  thereof  and  demurrer  to  the  bill  and  decided 
on  July  29,  1899,  by  Judge  Dunne. 

STATEMENT   OF  THE   CASE. 

The  bill  filed  alleges  that  complainant,  the  Union  Pressed 
Brick  Company,  is  a  corporation  engaged  in  the  manufacture 
and  sale  of  pressed  and  sewer  brick,  having  $100,000  invested 
in  its  business;  that  in  the  year  1898  it  sold  2,300,000  pressed 
brick  in  Cook  County  and  realized  substantial  profits,  but  that 
on  the  9th  day  of  May,  1899,  the  defendants  entered  into  a  con- 
spiracy to  prevent  the  sale  of  any  brick  except  that  furnished  by 
the  companies  so  conspiring,  by  reason  of  which  complainant's 
business  was  greatly  injured  and  the  quantity  of  brick  sold  by  it 
greatly  reduced;  that  the  unlawful  agreement  entered  into  be- 
tween the  defendants  was  enforced  by  severe  fines  and  penalties, 
and  included  not  only  provisions  relative  to  the  furnishing  of 
brick,  but  as  to  the  employment  of  journeymen  stone  masons  and 
brick  layers;  that  the  purpose  of  such  agreement  and  conspiracy 
was  the  restraint  of  the  sale  of  and  trade  in  pressed  brick  and 
paving  brick  for  building  purposes,  and  to  secure  to  themselves 
a  sole  monopoly  in  the  sale  thereof  at  arbitrary,  increased  prices. 

As  the  record  came  before  the  court  (on  demurrer),  these 
allegations  stood  admitted. 

SUBSTANCE  OF  THE  OPINIOiN. 
Agreement  is  Contrary  to  the  Act  of  1897. 

The  General  Assembly  of  Illinois,  in  the  «year  1897,  passed 
an  act  making  criminal,  "a  combination  of  capital,  skill  or  acts 
by  two  or  more  persons,  firms,  corporations  or  associations  of 
persons,  for  either,  any  or  all  of  the  following  purposes:  First,, 
to  create  or  carry  out  restrictions  in  trade;  second,  to  increase 
the  price  of  merchandise  or  commodities;  and  third,  to  prevent 
competition  in  the  sale  or  purchase  of  merchandise  or  com- 
modities." 

It  is  undoubtedly  true  that  an  individual  or  corporation  may 
enter  into  a  contract  to  sell  its  property,  merchandise  or  labor 
to  certain  persons  and  none  others.  It  is  also  true  that  indi- 
viduals or  corporations  have  the  right  to  refuse  to  contract  with 
other  individuals  or  corporations,  but  these  propositions  are  sub- 

—3 


66  DUNNE — JUDGE,  MAYOR,  GOVERNOR 

ject  to  this  modification,  that  in  contracting  or  refusing  to  con- 
tract they  do  not  commit  a  criminal  offense. 

Where  the  Legislature  in  its  wisdom  has  seen  fit  to  abridge 
the  right  of  contracting  and  declares  that  certain  contracts  are 
criminal  offenses,  then  such  contracts  or  combinations  are  with- 
out the  pale  of  the  law  and  instead  of  being  sustained  and  carried 
out  by  the  courts,  must  receive  their  condemnation. 

Can  it  be  doubted,  if  the  defendants  in  the  case  at  bar  have 
entered  into  the  arrangements  set  out  in  the  complainant's  bill, 
that  the  aim  would  be  to  restrict  trade  to  increase  the  price  of 
pressed  and  paving  bricks  and  prevent  competition  in  the  sale 
thereof? 


PARTY   IN    INTEREST    MAY   SUE   WHERE    DAMAGED   AND    WHERE 
THE    REMEDY  AT   LAW    IS    INADEQUATE. 

The  defendants  contend  that  even  if  the  combination  com- 
plained of  is  a  criminal  offense,  that  no  individual  has  the  right 
to  enforce  the  law. 

True,  a  court  of  equity  should  not  in  general  enjoin  crime 
as  crime.  The  machinery  of  the  criminal  law  is  supposedly 
adequate,  but  if  the  commission  of  a  crime  involves  the  loss  of 
private  property,  the  owner  thereof  should  and  can  obtain  re- 
dress for  his  loss  in  a  court  of  common  law,  where  that  relief 
is  adequate,  but  where  the  commission  of  such  crime  will  entail 
property  loss  to  a  private  citizen,  for  which  he  has  no  adequate 
relief  at  common  law,  the  courts  of  equity  should  give  redress 
to  the  person  who  has  been  made  to  suffer  such  irreparable 
injury. 

In  the  Springfield  Spinning  Co.  vs.  Riley  L,.  R.  6  Eq.,  551, 
it  was  held  upon  demurrer  (syllabus)  :  "That  the  acts  of  the 
defendants,  as  alleged  by  the  bill,  amounted  to  crime  and  that 
the  court  would  interfere  by  injunction  to  restrain  such  case, 
inasmuch  as  they  also  tended  to  the  destruction  or  deterioration 
of  property. ' ' 

Sir  R.  Malins,  V.  C.,  in  passing  upon  this  identical  question, 
makes  use  of  this  language  (p.  558) :  "The  jurisdiction  of  this 
court  is  to  protect  property  and  it  will  interfere  by  injunction 
to  stay  any  proceedings,  whether  connected  with  crime  or  not, 
which  go  to  the  immediate  or  tend  to  the  ultimate  destruction  of 
property  or  to  make  it  less  valuable  or  comfortable  for  use  or 
occupation."  Lord  Eldon  in  the  case  of  Macauley  vs.  Shackell, 
1  Bligh  (N.  S.),  96,127,  says:  "The  court  of  equity  has  no  crim- 
inal jurisdiction  but  it  lends  its  assistance  to  a  man  who  has  in 
the  view  of  the  law  a  right  of  property  and  who  makes  out  that 


67 

an  action  at  law  will  not  be  a  sufficient  remedy  and  protection 
against  intruding  upon  his  publication." 

Other  cases  clearly  indicating  that  a  court  of  equity  has 
jurisdiction,  are:  Hopkins  vs.  Oxley  Stave  Co.,  83  Fed.,  912; 
National  C.  &  St.  L.  Railway  Co.  vs.  McConnell,  82  Fed.,  65 ;  Port 
of  Mobile  vs.  Louisville  &  N.  R.  Co.,  84  Ala.,  115-126;  4  So., 
106,  112. 

It  is  true  that  most,  if  not  all  of  these  cases,  are  cases  in 
which  a  court  of  equity  gave  relief  by  injunction  as  against  strik- 
ing workingmen,  but  if  it  be  the  law  as  against  workingmen,  why 
should  it  not  also  apply  to  capitalists?  The  defendants  in  the 
case  at  bar,  under  the  allegations  of  the  bill,  have  practically 
a  monopoly  of  the  pressed  and  paving  brick  business  in  the  county 
of  Cook,  but  the  same  rule  of  law  should  apply  to  them  as  to 
the  workingman,  especially  in  view  of  the  fact  that  it  is  alleged 
in  the  bill  that  the  damages  occasioned  by  their  conduct  are  not 
capable  of  being  definitely  ascertained  in  a  court  of  law;  that 
the  business  of  the  complainant  is  being  ruined  and  that  its  dam- 
ages would  be  irreparable. 


68  DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 


UPON  GIVING  A  FORGER  A  CHANCE. 

FROM  THE  CHICAGO  JOURNAL  OP  LAW,  FEBRUARY,  1893. 

c '  One  touch  of  nature  makes  the  whole  world  kin. ' '  We  are 
reminded  of  the  poet's  immortal  words  by  a  scene  recently 
enacted  in  a  Chicago  court  of  justice  in  which  justice  was  tem- 
pered with  mercy.  If  all  judges  should  follow  the  example  set  in 
this  case — well  the  world  would  not  continue  to  grow  worse. 
From  the  Chicago  Journal  of  Law  we  quote  the  story  as  follows : 

"According  to  a  legend  old,  Man,  after  his  disobedience  and 
consequent  fall,  was  summoned  to  appear  before  his  Creator. 
The  Supreme  Judge,  before  passing  sentence,  sought  the  counsel 
of  his  ever  attendant  ministers,  Justice,  Love  and  Mercy,  pro- 
pounding to  them  the  question,  'What  shall  be  done  with  Man?' 
Justice  answered  saying,  'Oh!  Lord  he  has  sinned  and  should 
suffer  death,'  Love  said,  'He  has  erred  without  excuse,  and  at 
Thy  righteous  hands  deserves  punishment  dire ; '  Mercy,  in  plain- 
tive yet  potent  tones,  replied,  '  Oh !  Most  High,  forgive  his  past 
and  entrust  his  future  to  me.'  The  Great  Father  voiced  the  judg- 
ment of  his  eternal  heart,  saying,  'Man,  go  thou  and  sin  no  more, 
remembering  thou  art  the  Child  of  Mercy.' 

"A  most  happy  and  deserving  recognition  of  the  moral  of 
this  legend  found  full  exemplification  in  Judge  Dunne's  court 
the  other  day.  A  man  unable  to  secure  employment,  driven  to 
desperation  and  despair  by  the  hunger  and  suffering  of  his 
mother  and  motherless  child,  had,  through  forgery,  obtained  the 
means  to  relieve  them.  He  had  been  indicted  and,  upon  arraign- 
ment, told  the  simple,  sad  truth ;  the  verdict  was  guilty,  and  the 
sentence  imprisonment  in  the  penitentiary.  His  Honor,  seeking 
as  all  judges  should,  full  advices  as  to  the  character  of  the  culprit, 
discovered  that  his  life  bore  no  prior  blemish,  and  that  he  was 
known  among  men  as  a  good  citizen,  a  faithful  son,  and  devoted 
father,  and  although  he  was  shackled  in  the  chain-gang  for 
removal  to  prison,  this  truly  just  judge  did  not  hesitate  to 
reprieve  him,  bidding  him  go  forth  and  reclaim  as  his  due  deserv- 
ing his  seemingly  lost  estate  among  his  fellow  men.  This  simple, 
yet  suggestive  act,  so  much  out  of  the  ordinary  of  judicial  pro- 
cedure is  a  higher,  a  better — richer  testimonial  to  the  worth  and 
wisdom  of  this  jurist  than  any  decision  a  judge,  though  he  be  a 
Mansfield  or  a  Marshall,  can  ever  render. ' ' 


DUNNE — JUDGE,  MAYOR,  GOVERNOR  69 


OFFICERS  WHO  EXCEED  AUTHORITY. 

STATEMENT  TO  THE  PUBLIC,  FEBRUARY,  1896. 

Senator  Joseph  O'Donnell  made  an  unsuccessful  effort  to 
secure  the  release  of  Officer  Constantine  Walezynski,  of  the  Raw- 
son  Street  station,  from  the  county  jail  yesterday. 

Last  Sunday  morning  Officer  Walezynski  shot  and  killed 
•John  Arkuszenski,  on  Milwaukee  Avenue.  Arkuszenski  is  claimed 
to  have  interfered  with  the  policeman  while  the  latter  was  in  the 
discharge  of  his  duty.  Officer  Walezynski  placed  Arkuszenski 
under  arrest  and  the  latter  ran.  The  officer  drew  his  revolver 
and  shot  Arkuszenski. 

Senator  O'Donnell  appeared  before  Judge  Dunne  and  asked 
that  the  court  fix  the  amount  of  a  bail  bond,  saying  the  defendant 
was  prepared  to  give  a  good  and  sufficient  bond  in  any  reasonable 
amount.  Judge  Dunne  refused  to  admit  Officer  Walezynski  to 
bail.  He  said  that  all  the  circumstances  went  to  show  that  the 
shooting  was  unjustifiable.  At  best  young  Arkuszenski  had  done 
nothing  but  interfere  with  the  making  of  an  arrest  and  the  facts 
seemed  to  indicate  that  he  was  only  interceding  in  behalf  of  a 
friend  under  arrest  and  not  interfering. 

"There  is  too  much  of  this  sort  of  thing  going  on  in  Chi- 
cago," said  his  Honor.  "Because  a  man  wears  a  star  and  car- 
ries a  club  and  pistol  is  no  reason  why  he  should  go  about  shoot- 
ing down  citizens.  I  will  not  admit  this  man  to  bail.  Take  him 
back  to  jail." 


70  DUNNE — JUDGE,  MAYOR,  GOVERNOR 


RELATIVE  TO  THE  MANGLER  BRIBERY 

CASE. 

STATEMENT  OF  JUDGE  DUNNE  FROM  THE  BENCH  IN  SENTENCING 

ALDERMAN  WILLIAM  MANGLER  TO  JAIL  FOR  CONTEMPT  OF 

COURT  IN  REFUSING  TO  TESTIFY, 

AUGUST  12,  1897. 

"The  record  in  the  case  shows  that  the  relator  is  a  business 
man,"  said  the  court.  "He  is  well  educated,  has  been  deemed  fit 
to  be  honored  with  public  office,  and  knows  the  duties  of  citizen- 
ship. He  has  stated  to  several  persons  that  he  was  offered  a 
bribe  at  a  time  when  the  public  was  satisfied  that  bribery  was 
rife.  The  character  of  the  legislation,  which  was  against  the 
interests  of  the  people,  warranted  this  belief.  These  statements 
have  been  made  in  this  court. 

"Though  an  intelligent  man  and  capable  of  judging  the  posi- 
tion that  his  refusal  would  place  him  in,  he  has  refused  to  help  in 
the  administration  of  justice,  though  himself  a  public  officer. 

"To  inflict  a  small  fine  or  a  fine  alone  in  this  matter  would 
have  no  effect  on  him,  on  the  public,  nor  on  any  other  citizen.  The 
punishment  should  fit  the  crime. 

"He  does  not  stand  in  the  position  of  a  public  officer  refus- 
ing to  obey  the  court  because  he  believes  that  it  would  be  the 
violation  of  his  sworn  duty  as  a  public  officer,  but  he  stands  in 
the  position  of  a  public  officer  who  has  refused  in  defiance  of  the 
court  to  do  what  justice  to  himself  and  the  public  demands. ' ' 


DUNNE — JUDGE,  MAYOR,  GOVERNOR  71 


USERS   OF   SPACE  UNDER   SIDEWALK 

MUST   PAY   FOR   SIDEWALK 

INJURIES. 

SYNOPSIS  OF  OPINION  BY  JUDGE  DUNNE,  DECEMBER  13,  1899. 

''It  is  against  public  policy  to  allow  public  property  to  be  used 
by  private  individuals  without  requiring  the  private  individuals  or 
corporations  so  using  public  property  to  insure  citizens  passing 
over  the  public  property  against  any  loss  that  they  may  suffer  by 
reason  of  the  private  use  of  such  property."  This  was  the  chief 
point  in  a  decision  rendered  by  Judge  Dunne  yesterday,  which,  if 
sustained  in  the  upper  courts,  will  revolutionize  the  present  judicial 
practice  in  connection  with  the  liability  for  sidewalk  accidents 
where  injury  is  suffered  because  of  open  or  defective  coal  holes  or 
similar  operations. 

The  finding  of  the  court,  overriding  several  Supreme  Court 
rulings  cited  as  in  point,  occasioned  much  comment  in  legal  circles. 
The  decision  in  part  was  as  follows : 

"When  a  private  citizen  is  in  the  exercise  of  privileges  or  a 
license,  express  or  implied  by  the  public,  he  becomes,  in  the  exercise 
and  use  of  the  privilege,  an  insurer  to  the  public  that  they  shall 
not  be  injured  and  cannot  release  himself  from  responsibility  by 
leasing  to  a  tenant  who  agrees  to  keep  the  coal  hole  or  other  aper- 
ture in  a  safe  condition. 

"As  between  landlord  and  tenant,  he  can  compel  the  tenant  to 
live  up  to  such  a  contract,  but  between  himself  and  the  public  he  is 
bound  to  see  that  the  coalhole  cover  is  in  a  safe  condition  and  insure 
the  public  from  damage  through  defective  construction.  In  the 
authorities  cited  to  me  by  counsel  the  Supreme  Court  has  held  that 
the  tenant  and  not  the  landlord  is  liable  to  such  injuries  because 
the  tenant  is  in  actual  possession  of  the  property.  In  none  of  these 
cases  was  the  question  of  public  policy  presented  or  argued.  I  am 
confident  that  on  the  presentation  of  the  question  of  its  being  against 
public  policy  to  allow  private  individuals  to  control  public  property 
without  insuring  the  public  from  injury  the  Supreme  Court  will 
reverse  its  finding  in  these  cases." 


72  DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,    GOVERNOR 


THE  RIGHTS  OF  PARENTS  TO 
CHILDREN. 

EXCERPT  FROM  A  DECISION  BY  JUDGE  DUNNE,  1899. 

There  is  no  law  in  Illinois  or  in  any  other  state  that  can  take 
children  away  from  their  parents  without  due  notice.  There  can 
be  no  law  that  rises  above  the  natural  law — unless  by  some  act 
the  parents  forfeit  their  rights. 


DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR.    GOVERNOR  73 


MUTUALITY  OF  CONTRACT— CON- 
SIDERATION—UNCONSCION- 
ABLENESS. 

FROM  CHICAGO  LAW  JOURNAL,  MARCH  16,  1900. 

"The  case  of  the  Hoops  Tea  Company  v.  Dorsey,  disposed  of 
this  week  by  Judge  Dunne,  of  the  Circuit  Court,  on  a  final  hear- 
ing on  a  bill  for  injunction  intended  to  secure  the  specific  per- 
formance of  a  contract,  possesses  unusual  interest.  The  contract 
in  question  was  of  the  "spider  and  fly"  variety,  used  by  corpora- 
tions to  absorb  competition  and  destroy  competitors.  The  method 
exemplified  in  this  contract,  employed  by  a  corporation  or  com- 
pany to  secure  to  itself  a  monopoly  of  the  business  in  its  line 
in  the  territory  of  its  operations,  is  to  offer  high  wages  and  other 
great  inducements  to  smaller  operators  in  its  line  of  trade,  to 
turn  over  to  it  their  customers  and  enter  the  company's  employ, 
requiring,  however,  that  they  sign  a  contract  binding  themselves 
to  not,  even  after  quitting  or  being  discharged  from  the  employ 
of  the  company,  engage  in  the  same  line  of  business  nor  to  enter 
the  employ  of  a  rival  of  the  company  in  the  territory  in  which 
it  operated;  the  company  reserving  the  right  to  discharge  the 
employe  at  its  own  pleasure. 

' '  One  of  these  contracts  was  entered  into  by  one  Dorsey  and 
the  Hoops  Tea  Company,  which  provided,  among  other  things: 
'That  said  party  (Dorsey)  shall  in  no  way  interfere  or  compete 
with  the  business,  customers,  or  trade  of  said  first  party,  or  in 
any  way  solicit  its  customers  in  Chicago,  Illinois,  for  a  period  of 
two  years  after  the  termination  of  this  contract ; '  another  pro- 
vision of  the  contract  required  the  execution  of  a  bond  for  $500 
by  Dorsey,  satisfactory  to  the  tea  company,  as  guaranteeing 
faithful  performance  on  his  part.  Some  months  subsequent  to 
the  execution  of  this  contract  the  tea  company  filed  a  bill  against 
Dorsey,  setting  forth  that  he  had  been  discharged  from  its  em- 
ploy, the  contract  terminated  by  it,  and  that  in  violation  of- the 
terms  of  the  contract  he  was  interfering  with  the  business  of 
the  company  by  soliciting  trade  from  its  customers  on  the  route 
which  he  had  worked  while  in  its  employ.  An  injunction,  as 
prayed  for,  was  issued  without  notice.  Upon  hearing.  Judge 


74  DUNNE JUDGE,    MAYOR,    GOVERNOR 

Baker  sustained  a  motion  to  dissolve  the  injunction.  The  mat- 
ter came  up  before  Judge  Dunne,  upon  a  suggestion  of  damages, 
when  Bastrup  &  O'Neill,  counsel  for  Dorsey,  urged  that  the  bill, 
being  one  for  injunction  only,  not  having  been  amended  its  dis- 
solution operated  as  the  sustaining  of  a  demurrer  to  the  bill, 
citing  numerous  Illinois  authorities. 

"Judge  Dunne  decided  to  hear  the  whole  case  and  pass  on 
the  validity  of  the  contract.  Respondent's  counsel  argued  that 
the  contract  was  unilateral  and  unconscionable  and  so  lacking  in 
mutuality  as  not  to  be  enforceable  in  equity,  while  Tenney, 
McConnell,  Coffeen  &  Harding,  and  Louis  Kistler,  counsel  for  com- 
plainant, contended  that  the  employment  was  sufficient  considera- 
tion. After  conclusion  of  evidence  and  arguments  Judge  Dunne 
held  that  no  term  of  employment  having  been  fixed  in  the  contract 
it  was  without  consideration ;  that  it  was  unilateral  and  not  such  a 
contract  as  should  be  enforced  in  equity.  The  court  entered  a 
decree  dismissing  the  bill  for  want  of  equity,  granting  the  prayer 
of  the  cross-bill,  annulling  the  contract,  and  restraining  the 
Hoops  Tea  Company  from  prosecuting  any  suit  at  law  or  equity 
for  the  enforcement  of  the  contract." 


DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,    GOVERNOR  75 


ON  SENTENCING  A  CHICKEN  THIEF. 

BY  JUDGE  DUNNE  IN  CRIMINAL  COURT,  JANUARY  29, 1901. 

Probably  the  shortest  sentence  ever  imposed  in  a  burglary 
case  was  pronounced  by  Judge  Dunne  in  the  Criminal  Court.  He 
decreed  that  Frank  Stetinski,  885  West  Thirty-fourth  Street, 
should  serve  one  hour  in  jail  for  attempting  to  steal  two  chickens 
belonging  to  John  Bridges,  1390  West  Thirty-fifth  Street. 

The  small  sentence  was  not  imposed  owing  to  the  value  of 
the  goods  stolen,  but  through  mercy  which  the  judge  felt  for  the 
prisoner  and  his  family.  Stetinski  has  a  real  hard  luck  story 
connected  with  his  case,  which  involves  the  death  of  his  wife,  his 
arrest  shortly  after  and  a  starving  family  depending  upon  him 
for  support. 

Shortly  before  Christmas,  Stetinski  was  caught  in  Bridges' 
chicken  coop  with  two  hens  in  a  bag.  He  explained  his  presence 
there  by  the  fact  that  his  wife  was  sick  and  almost  dying  and 
that  she  needed  food.  He  secured  bonds  and  was  admitted  to 
liberty. 

His  wife  died  last  Friday.  Hardly  had  the  undertaker  been 
notified  and  while  the  family  was  deep  in  grief,  a  deputy  sheriff 
arrived  with  a  capias  ordering  the  arrest  of  the  husband.  He 
had  been  indicted  by  the  grand  jury  that  day,  and  his  arrest 
should  necessarily  follow. 

The  deputy  sheriff  was  told  the  piteous  story  and  he  tele- 
phoned to  his  superior,  Chief  Deputy  Kunz,  who  told  him  not 
to  arrest  the  man.  Stetinski  was  told  to  appear  in  court  Monday 
after  the  funeral.  This  he  did.  Judge  Dunne  recommended 
that  the  plea  of  guilty  to  petit  larceny  be  entered. 

But  Bridges  was  incensed.  Despite  all  Stetinski 's  trouble 
he  wanted  the  prisoner  sent  to  Joliet.  Bridges  recovered  his 
property  and  was  put-  to  no  expense  by  the  trial.  Judge  Dunne 
refused  to  listen  to  the  plea  of  the  complainant. 


76        «  DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,    GOVERNOR 


ON  COMPULSORY  VACCINATION. 

DECISION  BY  JUDGE  DUNNE,  JUNE,  1901. 

The  right  of  directors  of  a  school  district  or  a  board  of  edu- 
cation to  insist  upon  the  vaccination  of  a  child,  as  a  prerequisite 
to  his  being  allowed  to  attend  a  public  school,  is  the  question 
involved  in  the  case  at  bar. 

This  question  has  been  recently  presented  to  and  determined 
by  the  Supreme  Court  of  this  State  in  Potts  v.  Breen,  167  111.,  67, 
decided  in  May,  1897,  and  in  Lawbaugh  v.  Board  of  Education, 
177  111.,  573,  decided  in  February,  1899.  In  the  former  case  that 
court  declares  "that  the  right  or  privilege  of  attending  the 
public  schools  is  given  by  law  to  every  child  of  proper  age  in  the 
State,  and  there  is  nowhere  to  be  found  any  provision  of  law 
prescribing  vaccination  as  a  condition  precedent  to  the  exercise 
of  this  legal  right.  Whether  the  Legislature  has  the  right  to  make 
such  a  requirement  or  not,  it  is  not  necessary  here  to  consider. 
It  is  sufficient  it  has  not  done  so.  And  it  can  not  be  supposed 
that  the  Legislature  has  undertaken,  and  not  expressly,  but  by 
mere  implication  from  the  general  language  used  in  creating  the 
State  Board  (of  Health),  to  confer  upon  that  mere  administra- 
tive body  such  vast  power  over  the  rights  and  liberties  of  the 
individual  citizen  as  to  deprive  him  of  his  constitutional  and 
statutory  rights,  unless  he  shall  submit  his  body  to  be  inoculated 
with  vaccine  virus  as  a  mere  precaution  against  some  possible 
future  contagion  of  smallpox."  *  *  *  (pp.  73  and  74). 
"The  Board  of  Health  has  no  more  power  over  the  public  schools 
than  over  private  schools  or  other  public  assemblages."  (p.  74). 
*  *  *  "School  directors  and  boards  of  education  *  *  * 
have  no  authority  to  exclude  children  from  the  public  schools  on 
the  ground  that  they  refuse  to  be  vaccinated — unless  indeed,  in  case 
of  emergency,  in  the  exercise  of  the  police  power,  it  is  necessary, 
or  reasonably  appears  to  be  necessary,  to  prevent  the  contagion  of 
smallpox."  (p.  75.) 

"Undoubtedly  children,  infected  with  or  exposed  to,  small- 
pox may  be  temporarily  excluded  or  the  school  be  temporarily  sus- 
pended ;  but,  like  the  exercise  of  similar  power  in  other  cases,  such 
power  is  justified  by  the  emergency  and,  like  the  necessity  which 
gives  rise  to  it,  ceases  ivhen  the  necessity  ceases."  (p.  75.)  *  *  * 


DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,    GOVERNOR  77 

' '  Upon  the  same  line  of  reasoning,  without  a  law  making  vaccination 
compulsory,  or  prescribing  it,  upon  grounds  deemed  sufficient  by 
the  Legislature  as  necessary  to  the  public  health,  as  a  condition 
of  admission  to  or  attendance  upon  the  public  schools,  neither  the 
State  board  nor  any  local  board  has  any  power  to  make  or 
enforce  a  rule  or  order  having  the  force  of  a  general  law  in  the 
respects  mentioned"  (p.  75).  In  support  of  the  views  therein 
expressed,  the  Supreme  Court  cite  the  supreme  court  of  Wiscon- 
sin in  State  v.  Burge,  70  N.  "W.,  Rep.,  337 ;  and  O'Neill  v.  Am.  Fire 
Ins  Co.,  166  Pa.,  St.  72;  Anderson  v.  Manchester,  63  N.  W.,  Rep. 
241.  From  the  above  language  it  will  be  seen  that  a  rule  or 
regulation  requiring  a  child  to  be  vaccinated  as  a  precedent  to> 
his  admission  to  school,  can  be  passed  by  a  school  board  or  a. 
board  of  education,  only,  in  cases  of  emergency  when  it  is,  or- 
reasonably  appears  to  be,  necessary  to  prevent  contagion,  andi 
that  when  the  emergency  has  passed  the  rule  must  fall  to  the; 
ground.  The  facts  in  that  case  show  that  ' '  no  epidemic  of  smaD- 
pox  was  prevailing  or  apprehended  in  the  vicinity  of  the 
school,"  and  a  mandamus  was  issued  compelling  the  school 
board  to  admit  into  the  school  the  unvaccinated  relators. 

In  February,  1899,  the  same  question  was  again  pressed  upon 
the  notice  of  the  Supreme  Court,  and  disposed  of  in  the  follow- 
ing language : 

''These  questions  were  fully  discussed  in  the  Breen  Case, 
and  it  is  earnestly  urged  that  we  reconsider  that  case.  *  *  * 
We  adhere  to  the  principles  announced  in  that  case  and  decline 
to  further  discuss  the  questions  there  determined.  The  only 
question  in  this  case,  not  presented  in  that,  is  the  action  of  the 
city  council  of  the  city  of  Geneseo,  and  we  cannot  hold  that  in 
the  preservation  of  the  public  health,  under  the  police  power 
of  the  State,  a  municipality,  invested  with  police  power,  may 
invoke  such  power  for  the  purpose  of  invading  the  individual 
liberty  of  citizens  of  the  community.  Neither  the'  city  of 
Geneseo,  nor  the  Board  of  Health  of  the  State  of  Illinois,  has 
power  to  require  compulsory  vaccination,  except  in  the  public 
contingency  stated  in  the  Breen  case."  Lawbaugh  v.  Board  of 
Education,  supra  p.  574. 

No  decisions  of  this  State  to  the  contrary  have  been  cited  by 
counsel,  and  in  view  of  this  very  recent  and  very  emphatic 
language  of  our  court  of  last  resort,  there  can  be  no  doubt  as  to 
the  condition  of  the  law  in  this  State. 

There  is  still  no  law  of  compulsory  vaccination  upon  our 
statute  books,  and  the  city  ordinances  and  the  rules  and  regula- 
tions of  the  State  and  municipal  boards  of  health,  set  up  by 
defendants  in  their  answer,  can  only  avail  them  in  "cases  of 


78  DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,    GOVERNOR 

emergency"  when  they  are  "necessary  or  apparently  necessary" 
to  prevent  the  "contagion  of  smallpox."  In  other  words,  such 
rules  and  regulations  can  only  be  invoked  when  smallpox  is 
either  present  or  imminent.  Defendants,  however,  besides  set- 
ting up  these  ordinances  and  regulations,  alleged  in  their  answer 
that  "smallpox"  has  been  "in  epidemic  form  within  the  said 
city  and  that  it  is  still  prevalent  therein,"  and  that  "smallpox" 
is  "still  prevalent  within  the  city  of  Chicago,  and  in  the  terri- 
tory adjacent  thereto."  The  demurrer  must,  therefore,  be  over- 
ruled and  the  case  set  down  for  trial  when  issue  is  closed,  to 
determine  the  single  question  as  to  whether  or  not  "smallpox" 
was  actually  present  or  reasonably  imminent  at  the  time  of  the 
filing  of  the  petition  for  mandamus. 


DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,    GOVERNOR  79 


RIGHT  OF  POLICEMEN  TO  SHOOT  AT 
FLEEING  PRISONER. 

STATEMENT  BY  JUDGE  DUNNE,  MARCH  12,  1902. 

A  man  who  had  been  shot  in  the  arm  by  a  policeman  who* 
was  seeking  to  arrest  him  was  advised  by  Judge  Dunne  in  openx 
court  yesterday  to  sue  the  policeman  for  damages. 

"Policemen  have  no  right  to  shoot  fleeing  fugitives.  They 
are  empowered  to  arrest  a  man  caught  in  the  act  of  committing- 
a  crime  or  charged  with  a  crime  but  that  does  not  give  them 
the  right  to  shoot  a  man  down  because  he  seeks  to  avoid  arrest 
by  flight.  Go  and  sue  the  man  who  injured  your  arm. 

"There  is  no  law  in  Illinois  which  gives  a  policeman  the 
right  to  shoot  a  fleeing  fugitive.  Here  are  three  cases  in  which 
men  have  been  brought  to  my  court  with  bullets  in  their  bodies 
or  with  crippled  legs  or  arms.  In  each  case  they  were  unarmed 
and  were  injured  and  maimed  while  attempting  to  escape.  The 
sooner  the  police  are  taught  they  cannot  use  their  weapons  so 
freely  the  better  it  will  be  for  all  citizens." 


80  DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,    GOVERNOR 


RIGHT    OF   ADJOINING    OWNER   TO 
LICENSE  A  HACK  STAND. 

RULING  BY  JUDGE  DUNNE,  MARCH  17,  1902. 

Important  issues  were  settled  by  Judge  Edward  F.  Dunne 
this  morning  in  his  decision  in  the  "hack  stand  case."  He  holds 
that  neither  the  owner  nor  the  lessee  of  a  frontage  has  a  right 
to  grant  permission  to  a  hackman  to  stand  in  front  of  the  prem- 
ises or  to  collect  rent  for  the  privilege.  Judge  Dunne  in  his 
decision  said  in  part: 

"Time  was  when  the  king,  who  held  title  in  fee  to  all  prop- 
erty, could  do  as  he  willed  with  property  devoted  to  public  use. 
But  that  time  has  passed. 

"The  city  now  holds  the  title  in  fee  to  its  public  streets, 
but  in  trust  for  the  public,  and  cannot,  as  could  the  king,  law- 
fully devote  them  to  private  uses. 

"If  the  city  were  by  ordinance  to  give  one  particular  per- 
son or  corporation  the  exclusive  right  to  place  his  or  its  vehicles 
upon  a  public  street,  no 'lawyer  would  seriously  urge  that  such 
an  ordinance  was  valid. 

"How  does  the  ordinance  under  consideration  differ  from 
such  an  ordinance  in  principle  or  effect?  Giving  a  man  the  right 
to  designate  who  shall  exercise  a  special  privilege  is  just  as 
effective  and  advantageous  to  him  as  though  he  was  the  direct 
donee  of  such  a  privilege.  Indeed,  it  is  a  more  valuable  right. 
The  donee  of  such  a  privilege  might  not  be  able  in  person  to 
avail  himself  thereof,  but  the  donee  of  the  power  of  appointment 
to  the  privilege  can  derive  all  the  emoluments  without  personal 
presence  or  use. 


DUNNE JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  81 


LOW  WAGES  AND  FINANCIAL 
RESPONSIBILITY. 

DECISION  BY  JUDGE  DUNNE,  MARCH  23,  1902. 

"I  can  not  ascertain  how  much  this  young  man  is  short  in 
his  account.  He  says  he  has  credits  due  him  which  would  make 
up  the  amount  you  say  he  is  short.  When  you  gentlemen  ask  a 
man  to  take  such  a  responsible  position  at  such  a  small  salary 
and  where  he  is  called  on  in  performance  of  his  duty  to  collect 
such  large  amounts  of  money,  knowing  that  he  has  a  wife  and 
two  small  children,  you  are  simply  inviting  him  to  commit  a 
crime,  or  at  least  exposing  him  to  temptation. 

"I  cannot  permit  him  to  be  sent  to  the  penitentiary.  I  will 
fix  the  amount  of  the  shortage  at  $14  and  sentence  him  to  the 
county  jail  for  thirty  days.  I  believe  West  is  a  good  man.  Had 
his  salary  been  even  $5  more  he  would  never  have  been  exposed 
to  temptation  and  the  strength  of  the  invitation  to  commit  a 
crime  would  have  been  lost  on  him.': 


82 


UPHOLDS   CIVIL   SERVICE  LAW. 

SYLLABUS  OF  OPINION  OF  JUDGE  DUNNE,  JANUARY  1,  1903. 

Improper  discharge  of  employes^Mandamus  for  their  re- 
instatement. 

Circuit  Court,  Cook  County,  Illinois,  December  23,  1902. 
People  ex  rel.  Byrne,  v.  City  of  Chicago  et  al. 

SYLLABUS. 

Under  the  civil  service  act  of  Illinois,  an  employe,  in  the 
classified  civil  service  of  the  city  of  Chicago,  can  only  be  removed 
under  the  terms  and  conditions  set  forth  in  section  twelve  of  the 
act;  held,  that  certain  timekeepers  in  the  water  pipe  extension 
division  were  improperly  discharged  without  any  trial  or  hearing 
of  any  character,  and  that  a  mandamus  must  issue  for  their 
reinstatement. 


DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,    GOVERNOR  83 


AGAINST  JUSTICE  COURT  FEES. 

LETTER  TO  THE  SUPREME  COURT  OF  ILLINOIS,  JUNE  6,  1904. 
To  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  State  of  Illinois: 

The  undersigned,  as  judge  of  the  Circuit  Court  of  Cook  County, 
pursuant  to  law,  respectfully  reports  to  the  judges  of  the  Supreme 
Court  the  following  defects  and  omissions  in  the  laws  of  this 
State : 

First.  The  laws  of  this  State,  as  construed  by  the  Supreme 
Court,  permit  a  man  to  assign  and  mortgage  his  unearned  wages 
for  an  indefinite  period  in  the  future,  thereby  establishing  a  state 
of  peonage,  fostering  usury  and  depriving  his  wife  and  family  of 
the  means  of  subsistence.  The  evil  wrought  thereby  in  Cook 
County  has  become  well  nigh  intolerable.  The  Legislature  should 
pass  a  law  declaring  all  such  assignments  null  and  void. 

Second.  The  fee  system  which  prevails  in  our  justice  courts  is 
a  fruitful  source  of  injustice,  and  is  burdening  the  upper  courts 
with  appealed  cases  of  trivial  importance,  which  are  retried  in  the 
upper  courts  at  enormous  expense  to  the  public,  and  so  congest  the 
calendars  of  the  Circuit  and  Superior  Courts  of  Cook  County  that 
at  the  present  time  it  takes  about  three  years  for  a  case  to  be  reached 
for  trial. 

Under  the  iniquitous  fee  system  the  defendants  in  a  great 
majority  of  the  cases  appeal  because  they  believe  that  under  the 
present  fee  system  they  cannot  procure  a  fair  trial  before  a  magis- 
trate who  collects  his  fees  from  the  plaintiffs. 

The  fee  system  should  be  abolished  and  the  justices  of  Cook 
County  at  least  be  paid  fixed  salaries. 

The  late  Governor  Altgeld  once  declared  there  were  more  judges 
in  Cook  County  than  in  all  England,  and  yet,  by  reason  largely  of 
the  fact  that  much  of  their  time  is  taken  up  in  the  trial  of  trifling 
cases  on  appeal,  their  calendars  are  rapidly  falling  behind. 

I  recently  tried  three  cases  in  one  day  in  the  Circuit  Court,  the 
amount  of  money  involved  not  in  the  aggregate  exceeding  $50. 

Third.  A  City  Court,  having  five  judges,  should  be  estab- 
lished in  Chicago  which  should,  in  addition  to  the  jurisdiction  now 
conferred  on  City  Courts,  be  given  exclusive  jurisdiction  on  appeal 
from  justices  of  the  peace  of  all  violations  of  city  ordinances  and 
quasi-criminal  cases.  The  judges  of  said  courts  should  receive 
adequate  salaries  of  $5,000  each. 


84  DUNNE — JUDGE,  MAYOR,  GOVERNOR 

Fourth.  Indictment  in  all  cases  of  petit  larceny  and  other 
misdemeanors  should  be  abolished.  Such  cases  should,  in  the  first 
instance,  be  tried  upon  information  or  complaint  before  justices  of 
the  peace  and  a  jury  of  six,  appeal  to  lie  in  case  of  conviction  to 
the  City  Court,  as  in  civil  cases. 

Under  the  present  system  the  grand  jury  of  Cook  County  is 
in  almost  continuous  session,  and  the  Criminal  Court  is  glutted 
with  such  a  mountain  of  indictments,  many  of  them  for  trifling 
misdemeanors,  that  six  judges  are  unable,  by  constant  work,  to  do 
more  than  prevent  a  jail  delivery  by  the  running  of  the  statute. 

If  petit  larceny  and  misdemeanor  cases  were  disposed  of  as 
suggested,  in  my  judgment  three  judges  would  be  sufficient  to  try 
all  the  felony  cases  in  the  Criminal  Court 
Respectfully, 

E.  F.  DUNNE. 


DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,    GOVERNOR  85 


ON  INEQUALITY  TAX  ASSESSMENTS. 

ADDRESS  TO  SINGLE  TAX, CLUB,  FEBRUARY  1,  1896. 

Mr.  Chairw,an  and  Gentlemen: 

Political  profligacy  or  political  incompetence,  or  both,  have 
forced  upon  the  public  within  the  last  few  months  consideration 
of  the  question,  "How  are  municipal  expenditures  to  be  kept 
within  the  limit  of  municipal  income?"  The  city  of  Chicago  is 
confronted  today  with  a  disparity  between  its  available  income 
and  its  liabilities  during  the  current  year  amounting,  according 
to  the  estimates  of  Mayor  Swift,  to  the  sum  of  $5,000,000,  or, 
according  to  Alderman  Madden,  to  $1,200,000.  Whichever  esti- 
mate be  correct,  it  is  an  undisputed  fact  that  hundreds  of 
thousands  of  dollars  worth  of  unpaid  judgments  against  the  city, 
drawing  interest  at  the  rate  of  five  per  cent  per  annum,  appear 
unsatisfied  upon  the  judgment  dockets  of  our  courts.  Contrac- 
tors for  public  improvements,  where  work  has  been  fully  per- 
formed, are  clamoring  for  their  pay;  bills  for  current  supplies 
furnished  to  the  city  are  months  overdue,  and  the  firemen  and 
policemen  of  the  city  are  in  monthly  apprehension  of  being  paid 
off  with  city  scrip. 

The  great  city  of  Chicago,  with  its  population  of  1,750,000, 
and  its  princely  income  of  $34,000,000  per  year,  is  so  poor  in 
money  and  so  lacking  in  credit  that  it  confesses  itself  unable  to 
keep  its  corporal  body  clean  or  to  protect  its  citizens  from  the 
contagion  of  deadly  disease.  The  contractors  who  covenanted 
for  the  cleaning  of  its  streets  have  long  ago  abandoned  their  con- 
tracts, and  for  months  past  the  imperial  city  of  the  west  has  been 
the  spiritless,  mendicantlike  recipient  of  alms  given  in  the  form 
of  street  cleaning  by  the  employes  of  the  Civic  Federation.  Even 
that  mortifying  and  humiliating  relief  has  been  withdrawn  and 
the  great  metropolis  of  the  west  today  lies  wallowing  supinely 
in  its  own  filth  and  ordure,  a  reproach  and  scandal  to  municipal 
government. 

In  this  wretched  condition  of  affairs,  the  people  are  beginning 
to  ask,' What  has  brought  about  this  condition  of  affairs?  How 
long  must  it  last?  How  are  we  to  get  relief? 

An  answer  to  the  first  of  these  questions  can  be  easily  dis- 
covered. Two  causes  have  contributed  to  bring  about  the  present 


86  DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,    GOVERNOR 

distressed  condition  of  the  city's  finances.  First,  corruption  and 
dishonesty  in  the  common  council,  which  has  been  engaged  for 
years  past  in  bartering  and  giving  away  to  private  persons  and 
corporations  rights  and  franchises  worth  hundreds  of  millions  of 
dollars,  and  in  the  added  corruption  or  incapacity  of  duly 
appointed  and  paid  heads  of  departments.  The  former  class  of 
public  officials,  elected  and  sworn  to  guard  the  public  interests, 
have,  year  after  year,  in  the  most  brazen  and  shameless  manner 
voted  away  to  street  car  companies,  railroad  companies,  gas  com- 
panies, electric  light  companies,  and  to  every  snug  coterie  of  kid- 
gloved  scoundrels  who  offer  them  their  price,  every  right  and 
privilege  of  value  in  the  city,  whether  it  was  on  earth  or  in  the 
heavens  above  or  the  waters  beneath. 

All  this  has  been  done  without  practically  a  dollar's  worth  of 
compensation  to  the  city.  The  incomes  drawn  from  the  exercise 
and  utilization  of  these  franchises  and  privileges  by  the  owners 
run  up  into  the  millions,  and  would  suffice  in  themselves,  if  they 
belonged  to  the  city,  to  pay  the  whole  annual  tax  levy  of  the  city. 

But  this  corruption  is  not  all.  "When  the  duly  elected  and 
sworn  officers  of  the  city  have  been  so  recreant  to  their  trust,  is 
it  to  be  wondered  at  that  the  understrappers  appointed  by  and 
through  them  should  be  no  less  trustworthy  ?  The  stream  cannot 
rise  higher  than  its  source. 

If  the  common  council  will  pocket  swag,  and  give  away  the 
streets  of  the  city,  is  it  to  be  expected  that  the  chief  of  the  water 
department  will  honestly  collect  the  water  rates,  or  that  the  city 
collector  will  collect  the  license  fees  due  from  the  running  of 
street  cars?  But  a  few  weeks  since,  according  to  the  daily  papers, 
the  commissioner  of  public  works  declared  that  he  had  positive 
proof  that  several  wealthy  pork  packing  concerns  had  for  years 
been  stealing  water  from  the  city  of  Chicago. 

There  were  loud  protestations  at  the  time  that  the  city  would 
collect  from  these  concerns  every  dollar  that  the  city  had  been 
swindled  out  of,  which  it  was  asserted  amounted  to  hundreds  of 
thousands  of  dollars,  but,  although  many  weeks  have  elapsed,  I 
have  failed  to  learn  that  any  money  has  been  paid  over  by  the 
meter  dodgers,  or  that  any  suit  or  other  proceeding  has  been 
instituted  for  the  collection  of  the  same. 

If  this  be  taken  as  a  fair  sample  of  official  conduct,  can  it  be 
wondered  at  that  the  city  is  in  an  impoverished  condition  ?  With- 
out doubt  official  corruption,  or  gross  mismanagement,  or  indif- 
ference to  the  interests  of  the  municipality,  is  one  and  probably 
the  main  cause  of  the  city's  present  financial  embarrassment. 
But  this  is  not  the  only  cause.  While  the  municipal  authorities 
of  the  city  have  been  giving  away  with  prodigal  hand  the  heritage 


DUNNE — JUDGE,  MAYOR,  GOVERNOR  87 

of  the  whole  people  and  allowing  the  city  to  be  robbed  of  its 
water  taxes,  license  fees,  and  other  sources  of  income,  they  have 
also  kept  their  eyes  fixed  upon  the  moneys  which,  by  excessive 
and  unequal  levies  upon  honest  taxpayers,  they  have  managed 
to  get  into  the  hands  of  the  city  treasurer. 

The  one  thing  necessary  to  wipe  out,  within  a  reasonable 
time,  the  city's  financial  deficit,  in  addition  to  rational  retrench- 
ment in  the  civil  list,  is  an  honest  assessment  by  valuation  of  real 
and  personal  property  in  this  city,  or  a  reform  of  assessments. 

Yet,  notwithstanding  the  clearly  expressed  and  reiterated 
command  of  the  statute,  it  is  notorious  that,  within  the  memory 
of  man,  no  assessment  on  a  "fair  cash  value"  has  ever  been 
made  in  the  city  of  Chicago.  Nor  has  any  assessor  ever  held  the 
office  who  was  not  guilty  of  moral,  if  not  legal,  perjury.  It  is 
further  notorious  that  men  who  have  held  the  office  of  assessor 
but  for  one  term  have  retired  from  office  after  a  few  days'  work 
with  sufficient  money  in  their  vaults  or  bank  accounts  to  keep 
them  in  luxury  for  the  rest  of  their  lives. 

Let  us  see  what  unholy  conspiracy  between  conscienceless 
property  owners  and  unprincipled  assessors  under  this  law  has 
accomplished  in  the  way  of  defrauding  the  city  within  recent 
times.  The  ordinary  citizen  has  his  property  assessed,  if  he  does 
not  "see"  the  assessor,  at  from  fifteen  to  thirty  per  cent  of  its 
real  value.  The  poor  man's  cottage  is  generally  assessed  at 
twenty  per  cent  at  least  of  its  real  value.  Keeping  this  in  mind 
let  us  see  how  the  very  valuable  pieces  of  property  in  the  heart 
of  Chicago,  all  of  which  are  owned  by  millionaires,  are  assessed. 
A  few  cases  will  suffice.  I  quote  now  from  a  most  valuable  work, 
the  "Report  of  the  bureau  of  labor  statistics  of  the  State  of 
Illinois  for  1894,"  a  work  which,  by  the  way,  the  wealthy  news- 
paper owners  of  Chicago  have  been  singularly  silent  upon.  I 
must  except  from  this  statement,  however,  the  publishers  of  one 
paper,  who  have  recently  made  use  of  the  information  contained 
in  this  valuable  work,  with  telling  effect.  A  few  instances  of 
unique  assessments: 

Percent- 
age of 

Real         Assessed  real  value 
value.  value,     assessed. 

Old    Colony,    southeast    corner    Dearborn 
and  Van  Buren  Street — Estate  Francis 

Bartlett    $1,677,500       $73,000  4.35 

Manhattan,     307-321     Dearborn     Street — 

Charles  C.  Heisen 1,550,000          72,000  4.65 

Letter     Building,    Siegel,    Cooper    &    Co., 

L.  Z.  Letter 3,900,000         204,000  5.23 

Major  Block,  southeast  corner  LaSalle  and 

Madison  Streets— L.  J.  McCormick . . .    1,375,000          76,500  5.56 


88  DUNNE JUDGE,    MAYOR,    GOVERNOR 

Percentage 

of  Real 

Real        Assessed    Value 
Value.          Value.     Assessed 
Bort  Building,  17-21  Quincy  Street— C.  C. 

Heisen $    440,000       $26,000  5.91 

Auditorium,  Michigan  and  Wabash  Aven- 
ues and  Congress  Street — Studebaker 
Brothers,  H.  F.  Willing  and  Francis 

Bartlett    5,000,000        305,500  6.11 

Caxton  Building,  330-334  Dearborn  Street 

—Augustus  Lowell  650,000  42,800  6 . 58 

Grand    Pacific   Hotel — L.    Z.    Leiter    and 

Northwestern  University  4,750,000        233,000  6 . 86 

Security  Building,  southeast  corner  Madi- 
son Street  and  Fifth  Avenue — M.  M. 

Bryant    775,000          40,300  6.23 

Studebaker     Building,     202-206     Michigan 

Avenue — Studebaker,  Lyon  and  Ross.    1,025,000          47,500  4.63 

The  foregoing  ten  cases  are  cited  as  striking  instances  of 
gross  and  corrupt  favoritism  in  the  matter  of  assessing  the  value 
of  property  in  the  city  of  Chicago.  In  each  and  every  one  of 
these  cases  the  owners  of  the  properties  are  reputed  millionaires, 
many  of  them  nonresidents,  and  by  means  of  these  grossly  inade- 
quate assessments  the  city  has  been  deliberately  robbed  of  its 
legitimate  revenue,  and  the  burden  of  supporting  the  city,  county 
and  State  has  been  thrown  upon  the  shoulders  of  citizens  who  are 
poor  or  of  moderate  means. 

Which  is  the  more  dangerous  element  in  this  community? 
The  men  who,  when  ground  down  by  unjust  social  conditions  and 
the  unfair  distribution  of  the  burdens  of  government  to  a  fierce 
struggle  for  daily  subsistence,  talk  of  a  social  revolution  or  even 
anarchy,  or  the  sleek  millionaire,  gorged  and  surrounded  by  all 
the  luxuries  of  life,  who  year  in  and  year  out  corrupts  assessors, 
dodges  his  taxes,  and  thus  throws  excessive  and  intolerable  bur- 
dens on  the  poor  and  brings  about  evils  against  which  not  only 
anarchists,  but  all  honest  men,  should  protest? 

"What,  then,  is  the  practical  remedy  for  the  present  financial 
distress  of  the  city  of  Chicago  ? 

It  has  been  suggested,  and  I  believe  by  the  mayor  of  Chicago, 
that  a  special  session  of  the  Legislature  be  called  for  the  purpose 
of  amending  the  law  which  limits  taxation  for  municipal  pur- 
poses, to  two  per  cent  of  the  assessors '  valuation  of  property. 

The  suggestion  should  not,  and  I  am  confident  will  not,  be 
entertained  by  the  Governor.  The  only  protection  which  the 
ordinary  honest  taxpayer  has  had  against  the  corruption  and 
rapacity  of  public  officials  has  been  this  wise  provision  of  the  law. 
"Were  it  not  for  this  provision  there  probably  would  be  no  deficit, 


DUNNE JUDGE,    MAYOR,    GOVERNOR  89 

but  the  rich  man  would  be  paying  less  taxes,  while  the  poor  man 
would  be  taxed  to  such  a  degree  as  to  compel  him  to  let  the  tax 
sale  shark  take  his  property. 

This  law  should  be  amended,  but  instead  of  increasing  the 
tax  limit  it  should  be  decreased  to  the  limit  of  one  per  cent,  for 
all  municipal  purposes. 

Experience  has  shown  that  the  government,  for  all  purposes, 
can  be  efficiently  administered  by  honest  officials  at  a  cost  of  one 
per  cent  of  the  actual  cash  value  of  taxable  property. 

To  accomplish  these  reforms  I  would  suggest  the  following 
amendments  to  the  law : 

First.  Abolish  in  all  cities,  township  organizations,  and  town- 
ship assessors. 

Second.  Limit  all  taxation  for  all  purposes  to  one  per  cent 
per  annum  on  the  real  cash  value  of  property. 

Third.    Abolish  all  exemptions. 

Fourth.  Create  a  permanent  board  of  assessment  and  taxa- 
tion. 


90  DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,    GOVERNOR 


JUSTICE,   NOT   CHARITY. 

JUDGE  DUNNE  IN  "THE  OBSERVER,"  DECEMBER  25,  1897. 

If  I  had  ample  means  to  carry  out  my  wish,  I  would  originate 
and  establish  on  Christmas  Day  a  fund  to  he  held  in  trust  for  the 
people  of  Chicago,  to  be  used  for  the  furtherance  of  JUSTICE 
AND  NOT  CHARITY  in  this  community.  Primarily  that  fund 
should  be  used  for  agitation,  exploitation,  and  education  in  bring- 
ing about  the  abolition  of  the  present  corrupt  and  odious  revenue 
system  under  which  the  poor  are  plundered,  the  middle  classes 
treated  unfairly,  and  the  corrupt  wealthy  further  enriched.  By 
the  use  of  such  a  fund  I  would  publish  and  keep  before  the 
people  constantly  the  real  and  assessed  values  of  the  property  of 
every  tax  dodger  in  the  city,  and  gather  evidence  that  would 
land  them  and  their  crooked  partners  in  crime,  the  assessors,  in 
the  penitentiary. 

Energetic  and  persistent  efforts  along  this  line,  I  am  con- 
vinced, would  soon  bring  about  a  rational  system  of  levying  taxa- 
tion under  which  a  board  of  assessors,  who  would  sit  the  whole 
year  round,  with  their  records  open  to  the  public  at  all  times, 
could  and  would  assess  values  honestly  and  impartially. 

After  having  accomplished  thus  much,  if  aught  remained  of 
the  fund,  I  would  devote  the  remainder  to  the  securing  by  like 
methods  the  abolition  of  the  fee  system  in  the  justice  courts  of 
Chicago,  a  system  which  places  a  premium  on  rascality,  a  burden 
on  honesty,  and  a  damper  on  justice  in  our  lower  courts. 

It  has  always  been  a  matter  of  surprise  to  me  that  we  have 
so  many  men  acting  as  justices  in  the  city  of  Chicago  who  have 
preserved  a  reputation  for  honesty.  They  are  dependent  upon 
plaintiff  lawyers  for  a  living  under  our  present  remarkable  sys- 
tem. Is  it  to  be  wondered  at  that  the  justice  court  is  frequently 
called  the  "plaintiff's  court"  or  that  outraged  litigants  define 
the  court  as  one  "that  is  supposed  to  dispense  justice,  but  which 
really  dispenses  with  it?" 

A  fund  established  for  the  purpose  above  indicated  and  ade- 
quate to  accomplish  such  results,  would,  in  my  humble  opinion,  be 
the  most  substantial  and  salutary  Christmas  present  that  could 
possibly  be  presented  to  the  people  of  this  city. 


DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,    GOVERNOR  91 


WITHDRAWS  FROM  IROQUOIS  CLUB. 

LETTER  TO  ARTHUR  J.  EDDY,  PRESIDENT  OP  THE  IROQUOIS  CLUB, 
FEBRUARY  19,  1898. 

DEAR  SIR:  In  the  preamble  to  the  declaration  of  principles 
of  the  Iroquois  Club,  subscribed  to  by  all  persons  joining  and 
remaining  members  of  said  club,  I  find  the  following  language : 

"Believing  that  the  welfare  of  the  country  and  the  con- 
tinual prosperity  of  its  institutions  require  for  their  preservation 
that  the  policy  and  character  of  the  government  shall  be  deter- 
mined and  guided  by  the  principles  of  the  Democratic  party,  and, 
in  order  to  add  to  the  organized  strength  of  the  Democratic  party 
in  Chicago,  we,  the  undersigned,  have  formed  ourselves  into  a 
club  known  as  the  Iroquois  Club." 

At  the  time  I  became  a  member  of  the  club,  in  1893,  sueh 
were  its  views. 

At  the  election  of  officers  last  month  you  were  the  successful 
candidate.  Prior  to  the  election  you,  as  a  candidate  for  the  Presi- 
dency, boldly  and  uncompromisingly  repudiated  the  Democratic 
platform  of  1896  and  declared  yourself  a  gold  monometallist. 
Upon  such  a  platform  or  declaration  of  principles  you  were 
elected. 

By  such  action  the  Iroquois  Club  has  placed  itself  without  the 
pale  of  Democracy.  If  the  club  was  simply  a  social  organization, 
this  would  be  a  matter  of  no  moment,  but,  as  the  club  claims  to  be 
a  Democratic  organization,  this  action  becomes  a  matter  of  serious 
importance  to  those  of  its  members  who  are  Democrats.  I  am  a 
Democrat  and  a  bimetallist.  I  cannot  consistently  remain  a  mem- 
ber of  a  socio-political  club  which  has  repudiated  both  Democracy 
and  bimetallism.  I  cannot  remain  on  board  of  the  torpedo  boat 
which,  while  flying  the  Democratic  flag,  opens  fire  upon  the  Demo- 
cratic man-of-war. 

I  regret  being  compelled  to  part  company  with  so  many 
old  friends  and  with  associations  which  have  been  so  pleasant; 
but,  in  view  of  the  fact  that  the  club  claims  to  be  a  political 
organization  and  now  holds  political  views  antagonistic  to  my 
own  and  those  of  the  Democratic  party,  I  feel  constrained  to  and 
herewith  present  my  resignation  as  member.  I  assure  you  and  the 
other  members  of  the  club  of  my  high  personal  regard  and 
esteem. 


92  DUNNE JUDGE,    MAYOR,    GOVERNOR 


THE  SERIOUS  CRISIS  OF  THE  DAY. 

EXCERPTS  FROM  ADDRESS  TO  MONTICELLO  CLUB,  OCTOBER  2, 1898. 

"We  are  face  to  face  with  momentous  events.  We  have 
reached  a  crisis  in  municipal,  State,  and  National  history.  In 
Chicago  wholesale  debauchery  of  the  common  council  has  been 
carried  on  so  openly  and  brazenly  and  successfully  that  no 
scheme  of  public  plunder  and  spoliation,  no  matter  how  rank, 
outrageous,  and  felonious  it  may  be,  can  be  suggested  but  that  the 
people  of  the  community  at  its  very  suggestion  are  filled  with  a 
well  grounded  apprehension  that  it  will  be  consummated.  The 
nefarious  design  of  handing  over  to  the  street  car  companies  of 
this  city  a  franchise  worth  at  least  $50,000,000  and  mortgaging 
the  streets  of  this  city  for  fifty  years  to  a  conscienceless  lot  of 
wealthy  bribe-giving  scoundrels  was  temporarily  warded  off  only 
two  months  ago  by  the  firmness  of  Mayor  Harrison  and  a  storm 
of  public  wrath  and  indignation  which  the  Monticello  Club  was 
a  potent  factor  in  creating.  Today  the  same  malign  influences 
are  operating  more  quietly  but  more  efficiently  in  Springfield. 

"During  the  last  two  months  the  public  has  been  sickened 
with  the  details  of  the  corruption  of  our  jury  system  by  the  sworn 
officers  of  the  law  in  the  temple  of  justice,  while  the  corpora- 
tions which  have  profited  thereby  brazenly  pocket  the  proceeds 
of  their  infamies  and  laugh  the  people  to  scorn.  The  bailiff  flees 
where  remittances  can  reach  him  in  due  course,  while  the  magnate 
smiles  and  the  unfortunate  victims  of  these  infamies  drag  out  a 
miserable  existence  of  deformity  and  starvation. 

"In  the  State  exists  a  situation  no  less  gloomy  and  disheart- 
ening. Within  the  last  two  years  corruption  has  reeled  in  a 
drunken  orgy  through  the  halls  of  the  Legislature,  scattering 
bank  notes  like  a  wanton,  among  a  miserable  lot  of  conscienceless 
scamps  who  have  betrayed  their  constituents  and  violated  their 
oaths  of  office/  The  agents  of  wealthy  corporations  have  secured 
the  passage  of  laws  that  are  a  stench  in  the  nostrijs  of  the  people 
and  a  wholesale  plunder  of  their  dearest  rights.  /  No  scheme  for 
further  enriching  the  rich  or  robbing  the  poor  seemed  to  be  too 
scandalous  for  their  consummation. 

"From  the  Case  garnishment  bill,  which  allows  only  $8 
exemption  to  the  head  of  a  family,  to  the  gigantic  infamies,  the 


DUNNE — JUDGE,  MAYOR,  GOVERNOR  93 

gas  consolidation  act  and  the  Allen  bill,  no  measures  seemed  too 
outrageous  for  the  last  ineffaceably  contemptible  Legislature  to 
enact  into  law.  That  the  Legislature  now  sitting  is  not  likely  to 
leave  a  better  record  is  shown  by  the  fact  that  it  has  chosen  as 
its  speaker  one  of  the  men  who  at  the  last  session  voted  for  most 
of  the  infamous  laws,  and  by  the  further  fact  that  its  sessions  are 
steadily  attended  by  the  ill-omened  birds  of  prey,  the  lobbyists 
who  were  so  signally  successful  during  the  last  session  in  dis- 
bursing their  employers'  money. 

"The  people  demand  a  repeal  of  the  Allen  bill,  the  gas  con- 
solidation bill,  and  the  warehouse  bill.  Will  they  get  it?  In  my 
judgment  it  is  more  likely  that  they  will  get  the  Humphrey  bill 
than  the  repeal  of  any  of  them.  The  dav  of  King  Boodle  is  not 
passed,  either  in  Chicago  or  in  Springfield,  and  will  not  pass  until 
an  enroused  and  enraged  public,  led  on  by  such  clubs  and  organ- 
izations as  the  Monticello  Club,  throttle  him  on  his  throne  and 
hurl  him  forever  from  power  in  this  land.  But  even  a  greater 
crisis  than  that  precipitated  by  municipal  and  State  corruption 
is  before  us — the  crisis  of  the  Nation. 

' '  The  rumble  of  the  guns  of  Dewey  's  fleet  is  borne  across  the 
waters.  It  is  the  first  broadside  of  the  empire.  The  republic  of 
Washington  and  Jefferson  and  Monroe  and  Lincoln  never  did  and 
never  would  have  fired  a  gun  in  such  a  cause  as  that  in  which 
Dewey  is  now  engaged.  This  remained  for  the  Republic  presided 
over  by  William  McKinley,  whose  course  in  this  regard  is  dic- 
tated by  one  Mark  Hanna  and  commended  by  one  Richard 
Croker. 

"In  what  cause  do  Dewey 's  cannons  roar?  In  the  cause  of 
human  disfranchisement.  The  Filipinos  demand  the  rfght  to  select 
their  own  government  by  popular  election.  They  have  been 
fighting  for  it  for  years.  Dewey 's  guns  are  shooting  down  that 
demand." 

ON  •  GOVERNMENT  FOR   THE   FEW. 

"The  need  and  occasion  for  such  a  club  has  been  long  mani- 
fest. We  who  believe  in  the  democratic  gospel  of  equal  rights  to 
all  and  special  privileges  to  none,  who  think  the  Government  was 
organized  and  should  be  conducted  so  as  to  secure  the  greatest 
good  to  the  greatest  number,  have  noted  with  amazement  and 
alarm  that,  for  the  last  six  years  under  an  administration  pro- 
fessedly democratic  as  well  as  republican,  the  interests  and  wel- 
fare of  the  common  people  were  being  openly  violated  and  ruth- 
lessly trampled  on  in  the  interest  of  monopoly  and  an  overgorged 
plutocracy. 


94  DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,    GOVERNOR 

"We  have  seen  the  law  so  construed  as  to  deprive  the  labor- 
ing man  of  the  right  of  a  trial  by  jury  for  its  alleged  infraction. 
We  have  seen  official  murder  committed  at  the  instance  of  capital, 
in  Pennsylvania,  declared  to  be  no  crime.  We  have  seen  the  bonds 
of  the  Government  sold  at  scandalously  low  prices  at  private 
sale  to  favored  syndicates.  We  have  seen  trusts,  controlling  the 
absolute  necessities  of  life,  organized  and  perfected  whose  aggre- 
gate capital  amounts  to  the  enormous  sum  of  $2,122,882,000.  We 
have  seen  our  telephones  monopolized,  our  railroads  monopolized, 
our  sugar  monopolized,  also  our  meat,  our  ice,  coal,  salt,  gas,  oil, 
paper,  leather,  and  even  our  school  books,  and  the  coffins  in  which 
we  are  laid  away  to  permanent  rest.  In  view  of  these  circum- 
stances it  is  eminently  proper  that  we  who  profess  to  be  Demo- 
crats should  get  together  and  organize  clubs  to  resist  the  en- 
croachments on  the  people's  rights." 


DUNNE — JUDGE,  MAYOR,  GOVERNOR  95 


DENOUNCES  THE  ANNEXATION  OF 
THE  PHILIPPINES. 

ADDRESS  BEFORE  IROQUOIS  CLUB,  1898. 

Mr.  Chairman  and  Gentlemen: 

The  year  1898  has  been  one  of  the  most  glorious  in  American 
history.  In  the  interest  of  a  persecuted  and  ill-governed  people, 
and  in  the  sacred  cause  of  humanity,  we  declared  war  upon  and 
vanquished  a  not  altogether  unformidable  foe  in  one  of  the  short- 
est, most  decisive,  and  brilliant  campaigns  in  history.  The  fight- 
ing capacity,  high  intelligence,  and  steady  courage  of  the  Amer- 
ican sailor  and  soldier  have  again  been  signally  demonstrated  to 
the  world,  and  the  heart  of  every  American  thrills  with  pride 
as  he  recalls  their  splendid  achievements. 

Flushed  with  pride  and  victory,  we  enter  upon  the  year 
1899 — a  year  destined  to  be  as  momentous  to  the  American 
Nation  as  1898  was  glorious.  During  a  history  of  123  years,  the 
young  and  groAving  American  Republic  has  engaged  in  no  aggres- 
sive foreign  wars.  That  of  1812  was  essentially  a  defensive 
struggle,  wherein  the  young  Republic  was  compelled  to  defend 
the  rights  of  her  citizens  upon  the  high  seas.  The  Mexican  "War 
was  one  which  arose  over  a  dispute  about  boundaries  in  which 
as  much  could  be  freely  urged  in  good  faith  on  both  sides  of  the 
controversy. 

The  Nation  has  pursued  the  even  tenor  of  its  way,  fortunately 
isolated  by  its  position  from  the  warlike  nations  of  the  earth, 
with  friendship  for  all  and  entangling  alliances  with  none. 

By  wisely  devoting  ourselves  to  the  internal  development  and 
extension  of  our  farms,  our  mines,  and  our  domestic  manu- 
factures, we  have  grown  from  a  sparsely  settled  wilderness  in 
1776  into  a  well  settled  empire  of  unparalleled  fertility  and 
wealth,  containing  75,000,000  of  free  people.  The  national  con- 
fines have  been  steadily  extended,  but  always  by  peaceable  means, 
and  as  the  result  of  bargain  and  sale,  except  in  the  case  of  the 
Mexican  War,  when  the  territory  in  dispute  was  by  treaty 
declared  to  be  American  soil.  As  a  result  of  the  revolt  of  its 
people,  spontaneously  developed  during  the  Mexican  War,  the 
California  territory  also  became  a  part  of  the  public  domain,  but 
neither  in  this  case  nor  in  any  other  where  our  country  enlarged 


96  DUNNE — JUDGE,  MAYOR,  GOVERNOR 

its  territorial  jurisdiction  did  the  people  of  this  Republic  pursue  a 
grasping  or  aggressive  policy.  The  lust  of  conquest  and  the  greed 
of  territorial  acquisition  had  not,  up  to  the  year  1898,  ranged  the 
American  Republic  among  the  robber  nations  of  the  earth.  Until 
the  present  time  the  American  Republic  has  not  acquired  a  foot 
of  soil  except  by  two  honorable  methods: 

First.  Free  and  uncoerced  purchase  from  the  owners  by 
treaty. 

Second.  By  consenting  to  the  annexation  of  territory  con- 
tiguous to  the  soil  of  the  Republic,  pursuant  to  the  almost  unani- 
mous desire  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  territory  annexed. 

In  considering  the  important  events  of  the  present  time,  let 
us  not  for  a  moment  lose  sight  of  the  important  fact  that  not  one 
foot  of  American  soil  in  the  Republic,  as  it  now  exists,  has  been 
added  to  the  thirteen  original  colonies  and  incorporated  into  the 
American  Republic  without  either  a  quit-claim  deed  from  the 
tribe  or  nation  claiming  to  own  the  same,  or  in  response  to  the 
spontaneous  and  almost  unanimous  demand  of  the  people  dwel- 
ling therein,  after  they  had  of  their  own 'accord  revolted  from 
their  former  rulers. 

Another  important  fact  to  be  borne  in  mind  is  that,  with  the 
single  exception  of  Alaska,  not  a  foot  of  soil  has  been  annexed  to 
the  American  Republic  before  the  administration  of  President 
McKinley  which  was  not  contiguous  to  and  from  the  standpoint 
of  symmetrical  geography  necessary  to  the  natural  growth  and 
development  of  the  Nation. 

The  British  possessions  to  the  north,  as  well  as  the  former 
Spanish  and  her  Mexican  possessions  to  the  south,  extended  from 
ocean  to  ocean.  Naturally,  the  young  and  growing  Republic 
lying  between  them  upon  the  shores  of  the  Atlantic,  and  extend- 
ing to  the  Mississippi,  possessed  of  sufficient  strength  in  its  boy- 
hood to  force  its  manumitment  from  an  unjust  and  tyrannical 
mother,  must,  in  its  growth  to  manhood,  compressed  as  it  was 
between  its  British  and  Spanish  neighbors,  expand  westward  to 
the  Pacific  and  southward  to  the  Gulf  of  Mexico.  Pursuant  to 
this  natural  trend  of  development,  Louisiana,  Florida,  Texas,  and 
California  were  acquired  from  France,  Spain,  and  Mexico,  respec- 
tively. 

The  acquisition  of  Alaska  was  not,  it  is  true,  necessary  to  the 
natural  growth  and  development  of  the  Nation,  but  the  cession 
of  that  territory  by  Russia  was  freely  and  voluntarily  made  for 
a  consideration  satisfactory  to  the  seller,  but  regarded  by  many 
Americans  at  the  time  as  grossly  extravagant.  It  must  be  remem- 
bered that  at  the  time  of  its  purchase,  gold  and  other  valuable 
minerals  were  not  even  suspected  to  exist  therein;  that  its  total 


DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,    GOVERNOR  97 

population,  including  Indians,  was  less  than  30,000,  while  its 
sole  industry  was  seal  fishing.  Indeed,  there  is  good  reason  to 
believe  that  the  purchase  was  brought  about  by  a  seal-fishing 
lobby  for  the  purpose  of  securing  to  a  syndicate  a  monopoly  of 
that  business. 

All  of  the  territory  acquired  by  the  United  States  previous  to 
the  administration  of  President  McKinley  was  sparsely  settled 
and  unfit  for  immediate  colonization  by  American  citizens,  and 
all  of  it  excepting  Alaska  has  been  so  colonized,  and  most  of  it 
is  now  thickly  settled  by  our  citizens. 

Such  being  the  history  of  our  territorial  acquisition  in  the 
past,  we  are  now  confronted  with  the  proposition  to  annex  still 
more  territory  under  circumstances  and  conditions  which  every 
American  citizen  who  loves  his  country,  and  is  anxious  for  her 
future  glory  and  welfare,  should  seriously  reflect  upon  and  con- 
sider. 

In  this  consideration  the  question  of  partisan  politics  should 
be,  and  fortunately  can  be.  wholly  discarded.  Neither  of  the 
great  political  parties  of  the  country  has  as  yet  committed  itself 
upon  the  question.  Leading  men  in  both  parties  have  declared 
themselves  in  favor  of  annexation ;  others,  equally  prominent  and 
influential  in  both  parties,  have  publicly  announced  themselves 
as  opposed  to  the  scheme.  The  drift  of  sentiment  among  the 
ranks  of  the  party  in  power  seems  to  favor  annexation,  while  the 
general  trend  of  opinion  among  the  opposition  seems  antagonistic 
thereto.  There  is  imminent  danger  that  the  views  on  the  subject 
held  by  the  administration  and  the  party  in  power  will  prevail, 
and  that  the  treaty  just  negotiated  at  Paris  will  be  ratified.  For 
the  honor  of  my  country  I  hope  this  will  not  happen ;  but,  if  the 
lust  of  conquest  and  the  greed  of  gain  dethrone  the  national 
reason  and  sense  of  justice,  and  this  treaty  be  ratified  in  the 
Nation 's  Senate,  then,  indeed,  are  there  rocks  ahead  of  the  ship  of 
state. 

During  123  years  of  national  life  the  honor  of  the  American 
Nation  has  remained  unsiullied.  I  can  look  back  over  the  pages 
of  my  country 's  history  and  find  thereon  no  act  of  perfidy,  treach- 
ery, or  disgrace.  Our  declarations  of  war  have  been  based  upon 
justifiable  grounds,  our  treaties  have  been  respected,  and  we  have 
kept  faith  with  the  world  in  all  our  national  declarations  and 
manifestoes. 

Can  we  make  this  boast  if  the  proposed  Spanish-American 
treaty  is  ratified? 

In  the  declaration  of  war  against  Spain  we  declared  it  to  be 
a  war  of  "humanity  and  not  of  conquest" — a  war  undertaken  for 
the  sole  purpose  of  relieving  the  starved  and  plundered  Cubans 

—4 


98  DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,    GOVERNOR 

from  Spanish  tyranny.  Yet,  within  a  few  months  afterward, 
when  the  debilitated  and  vanquished  Spaniard  is  lying  at  our 
feet,  we  propose  to  take  from  him  not  only  the  famished  child 
he  has  robhed  and  misused,  but  his  watch  and  chain  and  most  of 
his  other  trinkets,  and  offer  him  his  car  fare  to  get  home. 

"What  will  be  the  verdict  'of  history  upon  the  conduct  of  the 
United  States  if  this  treaty  be  ratified  ? 

In  March,  1898,  we  announce  to  the  world,  that  we  have 
undertaken  a  war  of  "humanity  and  not  of  conquest."  In  Jan- 
uary, 1899,  we  ratify  a  treaty  procured  by  a  brow-beating,  hucks- 
tering commission,  which  has  measured  American  honor  with  the 
dollar  mark — a  treaty  which  provides  for  the  acquisition  of 
120,000  square  miles  of  territory  and  10,000,000  of  people,  without 
a  single  provision  therein  providing  for  the  consent  of  the  people 
involved. 

What  is  the  verdict  of  our  contemporaries  ?  Already  the  press 
and  people  of  Europe  deride  our  professions  of  humanity  and 
question  our  political  honesty  and  good  faith.  They  gleefully 
declare,  and  declare  with  truth,  that  the  once  glorious  Republic, 
whose  Declaration  of  Independence  recognized  the  right  of  man 
to  political  equality,  and  declared  that  all  governments  derive 
their  "just  powers  from  the  consent  of  the  governed,"  has  de- 
scended to  the  level  of  the  robber  nations  of  Europe,  whose  meth- 
ods of  acquiring  territory  have  been  recently  illustrated  in  the 
Soudan,  where  Maxim  guns  and  repeating  rifles  were  pitted 
against  naked  bodies  and  wooden  shields,  the  wounded  assassi- 
nated in  cold  blood  after  the  battle,  and  the  result  celebrated  in 
civilized  London  as  a  victory — and  such  massacres  called  "war." 

Are  we  the  heirs  and  descendants  of  the  men  who  revolted 
against  a  British  tyrant  because  he  attempted  to  force  them,  in 
the  language  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  "to  relinquish 
the  right  of  representation  in  the  Legislature,  a  right  inestimable 
to  them  and  formidable  to  tyrants  only,"  now  to  be  heard  to 
declare  that  we  have  the  right  to  pass  laws  for  10,000,000  Fili- 
pinos without  giving  them  representation  in  our  Congress?  Not 
a  single  annexationist  in  Congress  or  out  of  it  has  made  a  pre- 
tense of  admitting  that  the  Filipinos  shall  be  given  representa- 
tion in  Congress.  And  if  the  Filipinos,  as  now  'seems  likely, 
resist  the  extension  of  our  domain  over  their  islands,  shall  we, 
who  have  gloried  in  a  "government  of  the  people,  by  the  peo- 
ple, and  for  the  people,"  turn  the  guns  of  Dewey's  fleet  upon 
a  brave  and  gallant  people,  who  for  years  have  carried  on  a 
bloody  struggle  with  Spain  to  secure  the  same  independence 
that  we  fought  for  and  obtained  in  1776?  If  we  do,  it  will  be 
the  most  shameful  spectacle  in  American  history — a  recantation 


DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,    GOVERNOR  99 

of  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  a  colossal  infamy,  a  national 
crime. 

Shall  we  repeat  the  history  of  the  Roman  republic  or,  profit- 
ing by  its  example,  avoid  its  crimes  and  errors  and  escape  its 
fate?  Early  in  the  history  of  Rome  its  people  revolted  against 
King  Tarquin,  as  did  our  forefathers  revolt  against  George  III. 
Then  followed  in  Rome  a  glorious  era  in  which  rugged  virtue, 
sterling  honesty,  simplicity  of  life,  and  a  love  of  liberty  were 
the  distinguishing  characteristics  of  the  Roman  people,  as  they 
were  the  striking  attributes  of  the  American  citizen  during 
Revolutionary  days. 

Gradually  wealth  began  to  be  amassed  by  the  citizens  of 
Rome  as  wealth  has  been  rapidly  accumulated  in  America  for  a 
quarter  of  a  century  past.  Castes  were  created  and  the  patri- 
cian became  separated  from  the  plebeian,  the  wealthy  from  the 
poor,  just  as  the  same  division  has  taken  place  among  us  in 
recent  times.  The  creditor  began  to  oppress  the  debtor  and 
the  rich  became  richer  and  the  poor  became  poorer  in  the  sec- 
ond century  before  Christ  as  is  the  situation  today  in  the  nine- 
teenth century  after  Christ. 

Internecine  agrarian  wars  broke  out,  caused  by  the  hunger, 
misery,  and  distress  of  the  common  people  in  Rome,  similar  in 
character  to  our  labor  strikes,  lockouts,  and  riots  of  recent  years. 
In  this  crisis  the  wealthy  patricians  of  Rome  who  constituted  its 
governing  class,  with  the  double  purpose  of  enhancing  their  own 
possessions  and  opportunities  for  public  and  private  plunder,  and 
of  filling  the  empty  stomachs  of  the  starving  mob  and  thus  dis- 
tracting them  from  the  consideration  of  misgovernment  at  home, 
provoked  and  succeeded  in  bringing  about  a  series  of  wars  of 
conquest.  City  after  city,  province  after  province,  and  country 
after  country  were  attacked,  overrun,  and  plundered,  their  prop- 
erty confiscated  and  their  people  sold  into  slavery.  A  small 
portion  of  the  proceeds  was  distributed  among  the  Roman  legions 
but  the  bulk  of  it  went  into  the  strong  boxes  of  the  procon- 
suls and  their  satellites.  Tremendous  armies  were  kept  con- 
stantly in  the  field.  The  whole  citizenship  of  Rome,  from  the 
consuls  down  to  the  camp  followers  of  the  legions,  became 
fired  with  the  lust  of  conquest  and  gorged  with  the  spoils  of 
victory.  The  underfed,  unorganized  mob  became  an  overfed, 
well  disciplined,  and  insolent  army,  and  the  end  soon  came.  The 
truculent  legionaries,  from  time  to  time,  selected  their  most 
desperate  and  reckless  generals  and  proclaimed  them  emperors, 
marched  upon  Rome  and  installed  them  on  the  throne.  The 
republic  went  down  in  a  sea  of  blood  and  rapine,  and  the  most 
profligate  and  tyrannical  empire  in  history  was  erected  upon 


100  DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

its  ruins.  A  Vitellius  and  a  Nero  ruled  the  descendants  of  men 
who  had  chosen  a  Cicero  and  a  Lentulus  as  consuls. 

The  American  Republic  today  has  reached  that  point  in  the 
analogy  where  colossal  wealth  and  abject  penury — overgorged 
satiety  and  pinched  faced  hunger — exist  side  by  side  among  its 
citizens,  and  foreign  conquests  and  great  standing  armies  are 
suggested  by  our  rulers.  Let  us  pause  before  we  accept  the 
suggestions,  lest  the  future  history  of  the  American  Republic 
be  like  to  that  of  Rome.  What  justification  can  be  offered  for 
the  adoption  of  the  hitherto  un-American  policy  of  acquiring 
territory  against  the  will  of  its  inhabitants  and  forcing  our  gov- 
ernment on  an  unwilling  people  ?  It  is  not  only  a  reversal  of  the 
whole  policy  of  governing  people  with  the  consent  of  the  gov- 
erned and  a  violation  of  the  precedents  of  American  history, 
but  it  violates  both  the  letter  and  spirit  of  our  Constitution. 

The  only  provision  in  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States 
which  contemplates  the  acquisition  of  territory  is  in  section  3, 
article  4,  which  declares  "new  states  may  be  admitted  by  the 
Congress  of  this  Union."  It  is  not  contended  by  the  advocates 
of  annexation  that  the  Philippine  Islands  or  Porto  Rico  are  to 
be  admitted  now  or  in  the  remote  future  to  statehood.  This 
provision,  therefore,  is  not  referred  to  or  invoked  by  them.  But 
it  is  contended  by  the  friends  of  annexation  that  every  sover- 
eignty has  inherently  the  right  to  develop  and  grow,  and,  in  the 
progress  of  that  growth,  to  acquire  territory  necessary  to  such 
growth,  and  that  this  right  exists  in  the  absence  of  all  constitu- 
tional provisions  relating  thereto.  This  much  I  am  prepared  to 
concede,  and  it  may  be  that  in  the  acquisition  of  Porto  Rico,  an 
island  adjacent  to  our  shores,  it  might  be  contended,  with  some 
appearance  of  candor,  that  we  are  not  violating  the  letter  and 
spirit  of  the  Constitution;  but  when  we  come  to  consider  the 
proposition  of  annexing  the  Philippine  Islands  we  run  counter  to 
several  provisions  of  the  Constitution  of  this  country. 

First.  The  preamble  of  the  Constitution  provides:  "We, 
the  people  of  the  United  States,  *  *  *  do  ordain  and  establish 
this  Constitution  for  the  United  States  of  America."  This  is  the 
opening  sentence  of  the  Constitution — and  note  well  the  words 
used:  "For  the  United  States  of  America." 

The  foundation  stone  of  the  whole  national  structure  upon 
which  the  entire  scheme  of  government  was  to  be  reared  is  laid 
for  the  United  States  of  America,  not  for  the  United  States  of 
America  and  Polynesia,  or  the  United  States  and  the  Islands  of 
the  Pacific,  but  for  the  United  States  of  America. 


DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  101 

Whatever  may  be  said  of  Porto  Rico,  it  has  never  been,  and 
never  will  be,  claimed  by  any  honest  annexationist  that  the 
Philippine  Islands  are  in  America. 

Second.  The  same  preamble  declares  that  the  Constitution  is 
established  "in  order  to  form  a  more  perfect  union." 

Will  it  be  seriously  contended  that  the  acquisition  of  between 
1,300  and  1,400  islands,  situated  in  the  tropic  zone,  over  8,000 
miles  away,  inhabited  by  less  than  10,000  white  men  and  10,000,000 
Malays,  Mohammedans,  and  Chinese,  many  of  whom  are 
ignorant  and  but  semi-civilized,  is  conducive  to  a  more  perfect 
union  "between  the  states  of  this  Republic"?  On  the  contrary, 
acquisition  of  such  a  remote  territory,  inhabited  by  such  a  people, 
must  inevitably  be  a  source  of  weakness  and  disunion.  If  one  of 
the  expressed  objects  of  the  Constitution  is  "to  form  a  more  per- 
fect union,"  is  it  not  a  plain  violation  of  both  the  letter  and  the 
spirit  of  the  Constitution  to  introduce  into  the  body  politic  such 
an  element  of  weakness  and  disintegration? 

Third.  Among  other  objects  sought  to  be  obtained  by  the 
adoption  of  the  Constitution,  as  declared  in  that  instrument,  is 
"to  insure  domestic  tranquillity  and  to  promote  the  general  wel- 
fare." 

Can  you,  my  hearers,  conceive  of  any  scheme  more  likely  to 
destroy,  rather  than  insure,  domestic  tranquillity  and  the  public 
welfare  than  to  incorporate  into  the  body  of  American  citizen- 
ship over  10,000,000  Malays,  Indians,  Mohammedans,  and  Chinese 
so  far  distant  from  the  seat  of  government — these  people,  too. 
being  a  race  of  men  who,  for  the  last  thirty  years,  have  been 
'engaged  in  continuous  rebellion  against  their  Spanish  rulers?  If 
they  can  and  have  resisted  so  steadfastly  and  valiantly  the  for- 
eign rule  of  the  Spaniards,  is  it  likely 'that  they 'will  tamely  sub- 
mit to  a  government  in  the  formation  of  which  they  have  no 
chance,  even  though  it  be  American?  If  they  have  the  force  of 
character  and  sturdy  independence  of  our  American  forefathers, 
they  will  resist  American  laws  in  the  making  of  which  they  have 
had  no  part,  as  vigorously  and  as  righteously  as  they  have 
resisted  the  enforced  laws  of  the  Spaniard.  All  the  indications 
at  the  present  time  point  to  a  forcible  resistance  to  American 
occupation  unless  their  independence  be  recognized  or  their  auton- 
omy protected.  Is  this  conducive  to  domestic  tranquillity  and 
the  public  welfare? 

Bearing  in  view  the  remoteness  of  these  islands  from  Amer- 
ica, the  ignorance  and  complexity  of  their  population  and  the 
total  dissimilarity  between  it  and  the  people  of  the  United  States, 
both  in  manners,  habits,  intelligence,  race,  and  religion,  are  we  not 
forced  to  the  conclusion  that,  in  attempting  to  annex  them,  we 


102  DUNNE JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

are  violating  both  the  letter  and  spirit  of  our  Constitution  which 
was  ordained  for  an  American  people  and  for  the  more  perfect 
union  and  domestic  tranquillity  of  the  American  people  and  no 
other?  Are  we  not,  in  attempting  so  to  do,  opening  a  Pandora's 
box  from  which  will  fly  all  the  evils  usually  incident  to  a  gov- 
ernment forced  upon  an  unwilling  people,  which  is  usually  called 
tyranny  ? 

But  I  desire  to  place  my  opposition  to  annexation  on  higher 
and  broader  and  holier  grounds  than  the  Constitution,  and  that 
is  the  ground  of  righteousness  and  morality.  There  is  and  should 
be  such  a  thing  as  righteousness  and  justice  and  morality  among 
nations  as  well  as  among  men.  "Thou  shalt  not  steal,"  is  a 
commandment  which  should  be  as  binding  upon  statesmen  as 
upon  private  citizens. 

The  immortal  words  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence, 
"All  men  are  created  equal"  and  "Governments  derive  their 
just  powers  from  the  consent  of  the  governed"  are  as  true  today 
as  they  were  in  1776  and  still  more  true.  Some  of  the  men  whose 
names  were  subscribed  to  that  glorious  promulgation  of  the  rights 
of  man  held  black  men  at  the  time  in  bondage.  Today  such  a 
thing  is  impossible.  To  attempt  to  govern  a  great  body  of  men 
without  consulting  their  wishes  and  permitting  them  to  declare 
their  election  for  the  form  and  character  of  the  government 
imposed  upon  them,  according-  to  all  the  teachings  and  traditions 
of  American  history,  is  tyranny  and  a  national  crime.  It  is 
opposed  to  the  genius  of  American  institutions  and  a  violation  of 
the  national  conscience.  Never  until  the  year  1898  has  any 
American  statesman  had  the  temerity  to  suggest  or  justify  the 
acquisition  of  foreign  soil  and  the  government  of  its  inhabitants 
against  their  will.  This  idea  of  American  statesmanship  appears 
contemporaneously  with  the  election  of  men  like  Mark  Hanna  to 
the  Senate  of  the  United  States.  A  little  over  a  year  ago  the 
President  of  the  United  States  in  a  message  to  Congress  said : 
"I  speak  not  of  forcible  annexation  because  that  is  not  to  be 
thought  of,  and  under  our  code  of  morality  that  would  be  crim- 
inal aggression." 

These  were  the  words  of  a  true  American  actuated  by  the 
spirit  of  true  Americanism,  yet  this  same  gentleman  today  is  fav- 
oring the  forcible  annexation  of  the  Philippines  and  Porto  Rioo 
without  the  consent  of  their  people,  for  that  is  wThat  the  Spanish- 
American  treaty  provides.  Now  he  calls  it  "benevolent  assimila- 
tion." "What  would  the  lion  have  said  if  he  had  had  McKinley's 
neat  felicity  of  expression  on  the  occasion  of  the  disappearance 
of  the  lamb?  Why  simply  that  it  was  a  case  of  benevolent  assim- 
ilation. 


DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  103 

Yet  bending  before  the  popular  storm  which  he  must  see 
rising  on  the  horizon  the  President  hesitates  and  falters,  and 
offers  a  palliation  in  the  shape  of  a  commission  which  is  to  visit 
the  Philippines  and  see  what  the  Filipinos  want.  Will  the  Ameri- 
can people  or  the  Filipinos  be  deluded  or  deceived  by  any  such 
shifty  time  serving  and  senseless  proposals?  Fifty  thousand  Fili- 
pinos have  been  fighting  for  many  years  past  for  their  complete 
liberty  and  independence.  They  now  refuse  to  lay  down  their 
arms  and  decline  to  permit  American  soldiers  to  land  in  Iliolio  or 
any  other  place  where  they  are  in  control  until  their  independence 
is  guaranteed.  Through  their  representative  in  Washington  they 
are  now  in  respectful  language  protesting  against  the  ratification 
of  this  treaty,  and  reminding  us  of  the  principles  enunciated  in 
our  own  Declaration  of  Independence.  Yet  in  the  face  of  all  these 
facts,  the  President  would  have  five  estimable  gentlemen  sail  over 
to  Manila  and  sail  back  again  and  report  to  the  American  Nation 
what  the  Filipinos  want.  Is  the  proposal  not  farcical,  if  honest, 
and  if  made  with  ulterior  motives,  is  it  not  shameful1? 

If  the  American  people  would  preserve  intact  the  glorious 
principles  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  maintain  the  integ- 
rity of  the  Constitution  in  both  letter  and  spirit,  live  up  to  the 
noble  precedents  of  its  past  history,  preserve  the  self  respect  of 
the  American  people,  and  uphold  the  national  faith  and  honor 
throughout  the  world  it  will  repudiate  the  annexation  terms  of 
this  treaty  in  the  Senate,  reassemble  its  commissioners  and 
instruct  them  to  demand  the  complete  independence  of  the  Philip- 
pines, Porto  Rico,  and  Cuba,  exacting  from  them  as  the  price  of 
their  independence  the  cost  of  the  war.  Then  indeed  will  it  have 
been  a  war  of  humanity  and  not  of  conquest,  a  war  of  right 
against  might,  of  righteousness  against  evil. 

But  if  the  Senate  of  the  United  States  should  besmirch  the 
national  honor  and  lower  the  standard  of  American  manhood  by 
ratifying  this  treaty,  then  naught  remains  for  the  American  peo- 
ple but  to  demand  and  secure  at  the  polls  the  independence  of  the 
Philippines  and  Porto  Rico  or  prepare  for  an  era  of  military 
supremacy  and  imperialism  toward  which  we  are  but  too  surely 
drifting.  Let  us  consider  what  the  retention  of  the  Philippines 
means.  Many  of  these  islands  are  mere  rocks  in  the  ocean,  but 
some  of  them  will  be  as  dangerous  to  our  navy  as  are  the  financial 
and  political  rocks  ahead  of  our  ship  of  state  as  it  sails  through 
the  dangerous  waters  of  colonial  imperialism.  It  means  first  an 
increase  of  our  standing  army,  the  cost  of  which  has  been  esti- 
mated to  be  from  $125,000,000  to  $150,000,000  per  year.  This 
capitalized  at  three  per  cent  means  an  indebtedness  of  five  billion 
dollars. 


104  DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

Second.  An  increased  navy  and  costs  of  fortifications  of  from 
$150,000,000  to  $200,000,000  per  annum  or  equivalent  to  interest 
at  three  per  cent  on  at  least  five  billion  more. 

Third.  A  tremendously  increased  pension  roll,  the  limits  to 
Avhich  cannot  be  defined.  In  tropical  climates  white  men  can 
live  in  health  and  vigor  but  for  a  few  years,  and  our  garrisons 
would  be  constantly  depleted  by  disease  and  death,  thus  entailing 
liabilities  of  frightful  proportions. 

Fourth.    Increased  liability  to  embroilment  in  foreign  wars. 

The  first  three  items  of  expense,  just  enumerated,  must  be 
borne  even  in  time  of  peace,  but  situated  as  are  the  Philippine 
Islands,  not  far  from  Chinese,  Japanese,  Indian,  French,  English, 
German,  and  Russian  ports  and  territories,  we,  as  their  possessors, 
will  be  in  constant  danger  of  entanglement  with  one  or  more  of 
these  powers.  At  the  present  time,  when  every  nation  in  Europe 
as  well  as  Japan,  is  hungrily  contemplating  the  partition  of  China, 
the  chances  of  the  ruler  of  the  Philippines  being  dragged  into  the 
inevitable  struggle  are  exceedingly  likely,  particularly  if  it  be  a 
nation  having  a  respectable  navy.  Already  our  hereditary  enemy 
of  over  a  century,  against  whom  we  rebelled  in  1776,  who  tried 
to  crush  us  in  1812,  and  who  again  during  the  War  of  the  Rebel- 
lion gave  her  money  and  sympathy  to  the  South,  and  fitted  out 
the  privateers  that  drove  our  commerce  from  the  seas,  discover- 
ing that  we  have  a  navy  that  is  formidable,  has  given  evidence 
of  a  change  of  heart  and  calls  us  his  "Anglo-Saxon  cousins."  Let 
us  remind  him  that  his  protestations  of  regard  are  a  little  too 
late ;  that  Europe,  not  England,  is  the  mother  country  of 
America;  that  we  need  no  alliances  and  can  stand  alone.  And 
yet  the  press  of  this  country  is  filled  with  a  lot  of  silly  twaddle 
about  an  Anglo-American  alliance.  The  good  sense  of  the  Ameri- 
can people  will  never  tolerate  such  an  unnatural  and  dangerous 
connection. 

The  United  States,  outside  of  the  weak  and  debilitated  king- 
dom she  has  vanquished,  has  not  an  enemy  in  the  world.  Eng- 
land, on  the  contrary,  has  not  a  friend  in  the  world.  The  Rus- 
sian pickets,  with  loaded  guns,  are  hovering  upon  the  borders  of 
her  empire  in  India  and  Afghanistan,  and  Russian  •  diplomacy 
has  outmaneuvered  her  in  China.  'Tis  but  yesterday  that  war 
between  England  and  France  over  the  Fashona  incident  was 
obviated  only  by  the  most  skillful  diplomacy,  without,  however, 
allaying  the  bitter  feelings  aroused  thereby  in  the  minds  of  the 
people  of  both  countries.  Hostility  to  the  British  still  rankles 
in  the  hearts  of  the  Boers,  and  the  German  Emperor  still  approv- 
ingly pats  the  Boer  on  the  back  and  encourages  his  resistance  to 
English  aggression.  The  colonization  schemes  of  England, 


DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  105 

France,  Germany,  and  Portugal  in  Africa  are  gradually,  but 
surely,  coming  to  a  point  where  open  war  must  soon  take  the 
place  of  secret  aggression  and  intrigue.  A  chance  spark  will 
explode  the  mine. 

The  United  States  is  separated  by  the  ocean  from  all  these 
warlike  and  aggressive  nations,  and  has  dwelt  for  over  half  a 
century  in  peace  and  harmony  with  her  neighbors  to  the  north 
and  south,  and  has  no  bone  of  contention  with,  jealousy  of,  or 
hatred  for  any  nation  on  earth.  On  the  contrary,  the  British 
empire,  owing  to  its  rapacity  in  the  past  and  the  almost  world- 
wide possession  of  colonies  in  the  present,  is  always  in  the  posi- 
tion of  treading  upon  some  other  nation's  corns.  She  is  always 
at  war  and  generally  with  uncivilized  or  half  civilized  and  ill- 
armed  peoples,  and  always  will  be  at  war  so  long  as  she  pursues 
her  present  and  past  history  of  spoilation  and  conquest.  Is  Brother 
Jonathan,  who  fo'r  over  fifty  years  has  lived  in  peace  and  harmony 
with  the  whole  world,  prepared  to  link  arms  with  and  take  up 
the  quarrels  of  John  Bull,  who,  as  he  has  walked  down  the  thor- 
oughfare of  the  nations,  has  thumped  a  man  or  cuffed  a  boy  at 
every  street  corner  and  robbed  them  both,  and  now  shows  the 
same  bullying  disposition,  or  will  he  attend  to  his  own  affairs,  leav- 
ing John  Bull  to  fight  out  his  own  destiny?  What  possible  object 
can  be  obtained  by  such  an  alliance?  Is  there  anything  that  this 
Nation  wants  that  she  cannot  herself  obtain  without  the  assist- 
ance of  England  or  any  other  nation?  I  know  of  none.  That  the 
alliance  would  be  of  much  value  to  England  all  will  concede.  It 
will  enable  her  to  retain  her  present  supremacy  at  sea,  to  hold 
the  lands  she  has  conquered  and  plundered,  and  possibly  to  con- 
quer and  plunder  others.  But  to  use  a  colloquialism,  "Where 
does  the  Yankee  come  in?"  He  is  proverbially  shrewd  at  bar- 
gains. The  alliance  would  be  at  the  expense  of  American  money, 
blood,  and  reputation.  What  does  he  get  in  return?  The  Anglo- 
maniacs  who  have  been  stuffing  our  papers  have  failed  to  point 
out  a  single  item  of  compensation  that  would  result  to  the 
United  States  from  such  a  connection,  and  until  they  can  an 
Anglo-American  alliance  should  not,  and  will  not,  be  seriously 
entertained  by  the  American  people.  Even  Andrew  Carnegie, 
whose  love  for  England  is  so  strong  that  he  flies  the  Union  Jack 
sewed  to  the  American  flag  over  his  home,  sees  the  rank  unfair- 
ness of  such  an  alliance,  and  declares  in  an  article  published  this 
month  in  the  North  American  Review,  ' '  The  Republic  shall  remain 
the  friend  of  all  nations  and  the  ally  of  none ;  that  being  free 
today  of  all  foreign  entanglements  she  shall  not  undertake  to 
support  Britain,  who  has  these  to  deal  with." 


106  DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

Bishop  Potter  has  stated  that  such  an  alliance  would  make 
this  country  the  "catspaw  of  Britain."  The  only  possible  con- 
tingency under  which  such  a  proposition  as  an  alliance  with  Great 
Britain  could  be  considered  would  be  the  abandonment  of  the 
republican  form  of  government  and  the  establishment  in  its  place 
of  a  great  colonizing  empire,  in  the  establishment  of  which  both 
a  great  standing  army  and  a  tremendous  navy,  as  well  as  an 
alliance  for  the  time  being  with  some  other  great  power,  is  essential. 

I  sincerely  believe  that  men  of  the  Mark  Hanna  and  Boss 
Croker  stamp  are  prepared  for  and  would  welcome  such  a  change. 
There  are  many  indications  of  such  designs.  They  have  untold 
wealth  at  their  disposal.  They  have  fostered  and  brought  about 
the  concentration  of  most  of  the  important  manufactures  of  the 
country  into  gigantic  trusts  and  monopolies.  They  have  suc- 
ceeded in  controlling  the  output  and  fixing  the  price  in  the 
United  States  of  most  of  the  necessaries  of  life,  of  our  coal,  our 
iron,  our  oil,  our  gas,  our  railroads,  our  street  cars,  our  salt,  our 
sugar,  our  flour,  our  rubber,  our  delft-ware,  our  tin,  our  tobacco, 
our»snuff,  our  fish,  our  brooms,  our  print  goods,  our  thread,  our 
buttons,  our  milk,  our  cotton  goods,  our  beef,  our  pork,  our  glass, 
our  leather,  our  lumber,  our  paper,  our  soap,  aye,  even  our  chil- 
dren's school  books,  and  the  coffins  in  which  we  must  be  buried, 
and  yet  not  satisfied  with  their  undisputed  industrial  and  finan- 
cial dominion  at  home  they  are  now,  like  Alexander,  sighing 
for  new  worlds  to  conquer. 

In  the  introduction  into  foreign  lands  of  their  schemes  for 
adding  to  their  ill-gotten  wealth,  they  are  likely  to  run  counter 
to  laws  and  institutions,  in  the  establishment  of  which  they  have 
taken  no  part.  New  lobbies  would  have  to  be  organized  to  shape 
and  modify  these  laws  and  institutions  so  that  special  privileges 
— the  trust  and  monopoly — may  work  their  wills.  Existing 
executives  might  have  to  be  persuaded,  cajoled,  intimidated,  or 
dethroned.  The  judicial  tribunals  of  the  country  might  have  to 
be  enlightened,  reconstituted,  or  reformed.  All  this  costs  money. 
What's  so  cheap  and  easy  as  to  grab  a  great  territory  and  a  few 
million  of  human  beings  by  treaty,  and  through  the  same  instru- 
mentalities and  officials  that  have  permitted  them  to  obtain  uncon- 
trolled industrial  supremacy  in  the  United  States,  pass  a  few  laws 
in  "Washington  that  are  satisfactory  to  them,  without  consulting 
the  wishes  or  interests  of  the  millions  annexed,  and  then  send 
a  few  satraps  or  proconsuls  to  the  annexed  territory,  with  a 
large  standing  army  and  a  powerful  navy  at  the  expense  of  this 
Nation,  and  compel  the  millions  annexed  to  submit  to  these 
enforced  laws? 


DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  107 

This  is  the  real  scheme  of  the  powerful  interests  advocating 
expansion  and  imperialism  at  Washington,  and  this  is  the  great- 
est danger  this  Republic  has  ever  been  brought  to  face.  Behind 
the  seeming  lust  of  empire  and  annexation,  which  in  reality  does 
not  exist  in  the  Nation,  is* the  real  lust  of  wealth  which  does 
exist  among  the  powerful  monopolists  of  America  who,  unfor- 
tunately, control  the  administration  and  shape  the  legislation  of 
the  country.  No  American  citizen  dreamed  of  the  annexation  of 
an  unwilling  people  six  months  ago.  No  statesman  who  valued 
his  future  would  have  dared  to  suggest  it.  "When  President 
McKinley,  a  year  ago,  declared  in  his  message  to  Congress  that 
"forcible  annexation — under  our  code  of  morality — would  be 
criminal  aggression,"  he  spoke  the  then  true  sentiment  of  William 
McKinley  and  of  the  entire  American  citizenship.  When  he  now 
speaks  of  the  "benevolent  assimilation"  of  the  Philippines  he 
speaks  the  sentiments  of  Mark  Hanna,  of  Boss  Croker,  of  Rocke- 
feller, of  Havemeyer,  of  Morgan,  of  the  Standard  Oil  company, 
of  the  New  York  Stock  Exchange,  and  of  all  the  violators  of  our 
laws  against  trusts  and  monopolies,  but  not  the  sentiment  of  the 
American  people. 

The  serious,  solemn  question  presented  to  us  and  every 
American  citizen  is:  Shall  the  views  and  aims  of  the  trusts, 
monopolies,  and  dangerously  wealthy  and  corrupt  men  of  the 
country,  of  whom  Hanna  and  Croker  are  fair  representatives  on 
each  side  of  the  political  fence,  prevail,  or  shall  the  common 
citizenship  of  the  Republic,  Democratic,  Republican,  Populistic, 
alike,  assert  its  intelligence  and  love  of  republican  government, 
drive  the  money  changer  from  the  temple  of  liberty  and  reassert 
to  the  people  of  the  world  at  large,  and  the  Philippines  in  par- 
ticular, that  this  is  a  government  "of  the  people,  by  the  people, 
for  the  people,"  and  that  no  government  is  just,  or  has  the 
right  to  exist,  that  does  not  exist  with  the  full  consent  of  the 
governed  ? 

Great  social  and  economic  questions  have  been  confronting 
us  in  recent  years.  Inequality  and  injustice  of  taxation  are  prob- 
ably the  most  important.  You,  the  members  of  this  organization, 
believe  you  have  found  the  true  solution  of  the  problem  and  a 
certain  cure  for  the  evil.  Municipal  and  national  ownership  of 
the  means  of  transportation  and  communication  is  also  a  ques- 
tion of  the  greatest  public  importance,  and  I,  for  one,  believe  the 
legislation  could  and  should  be  passed  that  would  secure  the  same. 
Other  important  social  and  economic  questions  are  ripe  for  dis- 
cussion, but  in  my  judgment  all  of  these  matters,  are,  at  the  pres- 
ent time,  secondary  in  importance  to  the  all-absorbing  question 
as  to  whether  the  Republic  shall  live.  Tf  imperialism  prevails 


108  DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

the  Republic  dies.  If  the  Republic  dies  the  single  tax,  municipal 
ownership,  state  socialism,  and  all  other  agitated  reforms  sink 
together  into  the  dust.  Citizenship,  and  the  suffrage  will  disap- 
pear, and  in  the  end  the  moneyed  oligarchy,  paraphrasing  the 
declaration  of  the  French  autocrat  to'  his  courtiers,  will  say  to  the 
people  of  America,  ' '  The  State !  "We  are  the  State ! ' ' 

Ex-Governor  Altgeld  has  recently  declared  that  since  the 
promulgation  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence  over  250  con- 
stitutions that  were  republican  in  form  have  been  adopted.  Most 
of  them  have  perished.  Is  this  to  be  the  fate  of  our  glorious 
Republic?  Not  if  the  American  people  are  true  to  the  traditions 
of  the  past  and  alive  to  the  perils  of  the  present.  Not  if  the 
wise  and  patriotic  admonitions  of  Washington  are  remembered. 
Not  if  the  spirits  of  Jefferson  and  Jackson  hover  over  the  Repub- 
lic. Not  while  the  Declaration  of  Independence  remains  the  gos- 
pel of  American  liberty.  But,  if  forgetting  or  repudiating  all 
these,  the  American  people,  like  the  Romans,  abandon  the  Republic 
for  an  empire,  who  can  safely  predict  that  the  American  empire 
will  have  a  different  end  from  that  of  Rome? 


DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  109 


VIEWS  ON  SPANISH-AMERICAN 
TREATY. 

EXCERPTS  FROM  ADDRESS  TO  SINGLE  TAX  CL.UB,  JANUARY  28,  1899.. 

"In  no  case  where  our  country  enlarged  its  territorial  juris- 
diction did  the  people  of  the  republic  pursue  a  grasping  or  aggres- 
sive policy.  The  lust  of  conquest  and  the  greed  of  territorial 
acquisitions  had  not,  up  to  the  year  1898,  ranged  the  American 
Republic  among  the  robber  nations  of  the  earth. 

"Until  the  present  time  the  American  Republic  has  not 
acquired  a  foot  of  soil  except  by  two  honorable  methods: 

"First.  Free  and  uncoerced  purchase  from  the  owners  by 
treaty. 

"Second.  By  consenting  to  the  annexation  of  territory  con- 
tiguous to  the  soil  of  the  Republic,  pursuant  to  the  almost  unani- 
mous desire  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  territory  annexed. 

"What  will  be  the  verdict  of  history  upon  the  conduct  of 
the  United  States  if  the  Paris  treaty  be  ratified  1  In  March,  1898, 
we  announce  to  the  world  that  we  have  undertaken  a  war  of 
'humanity  and  not  of  conquest.' 

"Are  we  the  heirs  and  descendants  of  the  men  who  revolted 
against  a  British  tyrant  because  he  attempted  to  force  them,  in 
the  language  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  'To  relinquish 
the  right  of  representation  in  the  legislature,  a  right  inestimable 
to  them  and  formidable  to  tyrants  only,'  now  to  be  heard  to 
declare  that  we  have  the  right  to  pass  laws  for  10,000,000  Fili- 
pinos without  giving  them  representation  in  our  Congress?  Not 
a  single  annexationist  in  Congress  or  out  of  it  has  made  a  pre- 
tense of  admitting  that  the  Filipinos  shall  be  given  representa- 
tion in  Congress. 

"And  if  the  Filipinos,  as  now  seems  likely,  resist  the  exten- 
sion of  our  dominion  over  their  islands,  shall  we,  who  have 
gloried  in  a  'government  of  the  people,  by  the  people,  for  the 
people,'  turn  the  guns  of  Dewey's  fleet  upon  a  brave  and 
gallant  people  who  for  years  have  carried  on  a  bloody  struggle 
with  Spain  to  secure  the  same  independence  that  we  fought  for 
and  obtained  in  1776?  If  we  do  it  will  be  the  most  shameful 
spectacle  in  American  history,  a,  recantation  of  the  Declaration 
of  Independence,  a  colossal  infamy,  a  national  crime. 


110  DUNNE JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

"If  the  Senate  of  the  United  States  should  besmirch  the 
national  honor  and  lower  the  standard  of  American  manhood  by 
ratifying  the  treaty,  then  naught  remains  for  the  American  peo- 
ple but  to  demand  and  secure  at  the  polls  the  independence  of 
the  Philippines  and  Porto  Eico,  or  prepare  for  an  era  of  mili- 
tary supremacy  and  imperialism  toward  which  we  are  but  too 
surely  drifting.  Let  us  consider  what  the  retention  of  the  Philip- 
pines means.  Many  of  their  islands  are  mere  rocks  in  the  ocean, 
but  none  of  them  will  be  as  dangerous  to  our  navy  as  are  the 
financial  and  political  rocks  ahead  of  our  ship  of  state  as  it  sails 
through  the  dangerous  waters  of  colonial  imperialism. 

"It  means,  first;  an  increase  of  our  standing  army,  the  cost 
of  which  has  been  estimated  to  be  from  $125,000,000  to 
$150,000,000  a  year.  This,  capitalized  at  three  per  cent,  means 
an  indebtedness  of  $5,000,000,000. 

"Second.  An  increased  navy  and  cost  of  fortifications  of  from 
$150,000,000  to  $200,000,000  per  annum,  or  equivalent  to  interest 
at  three  per  cent  or  at  least  $5,000,000,000  more. 

"Third.  A  tremendously  increased  pension  roll,  the  limits  of 
which  can  not  be  defined.  In  tropical  climates  white  men  can 
live  in  health  and  vigor  but  a  few  years  and  our  garrison  would 
constantly  be  depleted  by  disease  and  death. 

"The  immortal  words  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence, 
'All  men  are  created  equal'  and  'governments  derive  their  just 
powers  from  the  consent  of  the  governed'  are  as  true  today  as 
they  were  in  1776  and  still  more  true.  Some  of  the  men  whose 
names  were  subscribed  to  that  glorious  promulgation  of  the  rights 
of  man  held  black  men  at  the  time  in  bondage.  Today  such  a 
thing  is  impossible. 

"  To  attempt  to  govern  a  great  body  of  men  without  con- 
sulting their  wishes  and  permitting  them  to  declare  their  election 
for  the  form  and  character  of  the  government  imposed  upon 
them,  according  to  the  teachings  and  traditions  of  American 
history,  is  tyranny  and  a  national  crime.  It  is  opposed  to  the 
genius  of  American  institutions  and  a  violation  of  the  national 
conscience." 


DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  111 


THE  MANCHESTER  MARTYRS. 

ADDRESS  BY  JUDGE  DUNNE,  NOVEMBER  25, 1899. 

Mr.  Chairm\an  and  Gentlemen: 

''Crowns  of  roses  fade;  crowns  of  thorns  endure;  Calvaries' 
and  crucifixions  take  deepest  hold  of  humanity;  the  triumphs  of 
might  are  transient,  they  pass  and  are  forgotten;  the  sufferings 
of  right  are  graven  deepest  on  the  chronicle  of  nations." — Words 
taken  from  an  author  to  me  unknown. 

Thirty-two  years  ago,  in  the  city  of  Manchester,  three  humble 
Irishmen  gave  up  their  lives  upon  an  English  scaffold  as  an 
expiation  of  Irish  resistance  to  English  rule. 

From  that  down  to  the  present,  a  lapse  of  nearly  a  third  of 
a  century,  the  tragic  fate  of  these  men  has  been  annually  com- 
memorated in  every  part  of  the  civilized  or  uncivilized  earth  into 
which  English  misgovernment  has  driven  the  Irish  race. 

In  the  stately  capitol  of  Ireland,  with  the  shadow  of  Dublin 
castle,  in  rebel  Cork,  in  ancient  Galway,  in  prosperous  Belfast, 
in  the  Australian  bush,  among  the  Canadian  forests,  in  the  min- 
ing camps  of  the  Eockies  and  South  Africa,  in  the  great  cities 
of  America,  aye,  in  the  English  metropolis  itself,  Manchester 
Martyrs  day  has  been,  is,  and  will  be  commemorated  as  long  as 
the  spirit  of  Irish  nationality  continues  to  live. 

What  is  the  reason  for  keeping  alive  the  memory  of  this 
tragic  event? 

These  men  were  not  great  in  camp,  in  court,  or  in  the  field. 
They  were  neither  statesmen,  warriors,  poets,  or  philosophers. 
They  had  not  the  glory  of  "dying  on  the  battlefield,  their  broken 
spears  beside."  They  fell  not  at  the  head  of  charging  batal- 
lions,  nor  dearly  sold  their  lives  to  cover  their  beaten  but  uncon- 
quered  comrades  in  retreat.  The  honor  of  a  soldier's  death  was 
not  theirs. 

Amidst  the  gloom  of  a  November  day  their  lives  were 
strangled  out  of  them  by  an  English  hangman,  surrounded  by  all 
the  ignominies  and  humiliations  of  an  English  execution.  None 
the  less,  they  died  the  deaths  of  heroes  and  earned  for  themselves 
the  right  to  be  numbered  in  the  long  and  bloody  list  of  Irish 
martyrology. 


112  DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

It  fell  to  their  lot  to  take  their  part  in  the  struggle  of  the 
Irish  race  for  Irish  nationhood,  a  struggle  which  has  been  handed 
down  from  sire  to  son  through  twenty-eight  generations  and, 
looking  full  in  the  face  of  death,  they  played  their  part  like  gal- 
lant men. 

In  the  supreme  moment  of  their  taking  off,  like  the  obscure 
French  Captain  Cambronne  on  the  field  of  Waterloo,  they  hurled 
contempt  and  defiance  into  the  teeth  of  their  country's  trium- 
phant enemies. 

The  Irish  race  commemorates  their  tragic  death,  because  by 
it  they  proved  to  the  world  that  the  spirit  of  Irish  nationality 
is  not  dead  nor  yet  sleeping,  that  despite  Papal  bulls  and  Epis- 
copal fulminations,  penal  laws  and  coercion  acts,  wars,  massa- 
cres and  governmentally  created  famines,  oppression  and  cor- 
ruption from  without,  and  dissention  and  faction  within,  the 
gibbet,  the  pitch-cap,  the  convict  hulk,  and  the  famine  ship,  the 
militant  spirit  and  ardent  aspirations  of  the  Irish  race  for  nation- 
hood have  neither  been  smothered  to  death  nor  beaten  into  insen- 
sibility. 

The  Irish  people  through  the  world  revere  and  honor  these 
men  because,  in  dying  upon  the  scaffold  in  the  cause  of  their 
country's  enfranchisement,  they  have  placed  themselves  in  the 
exalted  company  of  Shaun  O'Neill  and  Tone  and  Shears,  and  Orr 
and  Robert  Emmet,  and  that  countless  list  of  gallant  men  whose 
flowing  blood  has  made  the  English  scaffold  an  Irish  altar  of 
adoration. 

The  celebration  of  this  anniversary  at  the  present  time  is  of 
peculiar  significance. 

If  the  story  of  the  lives  and  deaths  of  these  men  reveals 
anything  it  is  that  no  race  of  people  is  great  enough  or  good 
enough,  or  strong  enough,  to  force  its  rule  upon  another  high- 
spirited  and  unwilling  people. 

It  is  over  seven  hundred  years  since  the  English,  under  war- 
rant of  Pope  Adrian's  bull,  assumed  control  of  Ireland.  "Within 
these  seven  centuries  there  surely  has  been  ample  opportunity 
for  "benevolent  assimilation." 

Yet  within  these  seven  centuries  there  has  never  been  a  day 
when  the  great  body  of  the  Irish  people  were  not  disloyal  to  the 
English  government  and  eagerly  awaiting  an  opportunity  for 
successful  revolt.  During  the  last  century  there  have  been  four 
open  insurrections,  or  more  than  in  any  previous  century,  -and 
British  rule  has  been  maintained  during  the  nineteenth  century 
only  by  suspending  the  habeas  corpus  act,  that  palladium  of  Eng- 
lish liberty,  for  twenty  years,  and  by  enforcing  upon  the  Irish 
people  for  forty-five  other  years  the  most  drastic  and  tyrannical 


DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  113 

coercion  acts.  In  other  words,  English  dominion  has  been  pre- 
served in  Ireland  during  the  last  century  only  by  denying  to  the 
Irish  people  for  sixty-five  years  of  that  time  the  right  to  live  as 
English,  Scotch,  and  Welshmen  did  during  that  same  period.  And 
this  was  accomplished  by  the  use  of  a  standing  army  of  from 
thirty  to  sixty  thousand  men.  Imagine  the  State  of  Illinois 
keeping  from  thirty  to  sixty  thousand  militia  constantly  under 
arms  and  mobilized  ready  for  action,  with  laws  in  force  mak- 
ing it  a  penal  offense  for  any  citizen  to  have  a  revolver  or  a  shot- 
gun upon  his  person  or  premises,  with  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus 
from  time  to  time  suspended,  and  the  right  of  the  soldiery  to 
search  a  man's  house  at  any  time  of  the  day  or  night,  and  you 
can  understand  the  condition  of  Ireland  for  the  last  one  hundred 
years.  What  it  was  before  this  century  is  beyond  the  reach  of 
ordinary  language. 

A  reading  of  the  English  penal  laws  in  force  in  the  eighteenth 
century  makes  the  blood  run  cold. 

The  condition  of  Ireland  during  the  last  century  is  a  fair 
sample  of  the  success  of  attempting  to  govern  an  intelligent, 
high-spirited  people  without  the  "consent  of  the  governed." 

Yet,  notwithstanding  its  experience  with  the  Irish  people, 
the  British  empire  is  again  endeavoring  to  repeat  history  in  the 
Transvaal. 

Here  they  have  found  a  sturdy  race  of  high-spirited,  God- 
fearing, law-abiding  and  law-enforcing  Dutchmen  in  possession 
of  a  country  rich  in  soil  and  mineral  resources.  These  men, 
driven  from  British  possessions,  after  years  of  conflict  with  wild 
beasts  and  savage  men,  have  conquered  the  wilderness,  established 
homes,  and  founded  a  republic.  Suddenly  gold  and  diamond 
mines  of  enormous  richness  are  discovered,  and  British  subjects 
are  attracted  thereby  from  the  adjoining  British  colonies.  The 
value  of  these  mines  is  reported  in  Downing  Street,  and  that 
august  and  conscienceless  council  of  national  land-grabbers, 
called  the  British  cabinet,  resolves  to  "benevolently  assimilate" 
the  Dutch  republic.  A  fight  with  the  republic  must  be  provoked. 
A  willing  tool  is  at  hand.  Gladstone,  the  greatest  and  grandest 
Englishman  who  ever  lived,  had  concluded  an  honorable  treaty 
with  the  Transvaal  republic,  in  which  the  independence  had  been 
guaranteed.  Joseph  Chamberlain,  surnamed  Judas,  because  of  his 
ingratitude  toward  and  betrayal  of  Gladstone,  is  a  member  of 
the  British  cabinet  as  a  reward  for  his  treachery.  To  him  is  com- 
mitted the  task  of  diplomatic  highway  robbery. 

A  number  of  English  gold  seekers  and  fortune  hunters  in  the 
race  for  wealth  had  entered  the  Transvaal  and  were  working 
the  mines  and  the  Boers  for  all  there  was  in  it. 


114  DUNNE JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

These  men,  under  the  leadership  of  Cecil  Rhodes  and  Dr. 
Jameson,  had  endeavored  to  raise  an  insurrection  and  steal  both 
the  mines  and  the  country  only  a  few  months  ago,  and  as  a  result 
were  thoroughly  thrashed  by  the  Boers.  The  Transvaal  republic, 
like  our  own  country  and  most  other  governments,  had  enacted 
naturalization  laws,  requiring  that  all  foreigners  should  reside 
within  the  Transvaal  a  certain  period  before  they  could  become 
citizens  of  the  republic.  These  naturalization  laws  were  seized 
upon  by  the  wily  Chamberlain  as  a  pretext  for  diplomatic  inter- 
ference. 

Through  diplomatic  channels  he  complained  that  the  natur- 
alization laws  were  unreasonable  in  requiring  too  long  a  resi- 
dence in  the  Transvaal  by  Englishmen  before  they  could  become 
citizens  of  the  Dutch  republic.  Just  think  of  the  sincerity  of 
this  complaint.  An  English  cabinet  minister  complaining  to  a 
foreign  government  that  its  laws  were  unnecessarily  stringent  in 
preventing  a  British  subject  from  renouncing  allegiance  to  the 
British  sovereign  and  becoming  a  loyal  citizen  of  a  foreign 
country ! 

A  rogue  as  well  as  a  liar  must  needs  to  have  a  long  memory 
to  avoid  exposure.  Chamberlain  is  a  diplomatic  rogue  and  has 
not  a  long  memory.  If  he  did  he  would  have  remembered  that 
before  and  during  the  war  of  Great  Britain  against  the  United 
States,  in  1812,  the  British  Government  insisted  upon  the  right 
to  impress  and  take  from  American  vessels  naturalized  American 
citizens,  on  the  ground  that  "once  a  British  subject  a  man  con- 
tinued to  be  always  a  British  subject."  So  tenacious  of  this 
claim  has  been  Great  Britain  that  in  the  treaty  of  1815  she 
refused  to  recede  from  her  position  in  this  regard,  and  the  treaty 
is  silent  upon  the  subject. 

Both  the  nation  and  its  subjects,  if  we  except  the  rebellious 
Irish,  we  all  know  in  this  country,  are  loath  to  admit  that  once 
a  British  subject  should  ever  become  the  citizen  of  a  foreign 
country,  and  yet  the  Pecksniffian  statesman  Chamberlain  uses  the 
restraint  placed  upon  the  renunciation  of  British  citizenship  by 
the  Boer  republic  as  a  pretext  for  war.  The  impudence  of  this 
claim  equals  its  sincerity.  What  right  has  one  country  to  be 
heard  upon  the  qualification  of  citizens  of  another?  By  inter- 
national law,  in  the  absence  of  treaty,  one  country  has  the  right 
to  exclude  foreigners  absolutely  from  its  territory.  To  admit 
to  citizenship  upon  any  condition  is  a  matter  of  favor.  We 
exclude  Chinese  absolutely  and  admit  Europeans  only  upon  five 
years'  residence.  What  would  be  thought  of  Mr.  Chamberlain's 
contention  if  he  attempted  to  interfere  in  America  in  the  inter- 


DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  115 

est  of  English  subjects  resident  therein,  and  complain  of  the 
unreasonableness  of  its  naturalization  laws? 

But  the  insincerity  and  impudence  of  this  pretext  was  ex- 
posed by  Oom  Paul,  when  he  offered  to  appoint  a  joint  commission 
to  consider  the  reduction  of  the  term  for  naturalization,  provided 
the  British  government  would  agree  not  to  use  the  matter  as  a 
pretext  for  future  interference  and  ratify  a  former  treaty  in 
which  the  complete  independence  of  the  Transvaal  was  recog- 
nized. We  are  all  familiar  with  the  shifting  negotiations  of 
Chamberlain,  during  which  he  craftily  prolonged  the  interchange 
of  diplomatic  notes  while  he  was  steadily  transporting  British 
troops  to  South  Africa,  and  getting  his  heavy  artillery  ready  to 
pulverize  the  young  republic.  And  we  also  know  that  the  honest 
old  Dutchman,  Oom  Paul,  called  time  on  British  trickery  and 
declared  that  unless  all  preparations  for  war  by  the  British  gov- 
ernment ceased  within  forty-eight  hours  he  would  declare  war. 
And  declare  war  he  did,  to  his  eternal  honor  and  the  honor  of  the 
South  African  republics.  What  has  transpired  within  the  last 
three  months  is  the  most  unprincipled,  dishonest,  and  disgraceful 
act  in  Britain's  shameful  history  of  rapine  and  robbery.  It  is 
a  plain,  indecently  disguised  attempt  at  national  highway  rob- 
bery. In  the  struggle  now  going  on  in  South  Africa,  it  is  my 
hope,  as  I  believe  it  is  the  hope  of  nine-tenths  of  the  American 
people,  that  right  and  justice  will  prevail  and  that  these  gallant 
Dutchmen  will  prove  to  the  world  that  Great  Britain  has  at  last 
over-reached  herself. 

For  the  first  time  in  eighty  years  the  British  troops,  without 
allies,  are  facing  white  men  with  arms  in  their  hands  and  their 
homes  and  firesides  behind  them. 

They  are  not  now  fighting  with  famine-stricken  Irishmen, 
armed  with  pike  and  scythes ;  nor  half -naked  dervishes,  equipped 
with  bows  and  arrows ;  nor  Zulus,  armed  with  assegais ;  nor  Abys- 
sinians  carrying  spears,  but  with  men  having  modern  firearms, 
and  the  ability  and  courage  to  use  them.  May  the  God  of 
righteousness  give  strength  to  their  arms,  courage  to  their  hearts, 
and  accuracy  to  their  aim. 


116  DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 


TO  A  REUNITED  DEMOCRACY. 

ADDRESS  TO  IROQUOIS  CLUB,  1899. 

Mr.  Chairman  and  Gentlemen: 

In  behalf  of  the  Iroquois  Club  and  of  the  reunited  democracy 
which  it  typifies  and  represents,  I  bid  you  welcome  to  this  feast. 
Once  again  after  the  lapse  of  four  years  we  who  called  ourselves 
"Democrats  and  National  Democrats"  in  1896  are  today  content 
with  and  proud  of  the  unhyphenated  title  of  "Democrat."  Four 
years  ago  we  divided  upon  a  single  issue  and  made  possible  the 
election  of  a  Republican  President.  Who  of  us  does  not  regret 
it  ?  The  money  issue  was  then  the  paramount  one  before  the  people 
and  unfortunately  we  could  not  agree  thereon.  It  is  still  an  issue, 
but  not  the  only  one. 

The  Spanish-American  War  and  the  prostitution  thereof  by 
the  present  administration  to  ignoble  ends  has  hurled  a  new  issue 
into  the  arena  of  American  politics.  The  wold  bull  of  imperialism 
with  the  Republic  upon  his  horns  is  facing  the  Ursus  of  democracy. 
At  such  a  juncture,  when  the  Republic  is  in  peril,  all  men  who 
believe  in  the  doctrines  of  the  immortal  Declaration  of  Independence 
and  the  principles  of  Jeffersonian  democracy  must  and  will  sink 
all  minor  differences  and  unite  for  her  defense.  The  Republic, 
founded  by  our  forefathers  upon  the  principles  laid  down  in  the 
Declaration  of  Independence,  must  and  shall  be  preserved  in  its 
pristine  purity. 

What  is  the  condition  of  affairs  under  President  McKinley? 
Under  his  guidance,  or  rather  that  of  Mark  Hanna,  we  declare  a 
war  for  humanity  and  make  it  a  war  of  conquest.  We  help  to  arm 
the  Filipinos  and  fight  alongside  of  them  as  their  allies  and,  having 
with  their  assistance  subjugated  the  Spaniards,  we  basely  betray 
them,  turn  our  guns  upon  them  and  treat  them  as  our  slaves.  We 
solemnly  promise  independence  to  the  Cubans,  yet,  although  it  is 
eighteen  months  after  the  cessation  of  hostilities,  we  still  hold  a 
military  occupation  of  the  island.  We  solemnly  proclaim  to  the 
Porto  Ricans  our  intentions  to  make  them  an  integral  part  of  the 
Republic  and  are  now  enacting  laws  which  make  them  men  with- 
out a  country.  We  have  within  two  years  quadrupled  our  standing 
Army,  although  our  administration  declares  we  are  at  peace,  and 
use  it  as  special  police  against  the  laboring  men  in  all  conflicts  be- 


DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  117 

tween  labor  and  capital.  We  are  endeavoring  to  jam  through  the 
Senate  a  treaty  with  the  most  powerful  naval  power  in  the  world, 
which  deprives  us  of  the  power  to  fortify  the  proposed  Nicaraguan 
canal,  which  Blaine  declared  to  be  practically  an  American  coast 
line,  and  which  gives  to  that  great  power  equal  access  to  this  canal 
with  ourselves;  we  have  cast  to  the  winds  the  most  hallowed  and 
distinctively  American  dogma,  the  Monroe  doctrine,  and  to  crown 
our  blunders  and  mistakes,  according  to  the  assertions  of  Joseph 
Chamberlain,  a  member  of  the  British  cabinet,  who  ought  to  knc^v, 
have  entered  into  a  secret  understanding  with  the  British  empire 
while  it  is  attempting  to  despoil  and  destroy  the  gallant  Dutch 
republic  in  South  Africa. 

From  the  Republic  of  Jefferson  to  the  what  is  it  of  McKinley, 
how  has  the  mighty  fallen? 


118  DUNNE JUDGE,  MAYOR,  GOVERNOR 


DENOUNCES  ENGLAND  IN  THE 
TRANSVAAL. 

ADDRESS  ON  BEHALF  OF  THE  BOERS,  JANUARY  5,  1900. 

, 

Mr.  Chairman,  Ladies  and  Gentlemen: 

I  would  that  I  were  possessed  of  the  eloquence  of  your  distin- 
guished chairman,  or  of  the  powerful  command  of  language  and 
versatility  of  expression  for  which  the  gentlemen  who  follow  me 
are  noted.  For,  to  adequately  describe  the  conduct  of  the  British 
government  in  the  war  now  being  conducted  in  South  Africa,  and 
the  diplomatic  negotiations  which  preceded  it,  would  require  a 
tongue  of  fire  and  words  that  blaze  and  burn.  I  am  not  so  gifted, 
and  it  is  not  my  intention  tonight  to  appeal  to  your  passions  or 
arouse  your  enthusiasm.  I  shall  content  myself  with  a  plain,  and 
I  hope,  truthful,  presentation  to  you  of  the  issues  involved  in  this 
controversy,  and  then  appeal  to  you  to  decide  what  you  and  I, 
and  the  American  citizens  in  this  country,  should  do  under  the 
circumstances  presented. 

What  is  the  situation  presented  to  us  in  South  Africa?  On 
the  one  hand  two  weak,  struggling  republics,  one  of  them  not 
twenty  years  of  age,  and  the  other  scarcely  fifty,  containing  a 
population  not  to  exceed  one  and  one-quarter  million  of  souls,  black, 
white,  brown,  and  yellow  included.  Out  of  this  population  not 
over  one-third  are  white,  and,  assuming  that  one-sixth  of  them  are 
able-bodied  men  between  the  ages  of  eighteen  and  sixty,  they  cannot 
place  in  the  field  an  army  to  exceed  70,000  men. 

These  young  republics,  with  this  small  population,  are  battling 
for  their  independence  and  national  existence;  they  are  fighting 
for  the  preservation  of  their  homes  and  firesides. 

On  the  other  side  is  the  greatest  empire  now  on  the  face  of 
the  earth,  which  boasts  that  the  sun  never  sets  upon  its  dominion 
and  that  its  drum-beat  is  heard  around  the  world,  which  numbers 
among  its  citizens  and  subjects  350,000,000  souls.  This  great 
empire  has  entered  upon  this  war  for  the  purpose  of  extinguishing 
the  national  existence  of  these  republics  and  to  add  their  terri- 
tory to  its  already  dangerously  expanded  domain.  Irrespective  of 
the  merits  or  demerits  of  the  controversy,  the  ordinarily  constituted 
man  would  naturally  sympathize  with  the  weaker  side.  If  we  met 
a  man  upon  the  street  cuffing  and  bullying  a  boy  our  sympathy 


DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  119 

would  naturally  go  out  to  the  boy.  If  upon  investigation  we  dis- 
covered that  the  man  was  the  boy's  parent  and  that  the  boy  is 
recalcitrant  and  incorrigible,  we  might  moderate  our  views  as  to  «the 
justice  of  the  punishment.  But  if,  on  the  other  hand,  we  discover 
that  the  man  is  not  the  boy 's  parent  but  a  bully  and  a  robber  who 
is  seeking  to  take  from  the  boy  what  is  rightfully  his,  our  sympathy 
would  blaze  into  indignation. 

Such  is  the  situation  in  the  Transvaal.  Not  only  are  the  South 
African  republics  weak  in  comparison  with  the  great  British 
empire,  but  they  have  justice,  morality,  and  equity  on  their  side. 
Never  since  the  day  when  Leonidas,  with  his  300  Spartan  and  4,000 
weak-kneed  allies,  faced  3,000,000  Persian  soldiers,  under  the  com- 
mand of  the  Persian  king,  in  the  pass  of  Thermopylae,  has  the 
world  ever  witnessed  such  a  sublime  spectacle  of  heroism  as  that 
presented  by  the  South  African  republics  in  their  resistance  to 
British  aggression. 

A  man  or  nation  who  accepts  the  gauge  of  battle  at  odds  of 
300  to  1  must  be  inspired  by  a  resolution  born  of  despair  or  in- 
spired by  God. 

A  plain  and  truthful  statement  of  the  causes  leading  up  to  this 
war  is  absolutely  necessary  at  this  time,  for  the  reason  that  the 
Boers,  not  having  the  ear  of  the  American  public  and  not  being 
possessed  of  the  English  language,  have  not  been  able  to  present 
their  case  as  it  should  be  for  a  fair  decision  by  the  American 
people. 

The  British  empire  possesses  three  great  instruments  for  the 
extension  of  its  power  and  the  acquisition  of  territory.  First,  its 
tremendous  navy,  exceeding  that  of  any  two  nations;  second,  a 
powerful  army  large  enough  to  adequately  police  the  plundered 
nations  she  has  reduced  to  subjection  and  still  leave  sufficient  to 
enable  her  to  carry  out  her  future  schemes  of  robbery ;  and  third, 
and  more  powerful  than  either,  her  press  and  literature.  She  has 
extended  her  language  outside  of  the  United  Kingdom  to  nearly 
the  whole  of  North  America,  all  of  Australia,  a  great  portion  of 
India  and  Africa  and  her  other  colonies  throughout  the  world. 
Her  writers  and  historians  are  the  ablest  in  the  world,  and  through 
this  powerful  instrumentality  she  has  been  able,  and  is  now  able, 
to  present  her  side  of  the  case  in  its  most  favorable  aspect.  By 
some  of  her  writers  it  is  presented  dishonestly ;  by  others  adroitly ; 
but  by  all  of  them  it  is  presented  to  the  people  of  the  world  in  its 
most  favorable  guise.  There  is  need,  then,  of  a  truthful  statement 
of  the  cause  leading  up  to  the  present  war. 

By  the  treaty  concluded  between  the  Transvaal  and  the  British 
empire  in  1881  the  Boers  were  accorded  a  modified  or  restricted 
autonomy.  For  years  prior  to  that  they  had  been  subject  to  British 


120  DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

dominion,  but  having  thrashed  the  British  troops  at  Majuba  Hill, 
they  demanded  and  were  accorded  a  nominal  degree  of  independ- 
ence as  a  nation.  This  independence  was,  however,  limited  in 
certain  important  particulars.  In  the  first  place,  under  the  lan- 
guage of  the  treaty,  the  Transvaal  territory  was  guaranteed  free 
self-government  under  the  suzerainty  of  her  majesty;  secondly, 
her  majesty  reserved  the  right  to  appoint  a  British  resident  in 
and  for  the  Transvaal  state;  thirdly,  the  British  government  re- 
served the  right  to  move  troops  through  the  Transvaal  states  in 
time  of  war,  or  in  case  of  apprehension  of  immediate  war  between 
Great  Britain  and  any  foreign  state  or  tribe  in  South  Africa ; 
fourthly,  the  control  of  the  external  relations  of  the  Transvaal 
states,  including  the  conclusion  of  treaties,  the  conducting  of  diplo- 
matic intercourse  with  foreign  powers,  were  to  be  carried  on  through 
her  majesty's  diplomatic  consular  officers;  fifthly,  it  was  provided 
in  the  treaty  that  no  future  laws,  affecting  the  interest  of  the 
natives  in  said  territory,  should  have  any  force  or  effect  without 
the  consent  of  her  majesty;  and  sixthly,  that  all  disputes  between 
the  Transvaal  states  and  the  natives  of  South  Africa,  not  residing 
in  the  Transvaal,  were  to  be  decided  by  the  British  resident  as 
arbitrator.  There  were  other  restrictions  in  the  treaty  limiting 
the  independence  of  the  Transvaal  as  to  foreign  powers. 

Under  the  terms  of  this  treaty  the  government  of  the  Trans- 
vaal republics  was  conducted  for  four  years,  but  constant  friction 
arose  between  that  state  and  the  British  suzerain  and  in  1884  Glad- 
stone, then  premier  of  England,  entered  into  negotiations  with 
the  commissioners  appointed  by  the  Transvaal  and  concluded  a 
treaty  that  year  which  was  honorable  alike  to  the  British  nation 
and  the  young  republic,  and  which  clothed  the  name  of  Gladstone 
with  imperishable  honor  as  a  just  and  enlightened  statesman. 

By  this  treaty  all  the  restrictions  of  the  treaty  of  1881  were 
removed,  the  title  of  suzerain  on  the  part  of  Great  Britain  was  sur- 
rendered, and  the  Transvaal  was  recognized  as  an  independent 
nation  under  the  name  of  the  South  African  Republic,  the  only 
rights  reserved  by  the  British  empire  being  that  contained  in  article 
four,  which  provides  that  "The  South  African  Republic  will  con- 
clude no  treaty  or  engagement  with  any  state  or  nation  other  than 
the  Orange  Free  State,  or  with  any  tribe,  until  the  same  has  been 
approved  by  her  majesty. ' '  This  is  the  only  provision  in  the  treaty 
of  1886  which  gives  the  British  government  the  right  to  interfere 
in  either  private  or  foreign  concerns  of  the  South  African  Re- 
public. 

This  treaty  having  been  solemnly  ratified  by  both  parties 
was  respected  by  both  without  protest  or  objection  until  the  year 
1899. 


DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  121 

In  the  meantime  gold  in  enormous  quantities  had  been  dis- 
covered, in  the  year  1886,  in  the  Transvaal,  and  later  developments 
have  tended  to  prove  that  the  yield  is  almost  inexhaustible.  Thou- 
sands of  British  subjects  immigrated  to  the  Transvaal  and  by 
working  the  mines  have  become  enormously  rich.  It  has  been 
stated  that  nine-tenths  of  the  output  of  the  mines  of  the  Rand 
have  gone  into  the  pockets  of  British  subjects.  Not  content  with 
the  laws  enacted  by  the  Transvaal  republic,  so  generous  as  to  permit 
of  the  acquisition  of  this  enormous  wealth,  English  filibusterers 
cast  covetous  eyes  upon  the  whole  country,  and  in  the  year  1896 
a  lot  of  English  freebooters,  under  the  leadership  of  Cecil  Rhodes 
and  Dr.  Jameson,  organized  a  filibustering  expedition  and  attempt- 
ed to  seize  the  country  by  force.  The  sturdy  burghers  suppressed 
the  effort  quickly  and  foolishly  handed  over  its  ringleaders  to  be 
dealt  with  according  to  the  terms  of  British  law.  Those  men 
were  plainly  guilty  of  high  treason  to  the  Boer  republic  and  could 
have  been,  according  to  the  law  of  nations,  punished  with  death  in 
the  Transvaal.  The  English  government  went  through  the  farce 
of  a  trial  and  gave  them  a  few  dajos'  imprisonment.  Since  that 
time  the  whole  force  of  British  intrigue  and  diplomacy  has  been 
directed  toward  provoking  a  quarrel  with  the  young  republic,  with 
the  ultimate  object  of  overwhelming  it  in  battle  and  appropriating 
its  territory. 

Cecil  Rhodes  placed  before  that  august  body  of  national  land- 
grabbers,  known  as  the  British  cabinet,  a  truthful  story  of  the 
wealth  of  the  gold  mines  in  the  Transvaal  and  that  cabinet  deter- 
mined that  the  English  nation  should  soon  possess  them.  They 
chose  as  their  instrument  of  intrigue  that  tricky  politician,  the 
colonial  secretary,  Chamberlain,  jsurnamed  Judas,  because  of  his 
disloyalty  to  his  great  chief,  Gladstone.  As  a  reward  for  his  trickery 
he  occupies  a  seat  in  the  British. Cabinet.  He  was  a  fit  and  willing 
tool  for  the  dishonest  enterprise.  Not  being  able  to  discover  any- 
thing in  the  terms  of  the  treaty  which  he  could  seize  upon  as  a 
pretext,  he  placed  before  the  President  of  the  Transvaal  as  a  casus 
belli  the  alleged  unreasonable  laws  of  the  Transvaal  relating  to 
the  naturalization  of  foreign  subjects.  Think  of  the  justice  and 
sincerity  of  this  claim.  He  complained  that  the  laws  of  the  republic 
were  unduly  onerous  in  the  matter  of  preventing  a  British  subject 
from  foreswearing  allegiance  to  this  sovereign.  If  there  is  a  country 
on  earth  that  has  gone  to  extremes  in  denying  the  rights  to  its 
subjects  to  expatriate  themselves  it  is  the  British  government. 

The  war  of  1812  between  Great  Britain  and  the  United  States 
arose  out  of  the  claim  by  the  British  government  that  "once  a 
British  subject  a  man  remains  always  a  British  subject."  This 
double-dealing  government  at  that  time  violently  boarded  American 


122  DUNNE — JUDGE,  MAYOR,  GOVERNOR 

vessels  on  the  high  seas  and  impressed  American  seamen,  who  had 
once  been  British  subjects,  claiming  the  right  so  to  do  by  reason  of 
the  fact  that  under  British  law  a  British  subject  could  not  ex- 
patriate himself.  In  the  peace  which  was  concluded  after  that 
war  between  Great  Britain  and  America  the  British  government 
refused  to  abandon  this  claim.  It  now,  for  the  purpose  of  pro- 
voking a  quarrel  with  the  South  African  Republic,  insists,  through 
the  wily  and  maladroit  Chamberlain,  that  a  law  of  the  Transvaal 
Republic  which  makes  it  difficult  for  a  British  subject  to  become 
a  citizen  of  the  Transvaal  Republic  is  unjust  and  unfair.  Aside 
from  this  insincerity  the  claim  can  have  no  standing  in  inter- 
national law.  Any  free  and  independent  nation  has  the  right  to 
prescribe  its  terms  of  naturalization  or  to  absolutely  prohibit  it 
under  any  terms.  No  foreigner  can  become  a  citizen  of  the  British 
empire  without  the  consent  of  its  home  secretary.  William  Waldorf 
Astor  had  to  obtain  that  consent  before  he  could  become  a  British 
subject.  The  United  States  absolutely  prohibits  the  Chinese  not 
only  from  becoming  citizens  but  from  entering  into  the  country, 
and  has  always  prescribed  a  certain  degree  of  residence  in  this 
country  before  a  citizen  of  any  foreign  country  can  become  a  citizen 
of  this  Republic.  All  independent  nations  have  enacted  laws  with 
reference  to  the  naturalization  of  foreigners  and  they  change  them 
at  will,  but  no  country,  up  to  1899,  has  ever  had  the  temerity  to 
complain  of  the  unreasonableness  of  any  such  laws.  What  would 
be  the  answer  of  the  United  States  if  Great  Britain  complained 
tomorrow  of  the  unreasonableness  of  its  naturalization  laws?  The 
whole  affair  is  a  flimsy  pretext  seized  upon  by  Chamberlain,  in  the 
absence  of  any  real  complaint,  for  the  purpose  of  provoking  war 
with  the  Boers.  He  has  bullied  not  wisely  but  too  well.  During 
the  whole  period  of  the  negotiations  the  British  government  was 
transporting  its  troops  and  its  heavy  artillery  to  Cape  Town  for 
the  purpose  of  squelching  the  Boers  when  everything  was  in 
readiness.  But  that  sturdy  old  Dutchman,  Oom  Paul,  exposed 
their  trickery  when  he  offered  to  submit  the  whole  matter  to  arbi- 
tration, provided  the  British  government  would  not  use  the  matter 
as  a  precedent  for  future  complaints  and  would  recognize  in  plain, 
unequivocal  terms  the  complete  independence  of  the  Transvaal 
republic. 

When  Chamberlain  refused  to  enter  into  any  such  arrangement 
he  called  ' '  time '  on  English  trickery,  and  to  his  eternal  honor  and 
the  honor  of  the  South  African  Republic,  he  declared  war.  There 
is  neither  reason,  justice,  or  even  ill-disguised  decency  in  the  po- 
sition taken  by  the  British  government 'in  this  controversy.  It 
is  a  plain  case  of  unmitigated  and  unvarnished  national  highway 
robbery. 


DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  123 

What  is  the  duty  of  the  American  citizen  under  this  situation 
of  affairs?  It  has  been  pointed  out  to  us  by  the  subjects  of  Great 
Britain  and  their  sympathizers  in  this  country.  The  expatriated 
American,  William  Waldorf  Astor,  has  subscribed  5,000  pounds 
for  the  furnishing  of  a  British  troop.  He  is  evidently  aiming  at  a 
peerage.  In  his  magazine  he  has  been  recently  endeavoring  to  trace 
connection  between  the  honorable  house  of  Astor  and  the  Duke  of 
Astorias.  Why  go  to  so  much  trouble  ?  If  he  succeeds  in  obtaining 
a  peerage  we  can  remind  him  of  the  origin  of  his  house.  His  great 
great-grandfather  laid  the  foundation  of  the  Astor  fortune  in  pelts. 
Upon  obtaining  his  peerage  we  suggest  that  he  select  the  name  of 
Lord  Cashdown  or  Baron  Coughup,  that  his  coat  of  arms  be  a  skunk 
skin  rampant,  and  his  motto  "cauda  cum  tegumento" — the  tail 
goes  with  the  hide.  Lady  Churchill,  another  expatriated  Ameri- 
can, has  raised  a  hospital  corps  for  the  relief  of  the  British 
wounded,  a  most  commendable  cause,  but  in  so  doing  she  has  ill 
christened  an  English  vessel  flying  the  Stars  and  Stripes,  with  the 
name  of  the  ill-fated  Maine.  How  the  spirits  of  the  Kellys,  the 
Murphys,  and  the  Sheas,  who  went  down  to  a  watery  death  in  the 
harbor  of  Havana,  must  have  groaned  in  anguish  when  they  heard 
this  news.  Unexpatriated  British  citizens  in  the  city  of  Chicago 
have  been  collecting  upon  the  Board  of  Trade  and  in  the  banks  of 
this  city  funds  for  like  purposes.  They  have  set  for  you  and  other 
American  citizens  who  sympathize  with  the  young  republics — 
and  they  are  nine-tenths  of  the  citizens  of  this  Republic — an  exam- 
ple. Let  us  contribute  to  furnish  hospital  supplies  to  the  sick  and 
wounded  Boers.  Subscribe  for  that  cause  in  the  name  of  justice, 
in  the  name  of  humanity,  in  the  name  of  right,  in  the  name  of 
republican  principles,  and  as  a  protest  against  British  piracy  and 
British  plunder. 

In  the  meantime  let  us  watch  the  negotiations  and  pour  parlers 
passing  between  London  and  Washington.  We  cannot  hope  for 
intervention,  in  the  interest  of  the  Boers,  while  President  McKinley 
is  in  the  White  House,  but  we  can  have  our  representatives  in 
Congress  demand  that  all  state  papers  passing  between  London 
and  Washington  shall  be  submitted  to  the  inspection  of  the  Ameri- 
can people.  If  it  is  true,  as  I  hope  it  is  not,  that  the  American  ves- 
sel Montgomery  has  been  acting  the  part  of  look-out  on  the  African 
coast  while  the  British  burglar  is  attempting  to  despoil  the  South 
African  republic,  there  will  be  a  day  of  reckoning  with  the  American 
people.  In  the  meantime  subscribe.  Communicate  with  your 
representatives  in  Congress  and  further  in  every  lawful  manner 
the  just  and  righteous  position  of  the  Boers  and  while  the  fight 
progresses  may  the  God  of  justice  give  courage  to  the  hearts  of  the 
Boers,  strength  to  their  arms,  accuracy  to  their  aim,  and  success  to 
their  just  and  holy  cause. 


124  '  DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 


APPEAL  ON  BEHALF  OF  THE  BOERS. 

JUDGE  DUNNE'S  SPEECH  AT  AUDITORIUM  HALL,  JUNE  5,  1900. 

Mr.  Chairman  \and  Ladies  and  Gentlemen: 

We  meet  tonight  in  the  shadow  of  a  great  impending  polit- 
ical crime.  We  meet  to  protest  against  the  consummation  of 
the  crowning  political  infamy  of  the  nineteenth  century.  As 
citizens  of  a  Republic,  built  upon  a  corner  stone  upon  which  is 
inscribed  the  words  "  All  governments  derive  their  just  powers- 
from  the  consent  of  the  governed,"  we  meet  to  protest  against  the 
strangulation  of  two  young  republics  by  a  powerful  and  unscrup- 
ulous empire  which  repudiates  the  doctrine  of  government  with 
the  consent  of  the  governed. 

As  citizens  of  a  Republic  which  owes  its  existence  to  the 
intervention  of  a  friendly  power  we  meet  to  inquire  what  has 
paralyzed  the  spirit  of  the  American  Nation  and  what  causes  its 
Executive  to  stand  nerveless  and  dumb  while  two  guiltless  young 
republics  are  being  done  to  death. 

The  South  African  Republic  has  an  undoubted  right  to 
enact  stringent  naturalization  laws;  nay,  more,  it  was  absolutely 
necessary  to  its  existence  that  it  should  do  so  in  view  of  the 
recent  attempt  of  British  freebooters,  under  the  leadership  of 
Jameson  and  Cecil  Rhodes,  with  the  connivance  of  Chamberlain 
and  the  English  cabinet,  forcibly  to  seize  and  plunder  their  coun- 
try. But  the  whole  world  knows  that  the  real  cause  of  this  unjust 
and  unrighteous  war  is  not  the  naturalization  laws  of  the  Trans- 
vaal, but  the  lust  of  gold.  The  present  war  is  the  bastard,  a 
pawn  of  an  unholy  alliance  between  British  greed  and  British 
fraud. 


DUNNE— JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR'  125 


HAS  DEMOCRACY  DEPARTED  FROM 
FIRST  PRINCIPLES? 

ADDRESS  AT  JACKSON  DAY  BANQUET,  JANUARY  9,  1901. 

Mr.  Chairman  and  Gentlemen: 

On  the  anniversary  dedicated  to  the  memory  of  Andrew  Jack- 
son, sternest  and  truest  friend  of  the  common  poeple,  we  meet 
to  revere  his  heroic  character,  to  attest  our  devotion  to  the  princi- 
ples he  advocated  and  typified,  and  to  take  counsel  for  the  re- 
habilitation and  perpetuation  of  those  principles. 

Andrew  Jackson  was  a  man  of  the  people  by  birth,  by  instinct, 
and  by  choice.  An  ardent  disciple  of  Jefferson,  he  equaled  his 
great  master  in  his  passionate  love  of  Democracy,  excelled  him  in 
swiftness  of  execution,  and  was  his  inferior  only  in  intellectual 
strength  and  polish.  He  was  the  first  man  in  the  United  States 
to  open  war  upon  monopoly. 

With  both  houses  of  Congress,  the  influential  press,  and  all 
the  far-reaching  influence  of  the  combined  wealth  of  the  Nation  in 
opposition,  he  succeeded  in  breaking  up  the  first  great  trust  in  this 
country,  the  United  States  Bank. 

We  do  well  in  these  days,  when  trusts  are  as  thick  as  mush- 
rooms and  as  destructive  of  individual  effort  as  the  plague,  to 
keep  alive  the  memory  of  one  whose  iron  will  and  indomitable 
energies  accomplished  what  millions  of  men  are  battling  for  today, 
seemingly  without  avail. 

We  would  do  well  also  to  ascertain,  if  we  can,  why  millions 
of  honest,  earnest  men  who  believe  that  private  monopoly  is  dan- 
gerous to  the  public  weal  cannot  accomplish  as  much  as  one  strong 
man  effected  three-quarters  of  a  century  ago. 

Two  months  ago  two  great  issues  were  presented  by  the  party 
of  Jackson  to  the  people  of  this  country  for  determination.  The 
preservation  of  republican  government  as  outlined  in  the  Declara- 
tion of  Independence,  and  the  extirpation  of  private  monopoly. 

A  majority  of  800,000  votes  seem  to  have  declared  against 
these  principles.  I  say  seem,  for  I  cannot  believe  that  the  American 
people  have  voted,  or  ever  will  deliberately  and  with  a  full  knowl- 
edge of  the  issues  involved,  vote  against  the  principles  of  the  Dec- 
laration of  Independence  or  for  the  perpetuation  of  private 
monopoly. 


126  .DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

There  can  be  but  one  possible  explanation  of  the  result  of  the 
recent  election.  The  American  electorate  were  influenced  by  the 
lust  of  money  and  the  lust  of  blood.  Having  engaged  in  a  disgrace- 
ful war  for  the  extinction  of  liberty  in  the  islands  of  the  Pacific 
and  meeting  opposition,  the  American  voter  lacked  the  moral 
courage  to  admit  the  mistake  until  his  country  had  succeeded  in 
bludgeoning  resistance  into  insensibility,  and  the  American  manu- 
facturer and  his  mechanics  and  laborers,  finding  themselves  busy 
as  the  result  of  this  war,  ' '  hadn  't  any  time  for  politics ' '  and  voted 
for  the  party  in  power. 

A  wily  and  well-informed  officeholder  said  to  me  early  last 
year,  "No  administration  was  ever  beaten  in  the  midst  of  a  war, 
or  after  the  end  of  a  successful  one."  He  was  right.  In  the  heat 
of  conflict  with  nations  as  well  as  men,  passion  prevails  and  reason 
retires. 

The  campaign  just  closed  was  carried  on  by  the  Democratic 
party  on  high  ground  and  upon  principles  of  imperishable  justice 
and  truth.  We  were  led  by  a  man  who  excelled  in  purity  of 
private  life,  in  honesty  and  earnestness  of  purpose,  in  forensic 
strength  and  in  intellectual  greatness,  any  candidate  that  the  Dem- 
ocratic party  has  nominated  since  the  days  of  Andrew  Jackson. 
He  conducted  a  campaign  which  is  without  parallel  in  history 
and  yet  an  electorate,  suffering  from  a  combined  attack  of  war- 
begotten  hysteria  and  an  injection  of  gold  in  chlorides  or  some 
other  form,  repudiated  him  and  our  doctrines  at  the  polls.  In  a 
word,  we  were  beaten  because  we  were  waging  war  abroad  and 
waging  men  at  home. 

And  now  after  the  battle,  let  us  sound  the  reveille  and  take 
counsel  for  the  future.  Truth  loses  some  battles  but  wins  her  wars. 
I  remember  in  my  boyhood  days  to  have  heard  Democracy  called 
"unterrified. "  Having  voted  for  defeated  Democratic  candidates 
with  great  regularity  for  some  years  past,  I  appreciate  the  signifi- 
cance of  this  adjective. 

But,  gentlemen,  we  are  more — we  are  undismayed  and  con- 
fident of  ultimate  success.  "We  are  advised  by  our  friends,  the 
Republican  press,  and  certain  pseudo  Democratic  papers  to  "re- 
organize." They  exhibit  a  most  magnanimous  disposition  toward 
a  fallen  foe.  They  want  us  to  get  upon  our  legs  again  and  quickly 
and  their  advice  is  to  repudiate  the  men  who,,  when  the  cause  of 
the  common  people  was  deserted  by  those  whom  they  had  exalted 
to  office,  stepped  into  the  breach  and  proved  their  devotion  in  the 
hour  of  peril.  Nay,  more,  they  would  have  us  turn  to  the  men 
who  went  over  to  the  enemy  or  sulked  in  their  tents  during  the 
battle,  for  advice  and  leadership.  When  the  Democratic  party 
wants  counsel  and  advice  it  will  hardly  turn  to  such  a  source.  No 
sane  man  or  party  will  follow  the  advice  of  its  enemies. 


DUNNE — JUDGE,  MAYOR,  GOVERNOR  127 

A  distinguished  ex-President,  who  was  elected  to  that  high 
office  as  a  Democrat,  has  also  recently,  through  the  public  press, 
expressed  his  views  on  the  future  of  Democracy.  Words  from 
such  a  source  should  and  will  be  received  with  attention  and 
respect.  When  he  says  that  this  is  the  time  for  "moderation  of 
speech  and  mutual  toleration,"  he  speaks  words  of  wisdom;  and 
when  he  says  that  the  Democratic  party  "  should  give  the  rank 
and  file  a  chance  to  be  heard, ' '  I  heartily  agree  with  him,  but  assure 
him  that  the  Democratic  masses  now,  as  they  have  always  in  the 
past  and  particularly  during  the  last  eight  years,  have  insisted 
that  the  rank  and  file  should  be  heard  both  in  the  selection  of 
its  candidates  and  the  building  of  its  platform.  It  was  the  "rank 
and  file"  surging  forward  from  the  mines,  the  factories  and  the 
corn  fields,  that  built  the  Chicago  platform  and  nominated  a  poor 
man  for  the  Presidency  in  1896  and  renominated  him  at  Kansas 
City  in  1900,  and  it  is  the  rank  and  file  which  will  in  1904  name 
the  platform  and  the  candidate. 

But  when  the  distinguished  gentleman,  for  whom  I  have  the 
profoundest  respect,  talks  about  a  "return  to  first  principles"  he 
becomes  somewhat  misty  and  indefinite.  What  are  the  first  prin- 
ciples which  the  Democratic  party  of  1900  have  abandoned?  I 
know  of  none. 

The  founder  of  Democracy  wrote  the  Declaration  of  Inde- 
pendence, and  assisted  in  framing  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States.  The  Democracy  of  1900  declared  at  Kansas  City:  "We 
hold  with  the  United  States  Supreme  Court  that  the  Declaration 
of  Independence  is  the  spirit  of  our  Government  of  which  the 
Constitution  is  the  form  and  letter.  We  declare  again  that  all 
governments  instituted  among  men  derive  their  just  powers  from 
the  consent  of  the  governed,  that  any  government  not  based  upon 
the  consent  of  the  governed  is  tyranny;  and  to  impose  upon  any 
people  a  government  of  force  is  to  substitute  the  methods  of  im- 
perialism for  those  of  a  republic." 

"We  hold  that  the  Constitution  follows  the  flag  *  *  *  and 
we  assert  that  no  nation  can  long  endure  half  republic  and  half 
empire,  and  we  warn  the  American  people  that  imperialism  abroad 
will  lead  quickly  and  inevitably  to  despotism  at  home."  Is  this  a 
departure  from  "first  principles?" 

The  Democracy  of  1900  declared  at  Kansas  City:  "We  insist 
on  the  strict  maintenance  of  the  Monroe  doctrine  in  all  its  integrity 
both  in  letter  and  spirit. ' '  Is  this  a  departure  from  first  principles  ? 
It  declared  at  Kansas  City,  "We  oppose  militarism.  It  means 
conquest  abroad  and  intimidation  and  oppression  at  home.  A  small 
standing  army  and  a  well  disciplined  state  militia  are  amply  suffi- 
cient in  time  of  peace."  Is  this  a  departure  from  "first  prin- 
ciples ? ' ' 


128  DUNNE JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

It  declared  in  favor  of  the  preservation  of  the  national  good 
faith  with  the  Cubans  and  Porto  Ricans.  Is  that  a  departure  from 
"first  principles?" 

It  condemned  and  denounced  the  new  American  policy  of 
forcing  our  government  upon  an  unwilling  people  in  the  Philip- 
pines. Is  that  a  departure  from  "first  principles?" 

It  declared  in  favor  of  "territorial  expansion"  over  a  willing 
people  who  would  eventually  be  fitted  for  citizenship.  Is  that  a 
departure  from  "first  principles?" 

It  declared  that  "private  monopolies  are  indefensible  and 
intolerable."  Is  that  a  departure  from  "first  principles?" 

It  declared  against  a  protective  tariff  and  government  by  in- 
junction and  in  favor  of  pensions  for  soldiers  and  reduction  of 
taxes.  Was  this  a  departure  from  "first  principles?" 

It  expressed  sympathy  with  the  two  gallant  South  African, 
republics  in  their  heroic,  superhuman  struggle  for  the  preservation 
of  their  independence.     Oh,  shades  of  Washington  and  Franklin, 
of  Jefferson  and  Monroe,  of  Lafayette  and  Pulaski,  of  Sullivan 
and  Barry,  was  this  a  departure  from  "first  principles?" 

But  it  may  be  that  the  distinguished  ex-President,  when  he 
spoke  of  "first  principles"  referred  to  that  declaration  of  the 
Kansas  City  platform  which  speaks  of  bimetallism  and  contains 
the  nightmare  figures  "16  to  1." 

Is  a  declaration  in  favor  of  bimetallism  a  departure  from  ' '  first 
principles  ? ' ' 

Show  me  when  and  where  Jeffersonian  Democracy  ever  de- 
clared for  gold  monometallism.  It  never  did.  I  am  not  a  stickler 
for  the  ratio;  I  am  not  a  numismatist,  a  financier,  a  banker,  or  a 
political  economist.  The  ratio  of  coinage  adopted  and  utilized 
by  the  world  for  centuries  may  be  right  or  wrong,  wise  or  unwise. 
The  human  race  staggered  along  under  it  for  centuries  and  did 
fairly  well  until  the  bankers  and  money  loaners  became  dissatisfied. 
But  assuming  that  for  several  centuries  the  civilized  peoples  of 
the  world  were  wrong  and  that  the  ratio  between  metals  as  de- 
manded by  the  Democratic  party  was  unfair  and  unreasonable,  the 
issues  in  1900  between  the  Democratic  and  Republican  parties,  as 
presented  by  their  policies  and  platforms,  were  as  follows : 

DEMOCRATIC. 

1.  Reaffirmation    of    the    principles    of    the    Declaration    of 
Independence. 

2.  Denunciation  of  the  infamous  Porto  Rico  tariff. 

3.  Prompt  and  honest  fulfillment  of  our  pledges  of  independ- 
ence to  the  Cubans. 

4.  Denunciation  of  an  unjust  and  disgraceful  war  of  conquest. 


DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  129 

5.  Territorial  expansion  with  consent  of  inhabitants  fitted 
for  citizenship. 

6.  Maintenance  of  Monroe  doctrine. 

7.  Opposition  to  high  protective  tariff. 

8.  A  declaration  in  favor  of  a  small  standing  army  and  a 
well  disciplined  militia. 

9.  An  honest  denunciation  of  trusts  and  private  monopolies 
and  a  solemn  pledge  to  control  or  abolish  same. 

10.  Bimetallism  at  a  ratio  unsatisfactory  to  many  Democrats. 

BEPUBLICAN. 

1.  Repudiation  of  the  principles  of  the  Declaration  of  Inde- 
pendence as  shown  by  our  conduct  in  the  Philippines. 

2.  Justification  of  Porto  Rican  tariff. 

3.  Evasion,  equivocation  and  delay  in  evacuating  Cuba  after 
peace  had  been  restored. 

4.  Justification  of  the  unjust  and  disgraceful  war  of  conquest 
in  the  Philippines. 

5.  Territorial  expansion  with  fire  and  sword  in  spite  of  and 
against  protest  of  the  inhabitants. 

6.  Practical  repudiation  of  the  Monroe  doctrine. 

7.  Reaffirmation  of  the  policy  of  a  high  protective  tariff. 

8.  A  course  of  conduct  favoring  a  large  standing  army  and  the 
mobilization  of  state  militia. 

9.  A  hypocritical  and  dishonest  denunciation  of  trusts  by 
men  who  owned  and  controlled  most  of  them. 

10.  Gold  monometallism. 

Seven  of  these  issues,  presented  by  the  Democratic  platform 
of  1900,  are  among  the  "first  principles"  of  Democracy.  They 
concern  the  rights  of  men  and  the  preservation  of  human  liberty. 
Of  the  remainder,  two  arose  out  of  the  Spanish  "War  and  concern 
the  preservation  of  the  national  faith  toward  the  Cubans  and  the 
national  honor  in  dealing  with  the  Philippines. 

The  only  remaining  issue  is  that  which  concerns  not  the  rights 
of  men  but  the  interests  of  mammon,  not  human  liberty,  but  the 
almighty  dollar. 

Nevertheless,  a  number  of  voters  calling  themselves  gold 
Democrats  placed  that  one  issue  which  they  believed  affected  their 
pockets,  above  the  nine  issues  which  affected  their  country's  honor 
and  the  liberties  of  ten  million  of  their  fellow  men. 

Well  and  truly  does  the  Chicago  poet,  Ernest  McGaffey. 
exclaim : 

The  greed  of  gain  has  gone  abroad 

And  truth  and  manhood  rust, 
The  world  but  one  mad  impulse  feels 

And  all  for  riches  lust, 
While  Riches  at  her  chariot's  wheels 
Drags  Honor  in  the  dust. 


:130  DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

Now,  gentlemen,  I  have  no  reproaches  for  these  men.  Many 
of  them  are  warm  personal  friends,  and  they  declare  to  me  frankly 
that  in  politics,  as  in  business,  a  man  should  look  to  his  own  per- 
sonal interests,  and  there  is  no  place  for  sentiment  in  either  politics 
or  business,  if  sentiment  conflicts  with  pecuniary  interests.  They 
may  be  right,  but  I  doubt  it.  All  men  are  not  so  constituted  and 
all  honor  to  the  high-souled,  public-spirited  men  who,  believing 
that  the  Democratic  party  was  wrong  upon  the  financial  question, 
disregarded  their  personal  interests  and  cast  their  votes  on  the 
side  of  the  Republic  as  against  the  threatened  empire.  There  were 
thousands  of  them  in  this 'city,  Republicans  and  gold  Democrats. 
Such  men  as  these  should  sit  high  in  the  council  chambers  of  the 
party  in  the  future,  not  men  who  fled  from  the  old  colors  of  De- 
mocracy, and  went  over  to  the  enemy,  or  who  sulked  in  their  tents 
while  the  battle  was  raging  afar. 

No,  gentlemen,  Democracy  has  no  need  to  return  to  "first 
principles. ' '  It  has  never  left  them.  It  was  true  to  them  in  1900. 
It  will  b3  true  to  them  in  1904.  The  "rank  and  file"  will  select 
the  candidates  and  frame  the  platform  in  1904  as  it  did  in  1900. 
Who  that  candidate  will  be  need  not  concern  us  now.  Whether  our 
admired  and  honored  guest  will  have  the  unique  and  well  deserved 
honor  of  being  thrice  nominated  and  finally  elected  President  of 
the  United  States,  or  is  to  encounter  the  political  experiences  of 
Clay,  Calhoun  and  Blaine,  lies  within  the  womb  of  the  future. 
Whatever  the  future  has  in  store  for  him,  and  I  hope  it  is  the 
Presidency,  the  name  of  "Bryan"  will  go  down  in  history  with  the 
names  of  Jefferson,  Monroe  and  Jackson,  as  one  of  the  bravest, 
truest  and  most  honest  friends  of  the  common  people.  He  has 
found  a  place  deep  down  in  the  heart  of  Democracy  from  which 
all  the  power  of  plutocracy  cannot  dislodge  him.  As  to  the  future 
policy  of  the  party,  in  my  judgment,  there  cannot  be  much  doubt. 
It  must  adhere  to  the  Democracy  of  its  founder,  Thomas  Jefferson, 
as  it  has  done  in  the  past.  The  Democracy  of  Jefferson  is  crystal- 
lized in  and  concentrated  to  the  principles  announced  in  the  Dec- 
laration of  Independence.  As  Christ  concentrated  all  His  doctrines 
and  teachings  into  these  few  words,  "Love  God  above  all  things, 
love  thy  neighbor  as  thyself,"  so  did  Jefferson  crystallize  all  his 
political  economy  into  these  few  words:  "All  men  are  equal 
*  *  *  with  inalienable  rights,  among  which  are  life,  liberty  and 
the  pursuit  of  happiness.  All  governments  derive  their  just  powers 
from  the  consent  of  the  governed." 

The  only  party  that  can  accomplish  this  great  end  is  the  Demo- 
cratic party.  Plutocratic  greed  has  the  Republican  party  by  the 
throat.  The  only  way  in  which  the  Democratic  party  can  achieve 
this  result  is  by  concentration  of  effort  upon  two  paramount  vital, 
all-dominating  issues,  the  overturning  of  the  imperialistic  tenden- 


DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  131 

cies  of  the  day  and  the  suppression  of  private  monopoly.  The 
Democratic  party  is  right  upon  these  issues.  Let  us  confine  our- 
selves to  them  and  to  them  alone.  Too  many  issues  in  the  last  cam- 
paign contributed  to  our  defeat.  Let  us  concentrate  and  not  scatter. 
All  Democrats  can  unite  on  these  issues.  Hundreds  of  thousands 
of  Republicans  and  Populists  will  join  our  ranks. 

Let  us  then  unite  upon  these  two  great  issues  and  keep  them 
steadily  before  the  people  until  the  next  Presidential  election. 
Truth  is  mighty  and  must  prevail.  This  Republic  was  not  born  to 
meet  the  fate  of  the  Roman  republic.  The  love  of  liberty  and 
equal  rights  to  all  still  permeates  the  masses,  and  just  as  sure  as 
•fate  the  Democracy  and  the  Republic  will  triumphantly  prevail 
in  1904.  - 


132  DUNNE JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 


TO  PROVIDE  LOCAL  SELF- 
GOVERNMENT. 

EDITORIAL  IN  THE  PUBLIC,  FEBRUARY  23,  1901. 

Judge  Dunne,  of  Chicago,  has  made  a  suggestion  regarding 
the  constitutional  obstacles  to  local  self-government  in  this  wes- 
tern metropolis,  which  would,  if  adopted,  settle  all  the  difficulties 
with  which  the  city  contends,  and  without  involving  the  ex- 
pense and  uncertainties  of  a  constitutional  convention.  He  pro- 
poses a  Constitutional  amendment  to  which  no  fair  objection  can 
be  interposed.  It  consists  merely  in  supplementing  the  clause  in 
the  present  Constitution  which  forbids  special  legislation,  with 
these  words : 

"Save  and  except  that  in  all  cases  where  any  common  coun- 
cil of  any  city  or  any  board  of  county  commissioners  of  any 
county  or  twenty-five  per  cent  of  the  voters  of  any  city  or 
such  city  or  municipality  shall  request  the  enactment  of 
any  law,  the  Legislature  shall  have  the  power  to  en- 
act the  law  so  requested,  said  law  not  to  take  effect,  how- 
ever, until  submitted  to  popular  vote  in  said  city  or  municipality 
and  a  majority  of  voters  thereof  shall  approve  the  passage  of  the 
same." 


DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  133 


MONOPOLY  GRIPS  THE  NATION. 

SPEECH  AT  THE  IROQUOIS  CLUB,  APRIL  13,  1901. 

Mr.  Chairman  and  Gentlemen: 

Monopoly  has  the  Nation  by  the  throat.  One  large  corpora- 
tion practically  controls  all  the  steel  manufacturing  industries 
of  the  country ;  another  all  the  illuminating  oil ;  another  all  the 
anthracite  coal;  two  control  our  sugar;  two  our  matches,  and 
four  kill  and  sell  to  the  people  of  the  United  States  all  the  meat 
they  eat,  and  embalm  and  can  all  the  scraps  that  are  left  over 
and  find  ready  sale  for  the  same  to  the  Government  of  the 
United  States  for  consumption  by  soldiers  in  the  regular  Army. 
Nearly  every  article  of  merchandise  in  common  use,  from  the 
cradles  in  which  the  babies  are  rocked  to  the  coffins  in  which  we 
lay  our  dead  to  rest,  are  controlled  by  the  trusts,  and  Mr. 
McKinley's  late  Attorney  General  declared  that  the  imperial 
power  of  the  Republic  was  powerless  to  manage,  regulate  or  con- 
trol them.  The  power  which  can  be  and  is  so  energetically  used 
to  force  a  government  upon  10,000,000  protesting  and  unwilling 
people  10,000  miles  away  becomes  palsied  and  paralyzed  when 
it  comes  in  contact  with  a  man,  or  an  aggregation  of  men,  which 
controls  ten  millions  of  dollars. 

The  cabinet  is  composed  of  plutocrats,  or  the  tools  of  pluto- 
crats ;  the  Senate  chamber  is  filled  with  them ;  the  choice  appoint- 
ments in  the  Army  and  Navy  are  given  to  their  relations  or  satel- 
lites, and  through  such  men  and  their  influence,  the  spirit  of 
imperialism  is  rapidly  impregnating  the  official  departments  of 
the  country. 

Republican  simplicity  and  virtue  are  disappearing.  The 
principles  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence  have  been  repu- 
diated and  trampled  under  foot.  The  Monroe  doctrine  which 
has  been  asserted  with  unanimity  and  courage  by  Democratic 
and  Republican  administrations  for  seventy-five  years  has  been 
cast  to  the  winds. 


134  DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 


CHICAGO'S  MUNICIPAL  POVERTY 
AND  CAUSE  THEREOF. 

STATEMENT  TO  THE  PUBLIC,  FEBRUARY  9,  1902. 

A  subject  on  which  I  have  delivered  an  address,  and  a  subject 
which  is  well  worth  the  gravest  consideration  of  the  citizens  of 
Chicago  is  ' '  Municipal  Destitution  in  the  Midst  of  General  National 
Prosperity. ' ' 

I  call  attention  to  the  fact  that  the  wheels  are  revolving  all 
through  the  United  States,  and  the  smokestacks  are  emitting  smoke, 
which  is  an  indication  of  general  prosperity.  Is  the  workingman 
getting  his  share  of  the  profits  that  are  being  made  ?  I  very  much 
doubt  this,  because  the  cost  of  the  necessaries  of  life  has  advanced 
quite  materially,  probably  ten  per  cent,  within  the  last  three  or 
four  years,  and  from  all  the  information  that  reaches  me,  I  doubt 
very  much  whether  wages  are  ten  per  cent  higher  than  they  were 
a  few  years  ago. 

But  in  view  of  the  fact  that  the  wheels  are  revolving  and  busi- 
ness seems  to  be  active  throughout  the  country,  in  view  of  the  fact 
that  the  mellifluous  voice  of  the  "promoter"  is  heard  in  all  direc- 
tions, I  conclude  there  is  prosperity  in  the  country,  and  from  all  I 
can  see  of  the  smokestacks  of  Chicago  I  am  satisfied  that  Chicago  is 
not  an  exception  to  the  general  rule  in  mercantile  and  manufactur- 
ing business. 

But  in  the  midst  of  this  general  prosperity  our  bridges  are 
closed,  our  viaducts  are  rotting  to  decay,  our  streets  are  wretchedly 
paved  and  no  finances  are  in  the  city  treasury  for  the  purposes  of 
enlarging  or  developing  the  schools ;  judgments  against  the  city  of 
Chicago  are  being  hawked  upon  the  streets  at  from  seventy-five  to 
ninety-five  cents  on  the  dollar,  our  night  schools  are  closed  and  the 
hard  working  teachers  of  this  community,  who  have  done  more  than 
any  other  class  in  the  community  to  bring  about  a  situation  in  which 
the  city  ought  to  be  able  to  recover  revenue,  have  had  their  wages 
cut  nine  per  cent ;  so  that  I  have  to  conclude  that  the  municipality 
is  in  a  dire  condition  of  financial  distress :  Is  this  or  is  it  not  the 
result  of  mismanagement  ? 

I  find,  upon  consulting  statistics  published  by  the  United  States 
labor  statistical  bureau,  that  of  the  twenty  largest  cities  in  the 
United  States  only  two  are  as  economically  administered  as  the  city 


DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  135 

of  Chicago,  and  only  three  of  them  collect  as  little  revenue  from 
taxation  as  Chicago. 

From  this  I  conclude  that,  in  comparison  with  nineteen  other 
great  cities  in  the  United  States,  and  comparing  the  management 
of  the- affairs  of  the  city  of  Chicago  with  that  of  those  other  cities, 
it  is  not  wasteful,  improvident  or  reckless. 

Compare  it  with  the  administration  of  the  country,  which  is 
being  administered  by  Republicans,  and  I  find  the  same  situation 
exactly  in  the  county  affairs  run  by  politicians  belonging  to  a 
different  political  party.  The  wages  of  all  the  county  employes  last 
year  were  cut  eight  and  two-thirds  per  cent — that  is,  they  were 
deprived  of  one  month 's  wages  last  year  over  their  violent  protest 
arid  compelled  to  work  for  eleven-twelfths  of  what  they  had  been 
paid  the  year  before  and  for  several  years  prior. 

While  there  has  been  no  substantial  increase  in  the  number 
of  county  employes  within  the  last  five  years,  I  find  that  the 
finances  of  the  county  are  in  such  desperate  condition  that  during 
the  month  of  December  there  was  a  shortage  of  ink,  pens  and  sta- 
tionery in  the  Criminal  Court  where  I  am  sitting ! 

It  has  been  also  stated  by  Mr.  Hanberg,  president  of  the  County 
Board,  that  the  finances  available  for  county  purposes  will  only 
enable  them  to  pay  for  the  care  and  management  of  the  poor,  the 
insane  and  the  sick  in  this  county,  and  the  wages  of  its  employes, 
and  that  it  has  no  money  on  hand  for  the  purpose  of  making  needed 
repairs  to  the  county  buildings,  and  that  such  repairs  and  additions 
cannot  be  made  this  year. 

From  all  this  I  conclude  that  it  is  not  mismanagement  on  the 
part  of  either  Democratic  or  Republican  politicians  that  is  the  cause 
of  the  trouble. 

As  has  been  well  pointed  out  by  the  teachers,  twenty-three 
corporations  of  this  community  have  been  for  years  evading  the 
payment  of  taxes  upon  two  hundred  and  fifty  millions  of  dollars7 
worth  per  annum  of  property.  The  Teachers'  Federation  has  the 
list  of  corporations.  They  are  public  utility  companies. 

Among  these  twenty -three  corporations  was  not  included  any 
steam  railway  company  entering  into  the  city  of  Chicago. 

On  further  inquiry  I  have  ascertained  that  the  total  real  estate 
valuation  placed  upon  the  real  estate  in  the  first  ward  of  the 
city  of  Chicago,  being  only  one  ward  out  of  the  thirty-four, 
was  $268.000,000  for  the  year  1900,  while  the  Swift  commission 
which  had  appraised  the  same  property  in  1896,  a  year  which  was 
at  the  very  climax  of  the  dull  times  in  this  community,  closely  fol- 
lowing the  panic  of  1893  and  which  was  therefore  a  time  of  con- 
servative estimates,  placed  it  at  $422,000,000  approximately. 

Which  valuation  is  correct  is  shown  by  the  fact  that  last  week 
Montgomery  Ward  &  Co.  bought  the  corner  of  Michigan  Avenue 


136  DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

and  Washington  Street  for  $600,000  and  the  same  piece  of  prop- 
erty was  valued  by  the  Swift  commission  at  $368,000. 

I  have  discovered  further  that  all  the  personal  property  of  the 
first  ward  of  the  city  of  Chicago  is  assessed  by  the  Board  of  Assess- 
ors at  $38,000,000,  while  the  published  reports  issued  by  one  of  the 
banks  indicate  that  there  is  $440,000,000  in  cash  in  thirty  buildings 
— thirty  banks — in  this  city. 

All  of  the  real  estate  in  the  first  ward,  money  in  bank,  Marshall 
Field 's  dry  goods  building,  wholesale  and  retail ;  Siegel  &  Cooper, 
Rothschild  &  Co., — all  of  these  tremendously  wealthy  warehouses 
and  big  institutions  in  the  heart  of  the  city,  all  that  property,  all 
the  personal  property  in  these  buildings,  was  valued  at  $38,000,000. 

From  which  I  conclude  that  the  tax  dodger  has  gotten  in  his 
work  to  such  an  extent  that  at  least  in  the  first  ward  he  is  not  as- 
sessed on  one-tenth  of  his  property;  in  consequence  of  which  our 
bridges  are  closed,  our  viaducts  are  rotting  to  decay,  our  night 
schools  abandoned  and  our  teachers  compelled  in  order  to  keep  the 
schools  open  to  contribute  out  of  their  miserable  pittance  ten  per 
cent  of  their  salaries ! 


DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  137 


ADVANTAGES  OF  PUBLIC  OWNERSHIP 
AND  OPERATION  OF  UTILITIES. 

STATEMENT  TO  THE  PUBLIC,  MARCH  29,  1902. 

I  have  no  hesitation  in  declaring  that  I  am  in  favor  of  munici- 
pal ownership  and  operation  of  Chicago 's  street  railways,  telephone 
system,  gas  and  electric  lighting  plants,  providing  always  that  they 
be  managed  under  an  honest  and  rigid  civil  service.  The  public 
demands  and  will  be  content  only  with  two  essentials  in  the  opera- 
tion of  these  public  utilities : 

First — Efficiency  and  comfort  in  service. 

Second — Operation  at  the  lowest  cost  commensurate  with  effi- 
ciency and  comfort. 

Filthy  cars,  defective  telephone  service,  weak  and  irregular 
light  and  excessive  charges  would  not  be  tolerated  for  an  instant  if 
our  public  utilities  were  under  city  ownership.  The  administra- 
tion that  would  dare  offend  in  any  of  these  particulars  would  be 
speedily  turned  out  of  office. 

The  desideratum  in  the  way  of  good  and  efficient  service, 
coupled  with  rates  in  accord  with  the  cost  of  rendering  such  service, 
can  be  attained  under  municipal  ownership  and  management. 

The  municipality  would  insist,  in  the  interest  of  all  its  citizens, 
that  no  more  should  be  charged  for  service  than  would  be  necessary 
to  provide  that  service.  Such  is  the  history  of  our  waterworks 
and  our  post  office. 

Municipal  ownership  would  bring  the  best  results  in  service, 
economy  and  rates.  The  municipality  would  not  be  in  the  business 
of  amassing  great  fortunes  to  be  left  to  the  heirs  of  its  stockholders. 
It  would  not  be  in  the  business  of  floating  great  issues  of  stocks 
and  bonds  for  the  enrichment  of  its  promoters.  It  would  be  in  the 
business  of  giving  good  service  to  its  citizens  at  the  lowest  possible 
cost. 

The  objection  that  municipal  ownership  would  open  the  doors 
to  official  fraud  and  the  padding  of  pay  rolls  is  untenable.  There 
has  been  more  fraud,  bribery  and  corruption  in  the  Legislature  of 
this  State  and  the  City  Council  by  the  agents  and  tools  of  the 
private  corporations  operating  Chicago's  public  utilities  in  the  last 
twenty  years  than  could  be  perpetrated  under  municipal  manage- 
ment of  the  same  utilities  in  the  next  two  centuries. 


138  DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

Point  out  to  me  any  fraud  which  might  occur  under  municipal 
ownership  which  could  compare  with  the  wholesale  corruption  by 
which  the  charters  and  franchises  of  the  existing  corporations  have 
been  obtained  during  the  last  forty  years. 

Municipal  ownership  and  management  of  Chicago  street  rail- 
ways, lighting  plants  and  telephones,  under  an  honest  and  effective 
administration  of  the  civil  service  law,  would  give  Chicago  better 
service  at  lower  rates  than  can  ever  be  attained  under  private  owner- 
ship of  the  public  utilities. 

And  it  would  give  the  harassed  street  railway  employes  and  the 
employes  of  the  other  corporations  better  wages,  shorter  hours  and 
the  certain  tenure  of  place,  which  is  the  best  incentive  to  cheerful 
and  efficient  effort. 


DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  139 


THE  ANTHRACITE  COAL  STRIKE. 

LETTER  OF  JUDGE  DUNNE  TO  THE  TRIBUNE,  SEPTEMBER  11,  1902. 

I  have  seen  an  editorial  in  your  influential  paper  of  the  ninth 
inst.  in  which  you  quote  me  as  saying  "President  Roosevelt  could 
convene  Congress  and  legislation  would  be  enacted  which  would 
make  the  end  of  the  strike  easy,"  and  then  ask  me,  "What  is  the 
legislation  which,,  if  enacted,  will  put  an  end  to  it  ? "  In  answer 
let  me  state  in  the  first  place  that  you  have  misquoted  me.  I  never 
declared  that  Congress  could  pass  laws  that  would  end  the  strike. 
If  your  reporter  was  present  at  the  meeting  he  heard  me  advise  as 
follows :  First,  that  Governor  Stone  of  Pennsylvania  send  word  to 
the  operators  that  unless  they  consented  to  mediation  within  forty- 
eight  hours  he  would  call  a  special  session  of  the  legislature  to  take 
action  upon  the  crisis  presented;  that  the  legislature  should  ap- 
point a  commission  or  committee  of  inquiry  into  the  grievances  of 
the  strikers,  the  cause  of  the  strike,  and  fix  the  blame  upon  the 
parties  responsible  for  its  origin  and  continuance,  and  make  recom- 
mendations for  the  passage  of  such  laws  as  would  prevent  its  repeti- 
tion, such  as  compulsory  arbitration  of  all  labor  disputes  or  a  law 
giving  the  State  the  right  to  condemn  for  public  use  all  railroads 
and  coal  minjes.  I  argued  and  still  maintain  that,  if  the  governor 
issued  such  a  call,  the  strike  would  be  settled  before  the  legislature 
would  meet. 

I  further  advised  and  recommended  that,  if  the  governor 
of  Pennsylvania  refused  to  issue  such  a  call,  it  was  the  duty  of  the 
President  to  call  Congress  together  for  the  purpose  of  appointing 
a  congressional  committee  of  inquiry  into  a  state  of  facts  where 
150,000  American  citizens  were  idle  and  on  the  verge  of  starvation, 
and  15,000,000  were  being  denied  their  usual  winter  fuel. 

I  further  stated  explicitly  that  I  had  serious  doubt  as  to 
whether  Congress  could  pass  any  law  that  would  be  effective,  but 
maintained,  as  I  still  maintain,  that,  if  a  congressional  committee 
were  appointed  at  the  request  of  the  President,  with  power  to  com- 
pel the  production  of  witnesses  and  documents  and  to  report  to  the 
President  and  the  Nation  the  real  cause  of  the  strike  and  the  names 
of  the  parties  responsible,  the  strike  would  be  ended  before  the 
committee  examined  a  witness.  As  the  President  himself  declares 
when  he  is  talking,  not  to  Congress  but  to  his  fellow  citizens  in  his 


140  DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,  GOVERNOR 

travels,  publicity  will  put  a  stop  to  greed  and  extortion.  Rather 
than  face  a  congressional  investigation  and  report,  the  coal  operators 
would  discover  that  there  was  something  to  arbitrate. 

The  power  of  the  President  to  act  is  given  by  section  three, 
article  two,  of  the  Federal  Constitution,  which  provides :  ' '  He 
(the  President)  shall  from  time  to  time  give  to  the  Congress  in- 
formation of  the  state  of  the  Union,  and  recommend  to  their  con- 
sideration such  measures  as  he  shall  deem  necessary  and  expedient. 
He  may  on  extraordinary  occasions  convene  both  Houses  or  either 
of  them." 

This  provision  gives  the  President  the  right  to  convene  Con- 
gress, to  acquaint  them  officially  with  the  condition  of  affairs  in 
Pennsylvania,  and  to  request  the  appointment  of  a  congressional, 
committee  of  inquiry.  I  maintained,  and  still  maintain,  that  an 
" extraordinary  occasion,"  in  the  language  of  the  Constitution, 
exists  when  150,000  citizens  of  the  Republic  are  idle,  destitute,  and 
on  the  verge  of  starvation,  and  15,000,000  of  citizens  are  being 
deprived  of  or  mulcted  outrageously  for  one  of  the  greatest  neces- 
saries of  life — their  winter  fuel — and  that  it  is  the  bounden  duty 
of  the  President  when  the  governor  of  a  monopoly-ridden  state 
is  supine  and  indifferent  to  the  welfare  of  his  fellow  citizens,  to 
call  Congress  together  for  the  purposes  suggested.  In  1891,  or 
thereabout,  under  similar  circumstances,  the  young  emperor  of  Ger- 
many put  an  end  to  a  big  coal  strike  in  Wallachia.  The  miners 
refused  to  work  for  certain  wages.  They  were  locked  out.  Thou- 
sands of  his  subjects  were  reduced  to  want,  and  coal  was  scarce 
and  dear.  'The  Kaiser  sent  word  to  the  operators  that  unless  the 
difficulty  was  settled  promptly  he  would  go  down  to.  Wallachia  in 
person  and  investigate.  His  trip  was  never  made.  The  strike  was 
settled  next  day.  The  German  mine  owners  did  not  court  publicity. 


DUNNE— JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  141 


FAVORS  INITIATIVE  AND 
REFERENDUM. 

ADDRESS  TO  CHICAGO'S  NEW  CHARTER  CONVENTION,  DECEMBER 

16,  1902. 

Mr.  Chairman  and  Gentlemen: 

I  do  not  think  the  committee  has  gone  far  enough.  In  the 
first  place,  it  has  confined  itself  solely  to  amendments  that  relate 
to  the  revenue  law,  to  the  consolidation  of  the  different  taxing 
bodies  in  this  county,  and  to  the  amelioration  of  the  justice  shop 
evil,  all  of  which  have  my  assent  and  will  have  my  earnest  sup- 
port. 

But  the  committee  seems  to  have  shut  its  eyes  to  the  fact 
that  within  the  last  year  in  this  community  a  large  popular  vote 
was  cast  on  a  question  that  is  more  important  to  the  citizens  than 
the  alleged  evils  that  this  amendment  purposes  to  cure.  Because 
of  the  fact  that  it  has  not  gone  far  enough,  I  feel  it  my  duty,  as 
a  citizen  and  a  member  of  this  convention,  to  offer  a  short  sub- 
stitute in  place  of  the  amendment  proposed  by  the  executive 
committee.  I  will  read  it : 

"Section  34.  The  General  Assembly  shall  have  power,  any- 
thing in  the  Constitution  of  this  State  to  the  contrary  notwith- 
standing, to  pass  any  and  all  laws  which  may  be  requested  by 
the  city  council  of  the  city  of  Chicago  and  the  city  council  of  all 
cities  in  the  State  whose  populations  exceed  10,000  or  which  may 
be  requested  by  ten  per  cent  of  the  legal  voters  of  said  city. 
Said  law  or  laws  to  be  applicable  only  to  said  city  or  cities  and 
to  take  effect  only  when  approved  by  a  majority  of  all  the  legal 
voters  of  said  city  or  cities  voting  thereon  at  the  next  municipal 
election  held  not  less  than  thirty  days  after  the  enactment  of 
such  law  or  laws. ' ' 

The  advantages  of  this  substitute  are  two:  First,  it  is  con- 
cise, it  is  clear,  succinct,  and  can  be  understood  by  the  common 
people  of  this  community.  It  embraces  in  about  twelve  lines 
what  the  committee  has  taken  two  or  three  pages  of  its  report 
to  say. 

In  the  second  place,  it  is  more  elastic.  It  will  enable  the  city 
council  of  Chicago  at  times  when  emergencies  arise,  such  as  arose 
at  the  time  of  the  world's  fair,  to  pass  an  ordinance  requesting 


142  DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

the  Legislature  to  pass  a  law  which  meets  the  approval  of  the 
citizens  of  the  community. 

In  this  city  emergencies  are  always  arising,  as  they  did 
at  the  time  of  the  world's  fair.  In  the  course  of  a  few  years 
we  may  want,  for  instance,  a  Chancery  or  City  Court  such  as  does 
not  prevail  throughout  the  State. 


DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  143 


ON  THE  RACE  PROBLEM. 

STATEMENT  OP  JUDGE  DUNNE,  FEBRUARY  15,  1903. 

The  alarmist — the  "practical"  politician  who  is  using  the 
negro  to  further  his  own  ends — is  deferring  a  settlement  of  the 
color  problem,  according  to  Judge  E.  F.  Dunne,  who  said : 

I  believe  in  the  negro.  I  do  not  believe  that  he  has  pro- 
gressed backward,  as  the  paradox  has  been  put.  He  has  been 
held  back  by  race  prejudice,  which  has  placed  every  possible 
obstacle  in  his  way.  That  he  has  survived  these  hindrances  and 
advanced  as  far  as  he  has  is  proof  that  his  case  is  far  from  hope- 
less, as  some  affect  to  see  it. 

You  can  not  argue  the  colored  question  on  reason.  It  is 
bound  about  by  too  much  prejudice.  But,  give  the  colored  man 
the  encouragement  and  assistance  to  advance,  and  I  believe  he  is 
certain  to  command  that  respect  which  must  be  the  aggressive 
factor  in  allaying  the  race  prejudice  that  grips  the  South. 

That  same  aversion  is  with  us  here  in  the  North.  The  colored 
man  is  by  no  means  given  the  opportunities  which  he  merits.  Is 
there  any  demand  for  the  young  colored  woman  of  education 
who  seeks  even  the  position  of  typewriter?  Is  there  any  ten- 
dency to  give  employment  to  young  colored  men  of  ability  as 
bookkeepers  or  in  responsible  posts  which  might  pave  the  way  to 
future  advancement  ?  No,  we  are  beset  by  that  same  prejudice. 

If  our  children  come  home  from  school  and  say  that  a 
colored  pupil  has  been  given  the  adjoining  desk  there  is  usually 
a  request  to  the  teacher  to  effect  a  change.  It  is  the  same  story 
here  as  in  the  South,  except  that  the  great  population  of  blacks 
there  emphasizes  conditions. 

The  negro  will  solve  his  own  salvation  as  we  aid  him.  We 
should  spend  of  our  prosperity  and  plenty  to  give  him  every  pos- 
sible facility  for  education  and  mental  and  moral  advancement. 
He  needs  moral  support  to  devolop  his  moral  character — a  devel- 
opment which  is  as  essential,  even  more  so,  as  that  he  should 
learn  to  read  and  write  and  cipher. 

We  need  to  extend  a  plenty  of  charity  to  the  black  man.  If 
this  is  done  he  will  work  out  his  own  problem.  When  he  has 
advanced  until  he  claims  our  support  and  assistance  through 
sheer  ability  and  energy,  then  we  will  no  longer  have  a  race 
problem  here  so  far  as  the  black  man  is  concerned. 


144  DUNNE JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

Statements  of  public  men  who  affect  to  see  bloodshed  and 
race  wars  in  the  future  are,  to  my  mind,  absurd.  Such  talk  does 
not  aid  to  solve  this  pressing  question.  It  retards  and  hinders 
and  is  stirring  up  further  obstacles  in  the  South.  Passion,  force, 
and  haste  will  never  make  for  a  settlement  of  this  question. 
Above  everything,  keep  politics  out  of  it. 

Granted  that  President  Roosevelt  is  sincere  in  his  efforts 
to  bring  about  an  advanced  order  of  things,  it  cannot  be  denied 
that  there  are  those  in  Washington  who  are  dangerous  because 
they  are  trying  to  use  the  colored  race  as  political  pawns. 


DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  145 


IRELAND'S  POLITICAL  FUTURE. 

ADDRESS  BEFORE  THE  IRISH  FELLOWSHIP  CLUB,  MARCH  17,  1903. 

Mr.  Ck\a,irman  and  Gentlemen: 

We  meet  on  the  eve  of  great  events.  Last  year  a  political 
earthquake  shook  the  British  empire.  The  traditional  policy  of 
plundering  weaker  races  and  despoiling  them  of  their  liberty 
and  independence  received  a  rude  shock  when  .50,000  Boer 
burghers,  armed  with  modern  weapons,  set  at  defiance  for  two 
long  years  the  concentrated  power  of  the  mightiest  empire  on 
earth.  It  received  a  humiliating  shock  when  Great  Britain  was 
forced  to  conclude  a  peace  which  compelled  the  conqueror  to  pay 
a  large  monetary  indemnity  to  the  overwhelmed  and  gloriously 
beaten  foe.  The  struggle  between  the  Boer  and  Briton  wrenched 
the  British  ship  of  state  so  badly  that  the  whole  world  could  see 
it  leak.  But  it  brought  English  statesmen  to  their  senses. 

They  have  wisely  made  up  their  minds  to  stop  the  leaks  and 
keep  the  ship  afloat.  The  worst  of  these  leaks  at  present  is  the 
Irish  leak.  Seven  centuries  of  British  ship-carpentering  have 
been  of  no  avail  to  stop  that  leak.  Why?  Because  British  states- 
men have  always  been  blindly  of  the  opinion  that  they  could  im- 
press an  Irishman,  a  Boer,  an  East  Indian,  a  Jamaican,  a  Zulu, 
or  a  Sepoy  at  any  time,  place  him  in  the  hold  against  his  will, 
call  him  an  able  British  seaman  and  expect  loyalty  and  obedi- 
ence. When  the  ship  leaked  English  statesmen  caulked  it  from 
without  while  they  treated  the  impressed  seamen  like  dogs 
within. 

They  have  just  begun  to  discover  that  the  leaks  came  from 
within  the  hold.  This  belated  discovery,  however,  seems  about 
to  open  a  new  era  in  British  statesmanship.  Instead  of  the 
blundering,  floundering  policy  of  centuries  which  made  rack 
renting  and  eviction  a  duty  for  the  landlord,  transportation  and 
hanging  the  duty  of  the  judge,  suspension  of  the  habeas  corpus 
act,  abolition  of  trial  by  jury,  and  coercion  acts  the  duty  of  the 
legislator,  with  famine,  desolation,  and  depopulation  as  the  inevit- 
able result,  English  statemen  seem  now  about  ready  to  adopt  a 
more  just,  a  more  humane,  and  more  promising  system  of  gov- 
ernment. 


146  DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

Far-seeing  British  statesmen  have  at  last  reached  the  con- 
clusion that  the  soil  of  Ireland  must  belong  to  the  people  who 
till  it  and  are  now  working  out  a  plan  under  which  this  result 
may  be  achieved  without  injustice  to  either  landlord  or  tenant. 


DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  147 


ROOSEVELT  "DE-LIGHTED"-THIRTEEN 
CHILDREN. 

PRESIDENT  ROOSEVELT  TO  JUDGE  DUNNE,  JANUARY  12,  1904. 

"De-lighted!  So  this  is  Judge  Dunne?  You  deserve  well  of 
your  people.  Thirteen  children  ?  My,  my !  You  beat  me  by  seven, 
although  I  have  quite  a  family  myself." 

President  Roosevelt,,  as  he  spoke  his  admiration  of  Judge 
Edward  F.  Dunne  today  in- the  White  House,  pumped  the  right 
arm  of  the  Chicago  jurist  up  and  down  in  warm  enthusiasm.  Behind 
the  two  was  massed  the  delegation  from  the  Iroquois  Club  of 
Chicago,  headed  by  Congressman  Martin  Emerich,  who  introduced 
the  members.  He  had  just  finished  introducing  Judge  Dunne  as  the 
"Roosevelt  Democrat  of  Chicago — the  father  of  thirteen  children." 

Outside  delegations  from  New  York,  under  the  chaperonage 
of  Congressmen  Sulzer,  Sullivan  and  "Little  Tim"  Sullivan,  cooled 
their  heels  in  company  with  a  party  of  Georgia  Democrats  in  care 
of  Senator  Bacon. 

For  fifteen  minutes  the  President  devoted  his  admiring  atten- 
tion to  Judge  Dunne,  while  the  jurist  blushed  and  bowed.  Then 
he  shook  hands  with  the  thirty  other  members  of  the  committee, 
told  each  at  least  three  times  that  he  came  from  a  great  city,  said 
he  knew  Ernest  McGaffey,  the  Secretary  to  Mayor  Harrison,  and 
was  glad  to  hear  that  he  was  a  happy  father,  and  bowed  the  dele- 
gation out  with  a  farewell  compliment  to  Judge  Dunne.  The  party 
was  received  in  the  Cabinet  room  at  10  o  'clock,  and  there  were  no 
set  speeches. 


148  DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 


BOYS. 

STATEMENT  BY  JUDGE  DUNNE,  JANUARY  31,  1904. 

Judge  Edward  F.  Dunne,  the  man  who  made  Roosevelt  famous, 
and  incidentally  jealous,  by  comparing  tallies  in  Washington  the 
other  day,  has  very  decided  and  very  interesting  ideas  on  the  sub- 
ject. When  I  asked  him  to  answer  the  question,  ' '  What  is  the  boy 's 
place  in  the  home?"  he  sent  along  the  following.  One  might  write 
on  the  subject  a  whole  day  and  not  compass  so  much  of  intelligent 
comment : 

"To  me  the  answer  seems  simple.  Any  place  at  home  is  the 
boy's  place,  so  long  as  he  is  at  home.  Give  him  any  place  in  the 
establishment  congenial  to  his  tastes,  but  see  that  he  remains  at 
home  as  much  as  possible.  If  he  studies,  give  him  the  softest  seat 
in  the  house.  If  he  is  athletic,  give  him  bats  and  balls,  the  punch- 
ing bag  and  boxing  gloves,  but  encourage  his  athletic  exercises  in  the 
house,  the  barn  or  the  adjoining  lots.  If  he  discloses  a  leaning 
toward  any  special  science,  art  or  craft,  encourage  it,  and,  so  far 
as  you  can  afford  it,  give  him  the  appliances,  books  or  mechanism 
necessary  for  its  development. 

"But  install  them  in  your  home  and  keep  him  home  as  much 
as  possible.  Has  he  a  penchant  for  billiards  ?  Get  him  a  table,  even 
if  it  be  a  miniature  one.  The  more  hours  each  day  your  son  spends 
at  home  the  more  and  the  sooner  he  develops  a  clean,  healthy,  social 
temperament. 

"Encourage  him  to  invite  clean,  manly  boys  of  about  his  own 
age  to  his  home,  and  let  him  return  such  calls.  Spend  as  much  time 
with  your  sons  at  home  as  business  will  permit;  enter  into  their 
studies,  their  play,  their  thoughts,  interests  and  ambitions.  Take 
them  out  with  you  as  often  as  possible.  Encourage  an  intimacy 
with  them.  Make  them  your  companions  as  well  as  your  sons,  as 
far  as  practicable. 

'•'From  one  to  five  years  old,  the  boy  differs  little  in  domestic 
economy  from  the  girl.  He  is  a  cherub  to  be  fondled  and  trundled 
and  kissed.  From  five  to  ten  he  becomes  noisy,  turbulent  and 
destructive,  with  splendid  appetite  and  vigorous  digestion.  The 
best  treatment  during  this  period  is  plain  corduroy  or  never-rip 
clothes,  heavy  shoes,  spring-lock  doors,  easily  opened  from  the  in- 
side, and  ever-ready  sandwiches  and  doughnuts.  Never  bar  his 
egress  from  the  house;  it's  a  waste  of  time.  He  won't  go  far — 


DUNNE JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  149 

his  appetite  won't  let  him.  The  spring  lock,  however,  gives  you  a 
chance  to  look  over  his  muddy  boots  before  they  strike  the  rugs  or 
carpets. 

"Between  ten  and  fifteen  years  your  son  needs  special  care 
and  attention.  During  this  period  he  begins  to  show  his  natural 
bent  or  inclination  toward  industry  or  idleness,  manliness  or  effem- 
inacy, integrity  or  moral  weakness.  If  he  is  strong  and  healthy, 
keep  him  steadily  at  school.  Give  him  plenty  of  time  for  physical 
exercise  in  the  daylight,  but  see  that  he  is  at  home  after  dinner. 
Between  dinner  and  bedtime  the  boy  of  his  age,  if  he  is  a  healthy- 
minded  lad,  can  employ  himself  at  home  most  profitably  and  enj  oy" 
ably.  His  mental  labor  at  school  has  been  relieved  by  the  physical 
labor  of  after-school  sports  and  games.  He  has  digested  his  dinner, 
and  physical  relaxation  is  both  healthful  and  pleasing.  An  hour 
over  his  lessons  for  the  succeeding  day  leaves  him  another  hour 
before  he  need  go  to  bed. 

"This  hour  should  be  regarded  by  both  parents  and  children 
as  sacred  and  devoted  to  the  family  altar.  Mother,  father,  daugh- 
ter and  son  should  for  that  hour  become  comrades.  A  boy  of 
fifteen  who  spends  from  dinner  to  the  hour  for  sleep  among  his 
own  people  in  this  way  will  never  go  wrong. 

"From  fifteen  to  twenty  comes  the  first  breaking  of  the  family 
ties,  when  the  answer  to  this  question,  'Where  is  the  boy's  place 
at  home  ? '  is  most  frequently  answered  by  the  boy.  If  his  parents 
are  of  poor  or  moderate  means  he  goes  to  work.  If  they  have  ample 
means  he  goes  to  college  or  the  university — and  sometimes  to  the 
devil.  If,  however,  he  be  a  boy  of  manly  instinct  and  honest  heart, 
wherever  his  province  may  be,  his  'place  in  the  home'  is  always, 
in  spirit  at  least,  at  the  side  of  his  mother  and  sisters. 

"Be  he  in  the  workshop,  the  factory,  the  mill,  the  college,  or 
the  university,  his  place  is  in  his  mother's  heart  and  at  the  family 
fireside.  If  in  the  years  he  has  passed  before  leaving  home  he  has 
been  made  his  father's  friend  and  companion,  he  still  remains  that 
friend  and  companion  in  spirit,  and  will,  on  meeting  him,  do  as  two 
boys  I  know — one  of  sixteen  and  the  other  of  thirteen — kiss  that 
father  and  murmur  in  their  slumber,  'There's  no  place  like 
home.'  " 


150  DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 


ON   THE   CHICAGO   CHARTER 

ADDRESS  TO  COMMERCIAL  CLUB,  MARCH  12,  1904. 

Gentlemen  of  the  Commercial  Club: 

You  have  asked  me  to  address  you  briefly  about  the  advan- 
tages of  the  proposed  constitutional  amendment  permitting  a 
special  charter  for  the  city  of  Chicago. 

I  am  thoroughly  familiar  with  the  terms  of  the  proposed  con- 
stitutional amendment,  and  was  a  member  of  the  so-called  con- 
vention which  discussed  its  provisions  and  finally  agreed  upon  the 
proposed  amendment. 

I  am  heartily  in  favor  of  the  proposed  constitutional  amend- 
ment. I  endeavored  to  have  what  I  believed  to  be  a  better  and 
more  satisfactory  amendment  adopted  by  the  so-called  convention, 
but  having  failed  in  that,  I  heartily  voted  for  the  proposed  amend- 
ment that  we  adopted,  and  took  great  pleasure  in  personally  urging 
its  adoption  upon  members  of  the  last  Legislature  in  Springfield. 
I  am  still  heartily  in  favor  of  its  adoption,  and  will  do  everything 
in  my  power  in  my  humble  way,  to  have  this  amendment  to  the 
Constitution  approved  of  by  the  people  and  incorporated  in  the 
Constitution. 

I  am  clearly  of  the  opinion,  however,  that  a  much  more  simple 
and  a  much  more  thorough  constitutional  amendment  could  have 
been  devised  and  recommended  by  this  convention  than  that  which 
was  recommended.  The  proposed  constitutional  amendment  may 
answer  for  present  purposes;  but  the  city  of  Chicago  is  a  rapidly 
growing  community  and  its  needs,  necessities  and  demands  will  be 
constantly  enlarging  and  changing,  and  as  the  years  roll  by,  in 
my  judgment,  it  will  be  found  that  the  proposed  constitutional 
amendment  will  not  cover  all  its  necessities  and  requirements.  The 
city  of  Chicago  has  quadrupled  in  population  in  the  last  twenty- 
four  years,  and  it  is  likely  to  increase  that  population  in  the  same 
proportion.  It  would  not  surprise  me  if  within  twenty  years,  there 
were  5,000,000  people  in  the  county  of  Cook,  and  that  this  tre- 
mendous aggregation  of  people  will  be  suffering  within  a  few  years 
from  legislative  evils  and  burdens  not  now  contemplated  and  which 
cannot  be  foretold  or  predicted.  Because  of  this  fact  I  believed,  as 
a  member  of  that  convention,  and  now  believe,  that  a  more  elastic, 
comprehensive  and  far-reaching  amendment  to  the  Constitution 
should  have  been  adopted. 


DUNNE — JUDGE,  MAYOR,  GOVERNOR  151 

Those  being  my  opinions,  I  had  the  honor,  in  that  convention, 
to  propose  as  a  substitute  for  the  amendment  finally  adopted  the 
following : 

"Resolved,  that  Article  Four  of  the  Constitution  of  this  State 
be  amended  by  adding  thereto  a  section  to  be-  numbered  Section 
Thirty-four,  which  shall  read  as  follows,  to-wit : 

"  'The  General  Assembly  shall  have  power,  anything  in  this 
Constitution  to  the  contrary  notwithstanding,  to  enact  any  and 
all  laws  which  may  be  requested  in  writing  by  the  city  council  of 
the  city  of  Chicago,  or  by  ten  per  cent,  of  the  legal  voters  of  said 
city,  said  laws  to  be  applicable  only  to  said  city,  and  to  take  effect 
only  when  approved  by  a  majority  of  all  the  legal  voters  of  said 
city  voting  thereon  at  the  next  municipal  election  held  not  less 
than  30  days  after  the  enactment  of  said  law  or  laws. '  ' 

In  moving  the  adoption  of  the  above  proposed  amendment  to 
the  Constitution,  I  was  honestly  endeavoring  to  accomplish  the 
same  object  aimed  at  by  the  other  members  of  that  body  of  gen- 
tlemen, to-wit :  to  give  power  to  the  city  of  Chicago  to  adopt  a 
charter  which  would  be  adequate  to  its  needs  and  necessities  as 
distinguished  from  the  needs  and  necessities  of  the  State  at  large. 
If  my  scheme  could  and  would  attain  that  end,  it  had  three  advan- 
tages over  the  scheme  finally  adopted. 

First.     It  was  more  concise  and  succinct. 

Second.     It  was  more  simple  and  easily  understood. 

Third.     It  was  more  comprehensive  and  elastic. 

This  was  not  disputed  by  any  man  in  that  convention,  com- 
posed, as  it  was,  of  the  ablest  lawyers  and  shrewdest  business 
men  in  the  city  of  Chicago.  It  was  assailed  by  them,  not  on  the 
ground  that,  if  passed,  it  would  not  stand  the  test  of  judicial 
inquiry  and  examination,  but  that  it  was  novel  and  revolutionary. 
Not  a  man  on  the  floor  of  that  convention,  where  were  John  P. 
Wilson,  Thomas  A.  Moran,  John  H.  Hamline,  John  S.  Miller,' E. 
Allen  Frost,  H.  C.  Mecartney,  Walter  S.  Fisher,  J. /D.  Andrews, 
and  a  host  of  other  legal  lights,  claimed,  that,  if  my  substitute 
should  be  adopted  by  the  people,  it  would  not  stand  the  test  of 
judicial  inquiry,  or  that  it  could  be  overturned  by  a  court  of  last 
resort.  Any  objections  that  could  be  urged  against  it  in  a  court 
can  be  urged  against  the  proposed  amendment  to  the  Constitution 
finally  adopted ;  but  they  are  utterly  without  force  as  against 
both. 

The  only  objections  urged  against  the  substitute  resolution 
offered  by  myself  were : 

First.     That  it  was  novel  and  revolutionary. 

Second.  That  it  would  enable  the  citizens  of  Chicago,  by  popu- 
'  lar  vote,  to  suspend  the  habeas  corpus  act,  abolish  trial  by  jury, 


152  DUNNE JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

suppress  free  speech,  and  deprive  themselves  of  all  the  rights 
secured  by  the  Magna  Charta. 

As  to  the  first  objection,  I  am  free  to  admit  that  it  is  new 
and  revolutionary  in  Chicago,  although  I  advocated  the  same 
proposition  over  a  year  before  in  this  city  and  had  the  idea  very 
favorably  commented  upon  by  so  conservative  and  careful  papers 
as  the  Chicago  Chronicle  and  Journal. 

But  that  it  is  new  or  revolutionary  in  modern  political  econ- 
omy is  untrue.  The  principle,  therein  enunciated,  has  been  in 
practical  and  successful  operation  for  thirty  years  last  past  in 
the  republic  of  Switzerland,  is  binding  law  upon  the  citizens  of 
that  republic,  and  has  operated  to  the  entire  satisfaction  of  the 
5,000,000  people  of  the  republic,  which,  in  my  opinion,  has  the 
purest  and  most  upright  Government  upon  earth.  In  proof  of  this 
statement,  let  me  quote  the  following : 

Theodore  Curti,  the  Swiss  historian  and  statesman,  declares : 

' '  The  wholesome  effect  the  referendum  exerts  upon  the  country 
cannot  be  over-estimated.  It  is  a  political  school  for  the  people ; 
hence  an  invaluable  element  of  culture.  Wherever  it  is  applied 
all  classes  of  the  population  take  interest  and  participate  in  dis- 
cussions of  the  question  at  issue ;  mutually  imparting  and  receiv- 
ing valuable  economic  and  political  information. 

"The  referendum  has  proven  itself  a  potent  factor,  both  to 
legislation  and  to  the  country  at  large,  in  this:  that  it  has 
strengthened  the  influence  of  public  opinion  upon  the  representa- 
tive bodies,  who  are  naturally  prone  to  assume  powers  which 
ultimately  belong  to  the  people,  gradually  degenerating  into  a 
ruling  caste,  with  the  result  that  private  interests  are  promoted 
while  the  affairs  of  the  people  are  neglected  or  intentionally 
buried  in  some  committee. 

' '  I  have  been  a  member  of  legislative  assemblies  in  Switzerland 
for  the  past  seventeen  years,  and  it  is  my  conviction  that  the 
referendum  has  not  prevented  the  passage  of  many  beneficial 
laws  that  we  desired  to  have  enacted;  but  that  it  has  prevented 
the  committing  of  many  errors,  owing  to  the  mere  fact  that  it 
stood  as  a  warning  before  us. ' ' 

Karl  Burkli,  a  well-known  Swiss  economist,  declares: 
"The  smooth  working  of  our  federal,  cantonal  and  municipal 
referendum  is  a  matter  of  fact,  a  truth  generally  acknowledged 
throughout  Switzerland.  The  initiative  and  referendum  are  now 
deeply  rooted  in  the  hearts  of  the  Swiss  people.  There  is  no 
party,  not  even  a  single  statesman,  who  dares  openly  oppose  it  in 
principle,  and  yet  many  of  them  curse  the  institution  in  the 
depths  of  their  hearts. 


DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  153 

"All  the  divers  votings — federal,  cantonal,  municipal — go  on 
without  riot,  corruption,  disturbance  or  hindrance  whatever, 
although  with  great  agitation.  .  .  .  Our  Swiss  political  trinity 
— initiative,  referendum  and  proportional  representation — is  not 
only  good  and  holy  for  hard-working  Switzerland,  but  would  be 
even  better  for  that  grand  country  of  North  America.  It  would 
cure  them  thoroughly  of  their  leprous  representation,  both  Federal 
and  state,  and  regenerate  the  misgovernments  of  their  great 
cities. ' ' 

Mr.  McCrackan,  in  his  interesting  history  of  "The  Rise  of 
the  Swiss  Republic, ' '  says : 

"It  will  always  remain  the  chief  honor  and  glory  of  Swiss 
statesmanship  to  have  discovered  the  solution  of  one  of  the  great 
political  problems  of  the  ages — how  to  enable  great  masses  of 
people  to  govern  themselves  directly.  By  means  of  the  referen- 
dum and  the  initiative  this  difficulty  has  been  brilliantly  over- 
come. The  essence  and  vital  principle  of  the  popular  assembly 
has  been  rescued  from  perishing  miserably  before  the  exigencies 
of  modern  life,  and  successfully  grafted  upon  the  representative 
system. ' ' 

That  my  proposed  amendment  would  enable  the  citizens  of. 
Chicago  to  suspend  the  habeas  corpus  act,  abolish  trial  by  jury, 
and  deprive  themselves  of  all  the  rights  which  man  holds  dear,  ia 
true,  if  not  restrained  by  the  Federal  Constitution.  It  would  do 
more.  It  would  enable  them,  if  not  restrained  by  the  Federal 
Constitution,  to  reestablish  slavery  and  bring  back  the  feudal 
system.  Is  this  an  argument  or  a  bogy?  Was  there  ever  an 
instance  in  history  of  a  man,  a  family,  a  community,  or  a  nation 
giving  up  and  surrendering  that  which  was  dearest  to  them? 
What  have  men  been  struggling  for  during  the  long,  dark,  dreary 
centuries?  For  light,  life  and  freedom.  You  can  trust  the  great 
body  of  the  people  at  all  times  to  preserve  their  lives,  their  lib- 
erties, and  the  pursuit  of  happiness.  There  is  not  an  instance  in 
history  where  a  people,  by  popular  vote,  ever  surrendered  the 
right  of  trial  by  jury,  the  rights  secured  by  the  writ  of  habeas 
corpus,  the  right  of  free  speech,  a  free  press,  or  any  other  right 
which  is  secured  by  the  common  law.  Tyrannical  rulers  in  the 
past  and  tyrannical  judges  in  recent  times  have  deprived  men 
of  these  rights.  The  people  never  rob  themselves  of  these  in- 
estimable safeguards.  In  framing  constitutions  the  people  have 
always  reserved  these  rights  to  themselves.  Now,  what  are  con- 
stitutions? Creatures  created  by  the  people.  The  people  are  the 
creators  of  constitutions.  The  constitutions  are  the  creations  of 
the  people. 


154  DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

The  purpose  and  reason  for  the  making  of  a  constitution  is 
to  place  limitations  upon  the  powers  of  the  law-makers  chosen 
by  the  people  in  a  representative  form  of  government,  and  to  re- 
serve to  the  great  body  of  the  people  certain  rights  which  they 
will  not  trust  their  chosen  representatives  to  legislate  upon  or  bar- 
ter away.  A  constitution  is  a  limitation  upon  the  powers  of  the 
legislature;  not  a  limitation  upon  the  right  of  the  people  them- 
selves to  make  laws.  The  right  of  the  people  to  legislate  for 
themselves  in  a  true  republic,  such  as  is  the  United  States  of 
America,  is  fundamental,  absolute,  plenary  and  unlimited. 

Certain  forms  and  methods  of  ascertaining  and  expressing 
the  will  of  the  people  may  have  to  be  complied  with  under  exist- 
ing laws  and  constitutions,  adopted  because  of  the  impossibility 
of  assembling  together  all  of  the  people  in  one  mighty  body.  But 
when  these  forms  are  complied  with,  and  the  will  of  the  people  is 
ascertained,  it  is  plenary,  absolute  and  supreme.  They  can  make 
and  unmake  constitutions,  and  annul  all  laws,  fundamental  and 
legislative.  The  whole  fabric  of  the  American  Government  is 
based  upon  the  theory  that  the  people  themselves  are  the  source 
and  origin  of  all  law,  constitutional  and  legislative. 

The  initiative  and  referendum  simply  recognize  this  funda- 
mental principle  of  a  republican  form  of  government — that,  the 
people  are  the  ultimate  law-making  power — and  provide  a  simple, 
easy  and  convenient  method  of  enabling  the  people  who  are  the 
source  and  origin  of  all  the  law-making  power  to  legislate  directly 
for  themselves  upon  questions  of  great  public  interest. 

In  offering  to  the  convention  my  substitute  resolution,  I 
merely  suggested  a  simple  method  to  the  people  of  Chicago  of  ex- 
ercising that  inherent  right  of  legislating  directly  for  themselves. 
Why  should  it  not  have  been  given  them?  The  citizens  of  each 
state  in  the  Union  have  the  right  to  make  and  unmake  their  con- 
stitutions, or,  if  they  should  so  elect,  to  make  laws  by  the  process 
of  the  initiative  and  referendum  not  in  conflict  with  the  Federal 
Constitution.  Why  not  give  to  the  city  of  Chicago  the  same 
right 

The  city  of  Chicago  has  a  population  of  2,000,000  souls. 
Great  cities  need  laws  specially  adapted  to  great,  crowded,  con- 
gested communities  which  would  be  useless,  irksome,  or  it  might 
be  dangerous,  to  rural  communities.  Even  if  this  were  not  so,  a 
city  of  2,000,000  inhabitants  might  be  given  as  much  law-making 
power  as  a  state  of  like  population. 

According  to  the  Federal  Census  of  1900,  there  were  thirty- 
one  out  of  the  forty-five  states  in  the  Union  which  have  a  popu- 
lation less  than  that  of  the  city  of  Chicago. 


DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  155 

If  the  lesser  population  of  these  states  are  given  plenary  law- 
making  power — within  the  limits  of  the  Federal  Constitution — why 
should  not  Chicago  be  given  the  same  right? 

Why  should  this  overgrown  and  still  rapidly-growing  giant  be 
kept  in  the  swaddling  clothes  of  an  infant  ?  The  proposed  constitu- 
tional amendment,  adopted  by  the  so-called  convention,  would  give 
it  a  suit  of  clothes  fitted  for  its  present  size.  The  initiative  and 
referendum  would  give  it  a  suit  for  present  use  and  an  unexhausti- 
b'le  supply  of  cloth  for  use  in  its  future  growth  and  development. 

Every  law  demanded  by  the  requirements  and  necessities  of  a 
great  city  from  year  to  year,  which  might  be  presented  to  the  Legis- 
lature by  the  city  council,  or  by  ten  per  cent,  of  Chicago's  voters 
could,  not  necessarily  would,  be  passed  by  the  Legislature,  and,  if 
adopted  and  approved  by  the  citizens  of  Chicago  by  popular  vote, 
would  become  a  law  impregnable  against  attack  in  the  courts.  Why 
should  not  this  be  the  situation  in  a  great  city  in  a  Republic  based 
upon  popular  suffrage? 

In  these  latter  days  the  delusion  seems  to  have  gone  abroad  that 
constitutions  and  legislatures  are  the  masters,  instead  of  being  the 
servants  of  the  people.  Powerful  interests  seem  to  be  instilling  this 
poisonous  delusion  into  the  minds  of  the  people.  Lest  we  forget 
that  the  people  are  the  source  and  creators  of  all  constitutions  and 
of  all  laws,  let  us  go  back  and  consult  the  greatest,  highest  and 
broadest  statesman  of  our  country.  Walker's  American  Law  de- 
clares : 

"The  representatives,  to  whom  authority  is  delegated,  are  the 
servants  of  their  masters,  of  their  constituents,  whose  will  it  is  their 
office  to  execute. ' ' 

Daniel  Webster  declared: 

"The  sovereignty  of  government  is  an  idea  belonging  to  the 
other  side  of  the  Atlantic.  No  such  thing  is  known  in  North 
America ;  with  us  all  power  is  with  the  people.  They  alone  are 
sovereign,  and  they  erect  what  government  they  please." 

George  Washington  declared : 

"The  powers  under  the  Constitution  will  always  be  with  the 
people.  It  is  temporarily  intrusted  to  their  representatives — their 
servants ;  they  are  no  more  than  the  creatures  of  the  people. ' ' 

James  Madison  more  emphatically  declares : 

' '  The  Federal  and  State  Governments  are,  in  fact,  but  different 
agents  and  trusts  of  the  people,  instituted  with  different  powers. 
The  ultimate  authority  resides  with  the  people  alone." 

Judge  Parsons,  of  Massachusetts,  in  the  ratifying  convention  of 
the  state,  characterized  the  Federal  Government  as : 

"A  Government  to  be  administered  for  the  common  good  by 
the  servants  of  the  people  vested  with  delegated  powers." 


156  DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

Alexander  Hamilton,  in  the  ratifying  convention  of  New  York, 
while  arguing  in  favor  of  the  Constitution 's  adoption,  said : 

"What  is  the  structure  of  the  Government?  The  people 
govern. ' ' 

Chief  Justice  Marshall,  while  emphatically  speaking  of  the 
people 's  control  over  their  representatives,  declared : 

' '  Who  gave  may  take  back. ' ' 

The  experience  of  the  last  thirty  or  forty  years  that  we  have 
had  with  corrupt  and  profligate  legislators  and  common  councils 
has  forced  upon  reflecting  citizens  the  conviction  that  a  check  upon 
legislative  corruption  and  profligacy  is  absolutely  necessary.  The 
people  are  the  only  superior  power  who  can  apply  this  check,  and 
this  check  can  be  applied  only  by  the  initiative  and'  referendum. 

It  has  abolished  corruption,  profligacy  and  plunder  of  the 
people 's  rights  in  Switzerland.  Why  should  it  not  do  so  in  Chicago  ? 
Under  such  a  system  the  .lobbyist  would  be  abolished  and  the 
wealthy  corruptionists  would  disappear  forever. 

The  only  objection  that  can  be  urged  against  it  is  that  it  will 
interfere  with  the  wholesale  traffic  in  franchises  and  debauchery 
of  its  representatives,  which  has  prevailed  too  long  and  too  injur- 
iously to  the  interests  of  the  people  of  this  community. 


DUNNE JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  157 


ASSIGNMENT  OF  WAGE  SLAVERY. 

STATEMENT  BY  JUDGE  DUNNE,  JUNE  26,  1904. 

The  most  unprincipled  lot  of  men  in  this  community  are  the 
men  of  means  who  ferret  out  the  weak,  the  dissolute,  and  unfortu- 
nate poor  with  alluring  advertisements  in  the  press,  the  street  cars, 
elevated  roads,  and  on  the  billboards  of  the  city,  offering  money  to 
loan  without  publicity  upon  easy  terms  of  repayment.  Most  of 
them  are  unconscionable  and  remorseless  usurers. 

They  are  divided  into  two  classes — the  chattel  mortgage  shark 
and  the  assignment  of  wage  shark.  The  latter  is  more  unconscion- 
able and  contemptible  of  the  two.  The  former  only  takes  as  security 
the  personal  property,  which  the  unfortunate  debtor  has  paid  for 
and  owns.  There  is  thus  a  limit  to  his  rapacity.  When  he  takes  the 
debtor's  personal  property,  upon  foreclosure,  he  gets  his  principal 
and  usurious  interest  out  of  the  foreclosed  chattels,  and  this  gen- 
erally satisfies  him. 

The  assignment  of  wages  shark,  however,  has  no  bounds  to  his 
rapacity.  His  mortgage  is  upon  the  flesh  and  blood,  the  brain  and 
brawn,  the  whole  earning  capacity  of  his  unfortunate  debtor. 

Once  the  fatal  assignment  of  wages  is  signed  he  holds  it  like 
the  sword  of  Damocles  over  the  head  of  his  helpless  victim  and 
makes  his  terms  of  renewal  of  the  notes  harsher  and  harsher. 

Most  employers,  rather  than  be  annoyed  with  suits  upon  these 
assignments,  will  discharge  the  employe.  The  wretched  debtor 
knows  this,  and  the  conscienceless  loan  shark,  by  threatening  from 
time  to  time  to  sue  the  employer,  holds  him  in  as  abject  subjection 
as  though  he  were  his  slave.  Cases  have  recently  been  developed 
in  the  courts  of  this  county  where  these  bloodsuckers  have  squeezed 
out  of  their  helpless  victims  ten  times  the  amount  loaned,  together 
with  legal  interest  thereon. 

No  respectable  man  would  engage  in  the  business.  The  calling 
of  a  highwayman  is  decent  in  comparison.  The  latter  only  takes 
what  you  have  upon  your  person.  The  assignment  of  salary  shark 
takes  all  you  can  earn  above  a  bare  subsistence  for  months  and  years 
to  come.  The  highwayman  often  needs  the  money.  The  assignment 
of  salary  shark  is  generally  a  smug  capitalist,  who  dresses  in  purple 
and  fine  linen,  lives  on  some  boulevard,  and  frequently  occupies  a 
front  pew  in  some  church. 


158  DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

Since  the  recent  decision  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  this  State, 
nothing  stands  in  the  way  of  the  assignment  of  salary  shark 's  rapac- 
ity and  voracity. 

In  some  particulars  the  case  that  was  appealed  was  remarkable. 
Mallin,  the  debtor,  was  an  employe  of  Armour  &  Co.  For  a  loan 
at  grossly  usurious  rates  he  assigned  his  wages  to  be  earned  from 
Armour  &  Co.  or  any  other  employer  for  the  period  of  ten  years, 
and  afterwards  went  into  bankruptcy  and  received  his  discharge 
as  a  bankrupt. 

The  Supreme  Court,  reversing  my  decision,  which  held  the 
assignment  invalid  and  the  discharge  in  bankruptcy  a  discharge  of 
the  debt,  holds  that  the  assignment  was  valid  and  that  the  discharge 
of  the  bankrupt  did  not  release  the  assignment,  and  this  is  now  the 
settled  law  of  the  State  of  Illinois. 

I  believed  and  held  that  the  laws  of  this  State,  which  declare 
that  "it  shall  be  unlawful  for  any  person  or  company  to  make 
deductions  from  his,  it,  or  their  workmen,  except  for  lawful  money 
actually  advanced  without  discount,"  section  three,  truck  system 
act,  chapter  forty-eight,  revised  statutes,  the  exemption  acts,  the 
act  making  the  wages  of  a  laborer  a  preferred  claim  in  assignment 
cases,  the  act  excluding  exemption  as  against  wages  of  a  laborer, 
and  the  act  giving  attorney's  fees  to  a  laborer  who  is  compelled  to 
sue  for  his  wages,  clearly  indicated  the  policy  of  the  laws  of  the 
State  to  be  to  secure  to  the  laborer  his  wages  in  cash. 

The  only  remedy  now  lies  in  the  Legislature.  If  a  man  can 
assign  his  unearned  wages  for  ten  years  he  can  upon  the  same  prin- 
ciple assign  them  for  life.  If  he  can  assign  them  for  life,  wherein 
does  his  condition  differ  from  that  of  the  black  man  before  the  war  ? 
Between  contractual  slavery  and  inherited  slavery  is  there  any  sub- 
stantial difference? 

Assignment  of  wage  slavery  or  contractual  slavery  now  exists 
in  this  community,  not  in  a  few  random  cases  but  an  enormous 
number  of  cases. 

It  prevails  generally  among  public  servants,  such  as  policemen, 
firemen,  letter  carriers,  teachers,  and  clerks  in  county  and  city 
offices.  This  class  of  borrowers,  however,  are  in  a  measure  inde- 
pendent of  the  loan  sharks,  if  their  paymasters  did  their  full  duty 
by  them  and  the  public  by  refusing  to  honor  the  assignments  of 
their  salaries.  The  great  weight  of  legal  authority  declares  that 
an  assignment  of  unearned  wages  by  a  public  servant  is  void  as 
against  public  policy,  because  it  unfits  him  to  perform  the  duties 
he  owes  to  the  public,  and  I  am  confident  the  Supreme  Court  of  the 
State  will  so  hold,  if  one  of  these  cases  is  brought  to  that  court. 

But  the  evil  also  prevails  to  an  alarming  extent  among  em- 
ployes of  private  firms  and  corporations,  who,  under  the  decision 


DUNNE — -JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  159 

in  Wenham  vs.  Mullin,  are  absolutely  at  the  mercy  of  the  loan 
sharks. 

A  great  proportion  of  the  family  desertions  and  suicides  of 
this  city,  in  my  opinion,  can  be  traced  to  the  loan  sharks. 

The  Legislature  should  and  must  act  promptly.  It  can  and 
should  declare  all  usurious  contracts  absolutely  void,  both  as  to 
principal  and  interest,  and  not  as  to  interest  alone,  as  is  now  pro- 
vided by  law. 

It  should  declare  that  all  assignments  of  unearned  wages  are 
null  and  void  as  against  public  policy.  It  has  already  declared  the 
following  contracts  illegal : 

Contracts  giving  options  to  buy  or  sell  at  a  future  time  grain, 
stock,  or  other  commodity. 

Usurious  contracts  as  to  all  interest,  chattel  mortgage  of  house- 
hold goods,  unless  signed  by  both  husband  and  wife. 

The  assignment  of  insolvent  is  invalid  as  to  wages  due  a  laborer 
or  servant. 

Why  not,  then,  declare  these  infamous  and  unconscionable  con- 
tracts which  foster  usury,  debauch  and  corrupt  the  public,  destroy 
and  render  desolate  the  homes  of  the  poor,  and  bring  back  to  our 
country  slavery  in  contractual  form,  absolutely  null  and  void,  and 
thus  drive  usury  and  immeasurable  misery  from  our  midst  ? 


160  DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 


IS  THERE  INTERNATIONAL 
MORALITY? 

STATEMENT  BY  JUDGE  DUNNE,  AUGUST,  1904. 

Is  there  such  a  thing  as  international  morality? 

In  other  words,  is  there  in  existence  any  code  of  dealings 
with  each  other? 

I  have  never  been  a  student  of  Vatel,  Grotius  or  Wheaton, 
and  am  comparatively  ignorant  of  the  principles  of  international 
law ;  but  until  recently  I  have  had  a  misty,  vague  idea  that  among 
civilized  nations,  at  least,  there  was  some  sort  of  morality  which 
controlled  governments  in  their  dealings  with  each  other.  I  sup- 
pose that  this  impression  was  made  upon  me  by  the  reading  of 
the  Declaration  of  Independence.  ' '  The  separate  and  equal  station 
to  which  the  laws  of  nature  and  of  nature's  God  entitle  man" 
have  never  been  forgotten  by  me  since  I  read  the  words  over  thirty 
years  ago. 

The  declaration  that ' '  governments  are  instituted  among  men 
deriving  their  just  powers  from  the  consent  of  the  governed" 
has  been  regarded  by  me  as  axiomatic.  I  have  lived  in  a  Republic, 
which  until  the  outbreak  of  the  Spanish-American  War,  lived  up 
to  this  principle  in  letter  and  in  spirit  and  it  is  natural  that  being 
born  and  raised  in  a  country  which  sprang  into  being  with  such 
sentiments  upon  its  infant  lips  that  I  should  have  reached  the  con- 
clusion that  such  sentiments  were  the  embodiment  of  national 
morality  and  that  such  a  code  of  morality  prevailed  to  a  more 
or  less  degree  among  civilized  nations. 

Within  the  last  five  years,  however,  I  have  discovered  from 
the  course  pursued  by  the  Government  of  the  United  States  that 
the  enunciation  that  "governments  derive  their  just  powers  from 
the  consent  of  the  governed,"  is  repudiated  by  my  own  country, 
as  it  has  been  heretofore  repudiated  by  every  great  civilized  gov- 
ernment upon  earth. 

We  are  governing  today  from  eight  to  ten  million  of  people 
in  the  Philippine  Islands  without  their  consent  and  without,  ac- 
cording to  them,  the  right  of  representation  in  the  Legislature, 
a  right  which  our  Declaration  of  Independence  declares  is  a 
"right  inestimable  to  them  and  formidable  to  tyrants  only."  We 
have  burned  their  cities,  ravished  their  fields,  despoiled  their 


DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  161 

homes,  and  swept  tens  of  thousands  of  their  resisting  manhood 
into  nameless  graves  to  set  up  a  government  in  these  islands 
which  is  in  defiance  and  contempt  of  every  principle  enunciated 
in  the  vaunted  Declaration  of  Independence. 

The  departure  from  the  first  principles  upon  which  the  Amer- 
ican Republic  was  founded  is  bad  enough,  but  within  the  last 
ninety  days  the  Government  of  the  United  States  has  gone  a  step 
further  and  a  step  lower.  It  has  repudiated  a  solemn  treaty  made 
fifty-seven  years  ago  with  a  sister  republic,  and  practically  to  all 
intents  and  purposes,  committed  the  crime  of  grand  larceny 
among  nations. 

Macedon  under  Alexander  became  a  world  power  and  robbed 
and  plundered  every  other  nation  it  came  in  contact  with.  Rome 
became  a  world  power  and  debauched  the  civilized  and  semi- 
civilized  earth.  Russia,  Prussia  and  Austria  became  world 
powers  and  plundered  and  dismembered  Poland.  France,  under 
Napoleon,  was  a  world  power  and  robbed  and  despoiled  every 
nation  in  Europe.  Great  Britain  became  a  world  power  and  robbed 
every  weaker  nation  she  came  in  contact  with  and  has  continued 
her  career  of  rapine  and  plunder  from  the  time  she  massacred 
the  Irish  at  Drogheda  down  to  the  time  she  blew  Sepoys  from 
the  mouths  of  her  cannon  in  India  and  to  the  more  recent  time 
when  she  almost  succeeded  in  exterminating  the  women  and  chil- 
dren of  the  Boers  in  the  reconcentrado  camps  of  South  America. 
Nearly  every  European  country  as  well  as  the  United  States  joined 
in  the  recent  spoliation  of  China. 

When  I  reflect  upon  the  conduct  of  this  country  in  Panama 
and  consider  the  conduct  of  the  other  great  nations  of  the  earth 
in  remote  and  recent  times  I  am  forced  to  the  conclusion  that 
there  is  no  code  of  morality  which  prevails  or  ever  has  prevailed 
between  even  alleged  Christian  nations. 

With  all  of  them  might  makes  right  and  the  mailed  hand 
,is  the  best  argument. 


162  DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 


REGARDING  CRIMES  OF  VIOLENCE. 

ADDRESS  BY  JUDGE  DUNNE,  OCTOBER  16,  1904. 

Mr,  Chairman  and  Gentlemen: 

I  have  no  hesitation  in  declaring  that  I  am  opposed  to  the 
infliction  of  the  death  penalty  upon  burglars  or  highwaymen  and 
that  I  am  opposed  to  the  extension  of  the  death  penalty  beyond 
its  present  limitations.  It  is  a  backward  step.  It  is  a  confession 
that  organized  society  in  the  twentieth  century  is  a  failure. 

The  tendency  of  all  modern  civilized  communities  has  been 
in  the  opposite  direction.  A  little  over  a  century  ago  it  was  an 
offense  punishable  with  death  in  England  to  injure  young  trees,  to 
shoot  a  rabbit  or  to  steal  property  worth  over  five  shillings.  Yet, 
notwithstanding  the  ferocity  of  such  penalties,  I  believe  it  to  be  a 
fact  that  there  were  ten  times  as  many  homicides  per  capita  com- 
mitted in  England  during  the  reign  of  George  III  as  there  were 
during  the  reign  of  Victoria. 

In  recent  years  scarcely  a  month  passes  but  that  we  either  have 
or  are  threatened  with  a  hanging  in  Cook  County,  and  yet  there 
seems  to  be  no  appreciable  decrease  in  the  number  of  murders  com- 
mitted in  this  city.  Burglary  and  highway  robbery  are  desperate 
crimes,  particularly  when  accompanied  by  the  use  or  exhibition  of 
deadly  weapons,  but  the  punishment,  no^  provided  by  law  in  this 
State,  ought  to  be  a  sufficient  deterrent.  The  highwayman  who  is 
intent  upon  the  commission  of  a  crime  which  will  involve  his  im- 
prisonment for  life  is  sufficiently  reckless  to  be  indifferent  to  the 
death  penalty. 

It  is  to  be  expected,  of  course,  that  every  time  there  is  an 
unusual  outbreak  of  burglaries  and  robberies  in  the  city  hysterical 
citizens  will  cry  out  for  the  death  penalty,  but  the  infliction  of  the 
death  penalty  will  not,  in  my  judgment,  decrease  crimes  of  this 
character. 

The  policy  and  tendency  of  all  intelligent  governments  is  to 
prevent  crime,  not  by  increase  of  penalties  as  a  deterrent,  but  by 
ameliorating  the  conditions  which  provoke  or  tempt  to  crime.  The 
establishment  of  social  settlements  among  the  slums,  juvenile 
courts,  truancy  schools  and  the  enforcement  of  compulsory  educa- 
tion and  the  child  labor  laws  and  the  laws  which  prevent  the  sale 
of  intoxicating  liquors  to  minors  will  do  more  to  prevent  the  occur- 
rence of  such  crimes  than  the  inflictions  of  the  death  penalty. 


DUNNE JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  163 

My  experience  in  the  Criminal  Court  leads  me  to  believe  that 
most  of  these  crimes  are  committed  by  very  young  men,  and  a  large 
portion  of  the  same  by  boys  verging  upon  manhood.  The  history 
of  their  lives  generally  forms  an  indictment  of  modern  society  as 
at  present  constituted. 

Many  of  them  are  whole  or  half  orphans,  or  the  children  of  dis- 
sipated, criminal  or  poverty-stricken  parents,  who  have  thrown 
them  at  an  early  age  out  into  the  streets  to  fight  for  their  living. 
Hungry  and  homeless,  they  naturally  gravitate  towards  the  corner 
saloon,  where  a  free  lunch  and,  in  winter,  a  fire  afford  them  tem- 
porary relief  and  shelter.  Thence  their  graduation  into  crime  is 
quick  and  easy. 

Two  circumstances  in  Chicago  make  them  naturally  turn 
toward  burglary  and  highway  robbery.  First,  the  totally  inade- 
quate police  force  of  the  city,  and,  second,  the  ease  with  which  they 
can  procure  deadly  weapons.  When  I  speak  of  the  first  of  these 
causes  I  do  not  mean  that  our  present  police  force  is  inefficient, 
cowardly  or  corrupt.  On  the  contrary,  I  believe  that  Chicago  has 
as  efficient,  as  brave  and  as  honest  a  police  force,  man  for  man, 
as  any  city  in  the  world.  But  we  are  woefully  deficient  in  the 
number  of  policemen  the  city  has  upon  its  pay  roll,  and  this  fact 
is  known  to  our  criminal  as  well  as  to  our  law-abiding  classes. 

There  is  less  danger  of  detection  in  the  commission  of  these 
desperate  crimes  in  Chicago,  by  reason  of  the  scarcity  of  policemen, 
than  in  any  other  great  city  of  this  country.  When  a  patrolman 
has  to  travel  several  miles  on  his  beat  it  is  an  easy  matter  for  a 
couple  of  desperate  criminals  to  hold  up  a  citizen  on  our  streets 
and  escape  without  fear  of  apprehension. 

The  ease  with  which  a  man  can  purchase  a  deadly  weapon 
in  this  city  is  another  prolific  cause  of  robbery  and  burglary.  These 
weapons  are  displayed  in  the  front  windows  of  pawn  shops,  second- 
hand and  hardware  stores  all  over  the  city,  and  young  men  and  boys 
carry  them  as  naturally  as  they  carry  a  watch  or  a  handkerchief. 

As  a  more  effective  way  of  putting  a  stop  to  highway  robbery 
and  burglary  in  this  city  at  the  present  time  than  by  inflicting  the 
death  penalty,  which  is  a  return  to  the  ferocity  and  barbarity  of 
mediaeval  times,  let  me  suggest: 

First.  That  the  board  of  assessors  and  board  of  review  discover 
— what  everyone  but  those  bodies  know — that  the  city  of  Chicago 
is  increasing  in  wealth  every  year,  and  increasing  instead  of  decreas- 
ing the  annual  tax  levy,  and  thus  provide  for  an  adequate  police 
force;  and, 

Second.  Have  the  next  Legislature  pass  a  law  making  the  carry- 
ing of  a  revolver,  billy,  slungshot,  dagger  or  other  deadly  weapon 
of  like  character,  concealed  upon  the  person,  a  felony,  punishable 
with  from  one  to  five  years  in  the  penitentiary. 


164  DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

In  my  judgment,  if  these  steps  are  taken,  most  of  the  burglary 
and  robbery  with  which  we  are  now  harassed  will  disappear  from 
our  midst  without  our  being  compelled  to  turn  back  the  hands  on 
the  timepiece  of  modern  civilization  and  to  retrograde  to  the  sav- 
agery of  the  eighteenth  century. 

At  the  same  time  let  us  go  out  in  the  slums  and  purlieus 
of  our  great  city,  like  the  earnest,  rough-and-ready,  albeit  noisy, 
soldiers  of  Christ,  the  Salvation  Army;  like  the  meek  and  lowly, 
sisters  of  the  Good  Shepherd,  and  the  visitation  and  aid  and  other 
kindred  societies,  and  take  by  the  hand  the  unfortunate  boys  and 
girls  who  in  this  age  of  cold  commercialism  have  escaped  the  notice 
of  those  benevolent  millionaires  who  are  furnishing  higher  education 
for  the  educated  and  libraries  for  the  learned  and  plan  them  in 
schools  where  humanity  and  respect  for  law  is  taught  and  practiced. 


DUNNE — JUDGE,  MAYOR,  GOVERNOR  165 


ON  THE  PANAMA  TREATY. 

ADDRESS  BEFORE  HENRY  GEORGE  ASSOCIATION,  DECEMBER  7,  1904. 

Mr.  Chairman  and  Gentlemen: 

In  the  year  1846  the  United  States  of  America  concluded  a 
treaty  with  the  republic  of  New  Granada,  now  known  as  the  repub- 
lic of  Colombia,  in  which,  in  return  for  certain  valuable  concessions 
to  American  citizens,  among  which  were  the  same  privileges  of  com- 
merce and  navigation  enjoyed  by  the  citizens  of  Granada  in  cross- 
ing the  Isthmus  of  Panama,  the  United  States  of  America  ' '  guaran- 
teed positively  to  the  republic  of  New  Granada  the  neutrality  of 
the  Isthmus  and  the  rights  of  sovereignty  and  property  which  New 
Granada  has  and  possesses  over  the  said  territory." 

This  treaty  has  been  faithfully  observed  by  the  republic  of 
New  Granada  and  its  successor,  the  republic  of  Colombia,  down  to 
the  present  day,  and  until  the  month  of  November,  1903,  was  re- 
spected and  adhered  to  by  the  United  States  of  America. 

During  the  month  of  November  just  past,  the  United  States 
Government,  without  any  pretense  of  this  treaty  being  violated, 
hurriedly  equipped  in  i'ts  navy  yards  a  number  of  gunboats,  loaded 
up  a  number  of  its  war  vessels  with  ammunition  and  marines,  and 
hurriedly  dispatched  them  to  Colon  and  Panama  in  a  time  of  pro- 
found peace. 

Immediately  upon  their  arrival,  as  by  a  preconcerted  signal,  a 
few  hundred  men  in  the  cities  of  Colon  and  Panama,  cities  located 
at  either  end  of  the  Isthmus  railroad,  seize  a  few  hundred  rifles  and 
a  splendid  supply  of  ammunition  and  small  arms  opportunely  placed 
at  their  disposal  by  some  disinterested  philanthropists,  occupy  the 
railroad  termini  and  declare  themselves  to  be  the  republic  of 
Panama  in  revolt  against  the  republic  of  Colombia. 

At  once,  by  orders  from  Washington  given  several  days  before. 
United  States  marines  are  landed  from  the  United  States  gunboats, 
the  railway  stations  seized  by  United  States  troops  and  all  trans- 
portation of  Colombian  troops  over  the  railroad  prohibited.  The 
United  States  gunboats  blockade  the  harbors  and  Colombian  ves- 
sels are  warned  off  and  prohibited  from  landing  at  their  own  ports, 
Panama  and  Colon. 

Within  one  hundred  hours  after  this  preconcerted  and  pre- 
arranged emeute,  before  any  election  is  held,  before  even  any  sem- 
blance of  a  convention  or  convocation  is  called,  before  a  shadow 


166  DUNNE JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

of  a  congress  is  gotten  together,  before  the  rudiments  of  a  provi- 
sional government  is  gotten  under  way;  before,  so  far  as  the  press 
dispatches  disclose,  a  provisional  president  or  even  a  dictator  is 
appointed,  the  President  of  the  United  States  gives  official  recog- 
nition to  an  agent  of  the  French  canal  syndicates  in  Washington, 
who  declares  himself  minister  plenipotentiary  of  the  undelivered 
foetus  of  a  government,  and  within  a  few  hours  afterward  concludes 
an  alleged  treaty  with  this  worthy  which  violates  the  solemn  pledges 
made  by  this  Government  with  the  southern  republic  fifty-seven 
years  ago. 

The  foregoing  is  the  shameful  story  of  American  history  for 
the  month  of  November,  1903. 

A  more  scandalous  and  disgraceful  exhibition  of  Punic  faith 
and  breach  of  national  honor  is  not  recorded  in  the  pages  of  history. 

In  1846,  when  the  treaty  between  these  countries  was  negoti- 
ated, the  young  republic  of  Granada  was  weak  in  population  and 
financial  strength,  but  she  possessed  then  and  she  possesses  now  one 
of  the  most  important  strategic  possessions  in  the  world — a  narrow 
isthmus,  about  thirty  miles  in  width,  separating  great  oceans,  capa- 
ble of  being  cut  across  by  modern  engineering  skill,  and  thus 
reducing  by  thousands  of  miles  and  weeks  of  time  navigation  around 
the  world.  Even  in  1846  the  envious  eyes  of  the  great  nations  of 
the  world  rested  upon  this  isthmus,  and  enlightened,  broad-minded 
and  fairly  disposed  American  statesmen  at  that  date,  recognizing 
the  tremendous  importance  of  the  position  and  fearing  lest  the 
great  land-grabbing  nations  of  Europe  might  despoil  the  young 
republic  of  its  most  valuable  possession,  inspired  and  brought  about 
this  treaty  of  1846,  which  was  fair  to  both  republics  and  mutually 
advantageous. 

The  American  statesmen  of  that  day  were  incapable  of  foment- 
ing rebellions  within  the  territory  of  sister  republics  and  grabbing 
off  what  they  could  lay  their  hands  on  during  the  disturbances  that 
followed. 

In  making  the  treaty  of  1846  they  were  inspired  by  the  spirit 
of  the  Monroe  doctrine,  and  guaranteed  to  the  young  republic  of 
South  America,  then  but  recently  sprung  into  being,  that  no  Euro- 
pean nation  should  despoil  her  of  her  territory  or  sovereignty. 

That  our  Government  at  Washington  connived  at  the  outbreak 
at  Panama  is  established  beyond  all  question: 

First.  Walter  Wellman,  a  very  reliable  and  well-informed  cor- 
respondent, stationed  at  Washington  before  the  outbreak,  wrote  to 
his  paper  that  the  United  States  authorities  were  hastily  dispatch- 
ing gunboats,  marines  and  munitions  of  war  to  Panama,  and  that 
something  "was  in  the  wind"  at  Panama. 

I  remember  reading  the  letter  several  days  before  the  outbreak. 


OUNNE — JUDGE,  MAYOR,  GOVERNOR  167 

Second.  On  November  17,  a  New  York  paper  printed  the  fol- 
lowing: "Mr.  Dugue,  publisher  of  the  Star  and  Herald  at  Panama, 
is  said  to  have  informed  Mr.  Hay  that  the  revolution  was  scheduled 
to  take  place  on  September  23,"  to  which  Mr.  Hay  replied,  "Sep- 
tember 23  is  much  too  early." 

Mr.  Dugue  went  back  to  New  York.  Revolution  was  post- 
poned to  November  3. 

Third.  American  war  vessels  had,  by  orders  of  the  Government 
at  Washington,  been  collected  within  striking  distance,  and  on  the 
day  before  the  revolution  began,  Admiral  Glass  was  notified  to  go 
to  the  Isthmus. 

Fourth.  The  planting  of  the  agent  of  the  French  canal  syndi- 
cate, the  soon-to-be-minister  plenipotentiary  of  the  unborn  republic, 
at  Washington  before  the  outbreak,  so  as  to  be  ready  to  sign  the 
previously  drafted  and  arranged  treaty. 

Fifth.  The  scandalously  indecent  violation  of  international  law 
and  customs  in  recognizing  a  representative  of  a  government  not 
even  provisionally  organized,  within  a  few  hours  after  the  outbreak. 

Sixth.  The  signing  of  a  cut-and-dried  treaty  with  a  man  notori- 
ously interested  as  the  agent  of  companies  which  would  acquire 
$40,000,000  thereunder  at  a  time  when  the  alleged  republic  he 
claimed  to  represent  had  neither  a  president,  a  senate,  a  congress 
or  a  flag,  so  far  as  the  press  dispatches  disclose  to  the  world. 

Seventh.  The  insolent,  outrageous  and  high-handed  conduct  of 
the  United  States  marines  and  sailors,  acting  under  orders  from 
Washington,  in  refusing  to  allow  Colombian  troops  to  travel  upon 
the  Panama  railway  to  suppress  the  rebellion,  and  in  refusing  to 
allow  the  soldiers  of  the  republic  to  be  landed  in  Panama  and  Colon, 
when  sent  there  by  their  government  to  put  down  the  disturbance. 

The  conduct  of  our  Government  at  Washington  in  this  regard 
shows  that  not  only  was  the  outbreak  organized  with  the  full  ap- 
proval, if  not  active  assistance,  of  the  United  States  authorities,  but 
that  our  Government  openly  succored  and  assisted  the  rebels  by 
preventing  the  Colombian  government  from  suppressing  the  revolt. 
That  the  Colombian  government  could  have  suppressed  the  revolt 
within  a  few  days,  or  weeks  at  most,  cannot  be  doubted  in  view  of 
the  fact  that  even  if  every  citizen  in  the  state  of  Panama  was  in 
revolt,  which  is  far  from  the  fact,  they  would  be  outnumbered  as 
thirteen  to  one  by  the  citizens  of  Colombia. 

The  population  of  Colombia  is  3,878,600.  The  population  of 
Panama  is  285,000.  As  well  might  the  county  of  LaSalle  revolt 
against  the  great  State  of  Illinois. 

There  is  no  possible  doubt  but  that  our  Government  at  Wash- 
ington connived  at,  if  it  did  not  actually  organize,  the  revolt  at 
Panama,  and  that  it  actively  and  openly  assisted  the  insurgents 


168  DUNNE JUDGE,    MAYOR,    GOVERNOR 

after  the  outbreak  and  prevented  the  constituted  authorities  of 
Colombia  from  suppressing  the  revolt. 

We  take  the  young  republic  of  Colombia  in  1846  under  our 
protection  and  pledge  ourselves  to  protect  her  from  the  designs 
of  the  great  robber  nations  of  the  earth.  She  has  around  her 
a  girdle  of  surprising  value. 

In  1903  we  despoil  her  and  steal  her  girdle. 

No  wonder  that  in  the  agony  of  her  disgrace  and  misplaced 
confidence  the  young  republic  has  appealed  from  our  Government 
to  our  people  and  pointed  out  to  them  in  words  that  burn  and 
brand,  the  infamy  of  our  conduct. 

I  utter  these  words,  not  so  much  in  criticism  of  the  powers 
that  be  in  executive  station  at  Washington,  but  in  protest  at  the 
confirmation  of  a  treaty  which,  if  it  is  consummated,  will  forever 
degrade  my  country  and  disgrace  the  American  name,  character 
and  flag.  This  soiled,  be-greasy,  foul,  ill-scented  and  bedraggled 
document  bearing  the  names  of  John  Hay  and  "what's-his-name, " 
minister  plenipotentiary  of  the  alleged  Panama  republic,  must  br 
presented,  even  if  it  is  presented  with  tongs,  to  the  United  States 
Senate  for  confirmation.  In  that  Senate  there  are  men  professing 
allegiance  to  two  or  more  parties.  The  dominant  party  does  not 
control  the  Senate  by  a  two-thirds  vote.  In  the  dominant  party 
there  are  men  who  love  their  country  and  have  its  honor  at  heart. 
In  the  minority  there  are  men  of  like  caliber.  Is  there  not  in  th--; 
Senate  of  the  United  States  at  least  a  minority  of  one-third 
among  all  parties  who  have  intelligence  and  virtue  enough  t< 
prevent  by  their  votes  of  "Nay"  a  motion  to  confirm  this  scan- 
dalous iniquity  and  disgrace  to  the  American  Nation?  For  the 
honor  of  America  it  is  to  be  hoped  there  is.  If  there  is  not  I  can 
see  only  degeneracy  of  the  great  American  Republic  like  to  that 
which  submerged  the  old  republic  of  Rome  into  the  degradation 
and  final  dismemberment  of  the  Roman  empire. 

It  remains  to  consider  the  explanations  offered  by  the  State 
Department  and  its  apologists. 

First.  It  is  asserted  by  them  that  in  guaranteeing  the  sover- 
eignty of  the  republic  of  Colombia  over  the  Isthmus,  we  only 
pledged  the  faith  of  the  United  States  to  protect  the  republic 
from  the  aggressions  of  foreign  countries,  and  that  we  did  not 
guarantee  it  from  revolt  within  its  borders. 

The  words  of  the  treaty  do  not  bear  this  construction.  No 
reference  to  foreign  countries  is  made  in  the  words  of  the  guar- 
antee. It  is  absolute  and  unconditional,  and  given  for  most 
valuable  considerations.  The  guaranty  runs  not  to  the  state  of 
Panama  or  its  citizens,  but  to  the  republic  of  New  Granada.  But 
even  if  it  did  not  cover  insurrection  from  within,  it  certainly  does 


DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  169 

prevent  the  Government  of  the  United  States,  in  honor  and  in 
conscience,  from  taking  sides  in  case  of  insurrection  with  the 
insurrectionists,  or  giving  them  aid.  or  comfort.  Yet  this  is  just 
what  our  Government  has  done,  and  has  done  so  flagrantly,  openly 
and  indecently,  that  even  the  most  shameless  apologist  of  the 
administration  has  not  the  temerity  to  indorse  it. 

The  press  dispatches,  without  contradiction,  all  show  that  we 
prevented  the  Colombian  government  from  landing  Colombian 
troops  to  suppress  the  outbreak,  and  prevented  the  Colombian 
troops  on  the  ground  at  the  time  of  the  outbreak  from  using 
the  railroad  for  a  like,  purpose.  The  admiral  commanding  the 
United  States  squadron,  which  had  been  collected  at  the  Isthmus 
in  anticipation  of  the  outbreak,  even  refused  to  allow  an  envoy 
from  Bogota  to  land  at  Panama  for  the  purpose  of  discussing  the 
situation  with  the  rebels — a  most  scandalous  proceeding  for  an 
alleged  neutral  nation. 

Second.  It  is  alleged  by  the  apologists  of  this  national  crime 
that,  in  recognizing  this  spawn  of  greed  and  corruption,  yclept 
the  republic  of  Panama,  we  were  following  international  prece- 
dents. I  know  of  no  such  precipitous  recognition  of  a  national 
weakling  in  history. 

In  3861  eleven  great  states  of  the  United  States,  having  a 
population  of  probably  8,000,000  souls,  formally  seceded  from 
the  United  States,  established  a  new  government  and  carried 
on  a  great  war  with  varying  success  for  four  years,  and  yet  no 
civilized  government  deemed  it  proper  to  accord  the  new  govern- 
ment recognition.  The  Cuban  insurrectionists  carried  on  a  suc- 
cessful war  for  many  months  against  Spain,  and  had  absolute 
control  over  large  tracts  of  country  in  Cuba,  and  yet  neither  the 
United  States  nor  any  other  government  accorded  them  recog- 
nition. 

Aguinaldo  and  the  Philippine  insurgents  against  Spain  car- 
ried on  successful  war  against  Spain,  and  held  undisputed  sover- 
eignty over  a  great  part  of  Luzon  for  many  months,  and  yet 
neither  the  United  States  nor  any  other  civilized  government  rec- 
ognized them  as  a  de  facto  government.  Numberless  other  cases 
of  like  character  will  be  found  in  history,  but  not  a  case  can  be 
found  where  an  insurrection  which  springs  into  being  between 
two  days  has  ever  been  dignified  with  recognition  as  a  govern- 
ment within  five  days  after  its  origin,  by  any  civilized  govern- 
ment on  earth. 

The  whole  scaly,  slimy,  miserable  plot  is  so  transparently 
fraudulent  and  corrupt  that  an  attempted  defense  of  it  exposes  its 
defenders  to  the  charge  of  dishonesty  or  moral  obliquity. 


170  DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 


URGES  JUDGE  DUNNE  FOR  MAYOR. 

LETTER  OF  JUDGE  MURRAY  F.  TULEY,  JANUARY  16,  1905. 

To  the  People  of  Chicago :  It  is  with  great  reluctance  that  I 
presume  again  to  address  you  unsolicited  upon  a  subject  outside  the 
functions  of  the  office  I  hold.  But  I  am  a  citizen  of  Chicago,  no  less 
than  a  judicial  officer,  and  I  feel  that  I  should  be  unfaithful  to  one 
of  the  highest  and  withal  one  of  the  inalienable  obligations  of  citi- 
zenship were  I  to  withhold,  at  a  civic  crisis,  such  as  I  am  convinced 
is  now  impending,  the  word  of  caution  that  my  love  for  our  city 
moves  me  to  offer. 

The  danger  to  which  I  allude  is  not  visionary.  Unless  those 
people  of  Chicago  (the  great  majority  of  our  citizenship  of  all 
parties,  as  I  believe)  who  are  opposed  to  the  further  domination  of 
our  traction  utilities  by  financial  manipulators  of  street  car  fran- 
chises, and  to  the  consequent  tendency  to  the  corruption  of  our  city 
government — unless  those  people  assert  themselves  immediately  and 
emphatically  with  reference  to  the  approaching  municipal  election, 
a  great  corporate  combination,  engineered  from  Wall  Street  by  un- 
scrupulous stockjobbers,  will,  in  my  judgment,  at  that  election, 
completely  revive  and  reestablish  the  almost  obsolete  financial  and 
political  power  of  traction  corporations  over  the  right  and  comfort 
of  the  inhabitants  of  Chicago. 

The  issue  of  local  government  by  corporations  and  for  corpo- 
rations will  be  on  trial  at  this  municipal  election.  If  the  corpora- 
tionists  win,  their  victory  will  be  complete.  Our  rights  over  our  own 
thoroughfares  will  then  be  shackled  by  cunning  compromise  con- 
tracts for  at  least  another  generation.  And  that  the  corporations 
will  win  at  this  election,  if  the  present  plans  in  local  politics  of  which 
I  am  advised  are  not  frustrated,  seems  to  me  almost  certain. 

It  is  generally  known  that  the  Chicago  traction  interests  are 
consolidating  under  the  supervision  of  J.  Pierpont  Morgan,  the 
great  stockjobber  of  New  York. 

It  is  generally  known  that  certain  local  investment  interests 
are  insistent  upon  making  a  compromise  settlement  with  the  trac- 
tion corporations,  involving  an  extension  of  street  franchises. 

It  is  generally  known  that  this  settlement  is  plausibly  urged 
as  desirable,  upon  the  assumption  that  the  traction  corporations, 
if  richly  endowed  with  street  franchises,  will  hereafter  render 
good  service. 


DUNNE JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  171 

It  is  reasonably  believed,  on  the  other  hand,  that  the  bad 
service  of  the  past  twenty  years  of  profitable  franchises  speak 
louder  for  the  probabilities  as  to  future  service  than  any  corpo- 
ration promises  possibly  can.  The  people  appear  from  their  ref- 
erendum votes  to  believe  that  although  these  corporations  make 
fine  promises  and  offer  tempting  contracts  while  seeking  street 
franchises,  they  cannot  be  depended  upon  to  perform  their  con- 
tracts after  franchises  are  granted  and  the  day  for  stockjobbing 
arrives.  This  belief  is  well  founded.  Notwithstanding  their  fran- 
chise contracts  in  the  past,  these  traction  corporations  have  ren- 
dered, and  they  persist  in  rendering,  the  worst  of  service. 

The  courts  hold  that  public  service  corporations  are  bound 
by  the  very  nature  of  their  being  to  render  good  service  as  an 
implied  contract  and  that  they  can  be  forced  by  appropriate  legal 
proceedings  to  render  good  service;  but  in  the  absence  of  efforts 
to  compel  the  traction  corporations  of  Chicago  to  perform  this  duty 
under  their  contracts,  expressed  and  implied,  the  corporations  are 
defiant.  They  seem  to  adopt  this  attitude  for  the  purpose  of  forcing 
the  people  to  compromise  by  extending  franchises  upon  promises 
of  good  service  in  the  future.  Theirs  is  the  unique  position  of  urg- 
ing their  own  breach  of  contract  as  a  reason  for  renewing  the 
contract. 

Another  plausible  and  generally  known  ground  for  urging  a 
compromise  settlement  between  the  city  and  the  traction  corpora- 
tions is  the  obstacle  to  immediate  municipal  ownership  of  our  trac- 
tion highways  which  the  so-called  ''ninety-nine  year  act"  interposes. 
The  corporations  assume  to  hold  under  that  act  a  franchise  monop- 
oly of  important  Chicago  streets  having  nearly  half  a  century  yet 
to  run.  It  is  generally  believed,  however,  that  this  act  was  fraudu- 
lently enacted,  that  it  has  been  oppressively  used  against  the  rights 
and  conveniences  of  the  people,  and  that  it  is  only  a  minor  obstacle 
to  the  resumption  by  the  people  of  their  public  interests  in  and  con- 
trol over  their  own  thoroughfares. 

It  is  also  generally  known,  let  me  add,  that  an  attempt  was 
made  last  summer  to  rush  through  the  city  council  a  compromise 
settlement  with  the  traction  corporations  for  a  franchise  of  thir- 
teen years  or  more,  and  that  this  programme  was  thwarted  by  the 
referendum  petition  of  135,000  signers,  under  which  the  ques- 
tion of  compromise-settlement  versus  no  compromise-settlement  is 
to  be  voted  upon  at  the  April  election. 

But  it  is  not  so  generally  known  that  plans  are  on  foot,  to  be 
consummated  at  the  municipal  election  in  April,  for  making  a 
compromise-settlement  with  the  traction  corporations,  no  matter 
how  the  people  vote  on  the  settlement  referendum  nor  which 
candidate  is  elected  mayor;  and  yet  I  am  convinced  that  such 


172  DUNNE JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

plans  are  being  perfected  and  that  they  will  succeed  unless  the 
people  are  in  time  advised  of  the  danger. 

The  plans  appear  to  have  for  their  vital  element  the  nomina- 
tion by  the  Republican  and  the  Democratic  parties  alike  of  ' '  set- 
tlement" candidates  for  mayor.  "Settlement"  means  compro- 
mise settlement  with  the  traction  corporations  on  the  basis  of  an 
extension  of  street  franchises. 

Whether  the  candidates  shall  be  specifically  pledged  for 
"settlement"  does  not  appear  to  be  regarded  as  important.  So 
long  as  neither  is  pledged  against  "settlement"  and  both  are 
known  to  favor  "settlement",  be  it  for  honest  reasons  or  other- 
wise, the  object  of  these  plans  is  sufficiently  served. 

With  such  candidates  the  traction  corporations  and  all  other 
adversaries  of  municipal  ownership  would  be  confident  of  a  con- 
tinuance of  corporation  control,  no  matter  which  candidate  might 
secure  the  mayoraJ  office. 

For,  under  cover  of  this  mayoral  contest,  it  is  expected  to 
select  not  only  a  "settlement"  mayor,  but  at  least  a  majority  of 
"settlement"  candidates  for  the  city  council. 

Having  done  that,  the  referendum  vote  on  the  question  of 
"settlement"  or  no  "settlement",  no  matter  how  great  it  may 
prove  to  be  in  opposition  to  "settlement",  is  to  be  ignored  as 
merely  "academic". 

The  projectors  of  these  plans  for  turning  over  the  streets  of 
Chicago  to  stockjobbing  corporations  know  full  well  that  their 
object  cannot  be  accomplished  until  after  the  April  election,  for 
Mayor  Harrison  has  promised  to  veto  any  "settlement"  ordinance 
not  approved  by  referendum  vote.  They  are  confident,  and  so 
am  I,  that  he  would  perform  this  promise. 

But  Mayor  Harrison  goes  out  of  office  in  April  and  a  new 
administration  will  then  come  in.  It  is,  consequently,  of  the 
utmost  importance  to  the  traction  corporations  that  the  new 
mayor  shall  be  a  man  who  will  approve  a  "settlement"  ordinance, 
regardless  of  the  referendum. 

On  the  other  hand,  it  is  of  the  utmost  importance  to  the  peo- 
ple that  he  shall  be  a  man  who  will  obey  the  public  mandate. 

Therefore,  the  whole  matter  turns  upon  the  result  of  the  April 
election.  If  a  "settlement"  candidate  for  mayor  be  then  elected 
the  plans  of  the  traction  companies  for  securing  control  of  our 
streets  indefinitely  will  doubtless  be  carried  out  with  no  refer- 
ence whatever  to  the  popular  will. 

That  such  plans  are  on  foot  I  am  sure  no  well-informed  man 
or  newspaper  in  Chicago  will  venture  to  deny.  Thnt  these  plans 
are  defiant  of  public  rights,  repugnant  to  the  essential  principles 
of  popular  government  and  a  gross  outrage  upon  the  propertv 


DUNNE JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  173 

rights  of  our  city  in  the  interest  of  stock-jobbing  corporations- 1 
firmly  believe. 

How  to  meet  this  emergency  is  for  the  people  of  Chicago 
themselves  to  determine.  I  shall  not  presume  to  advise.  But  as 
a  citizen  advanced  in  years,  who  (as  I  think  I  may  with  modesty 
say),  has  always  endeavored  to  foster  high  ideals  of  good  gov- 
ernment, I  assert  the  right  and  assume  the  duty  of  suggesting  a 
general  policy. 

I  feel  all  the  more  bound  to  do  this  because  the  question  at 
issue  is  in  no  partisan  sense  a  political  question.  If  political  in 
any  sense  at  all,  it  is  so  only  as  any  question  of  honesty  in  the 
administration  of  public  affairs  may  at  times  become  political- 
It  is  distinctively  an  economic  question.  No  party  interest  of! 
either  the  Republican  or  the  Democratic  party  enters  into  it.  Few 
issues  could  be  so  manifestly  nonpartisan.  For  what  my  sug- 
gestions regarding  the  emergency  may  be  worth,  then,  I  shalll 
frankly  express  them. 

Since  the  candidate  for  mayor  most  likely  to  be  nominated 
by  the  Republican  party  is  privately  understood  to  favor  ''settle- 
ment" and  has  but  recently  been  reported  to  have  so  declared 
himself  in  public,  the  possibility  of  protecting  the  city  against 
the  dangers  of  a  compromise  settlement  with  the  traction  cor- 
porations through  the  local  Republican  organization  is  so  slight 
that  it  may  as  well  be  discarded. 

As  to  an  independent  municipal  ownership  party,  I  do  not  see 
how  one  can  be  so  organized  at  this  time  as  to  marshal  the  vote 
which  under  favorable  party  conditions  would  naturally  be  cast 
against  a  compromise  traction  "settlement"  involving  franchise 
extension.  Party  affiliations  are  too  effective  in  many  subtle  ways 
to  admit  of  the  success  of  an  independent  party.  I  cannot,  there- 
fore, suggest  that  course ;  and  I  should  regard  it  as  useless  or 
worse,  except  under  peculiar  circumstances  which  do  not  seem 
to  me  to  exist  at  present.  It  might  seriously  endanger  the  public 
interests. 

To  have  Republican  and  Democratic  candidates  both  favor- 
able to  "settlement",  or  even  noncommittal,  and  a  municipal  own- 
ership candidate  representing  only  a  hurriedly  organized  third 
party,  would  be  an  ideal  situation  for  the  traction  companies,  and 
is  probably  what  they  would  desire. 

The  only  apparent  recourse,  then,  is  to  secure  the  selection, 
by  the  local  Democratic  party,  of  a  candidate  for  mayor  whose 
mere  nomination  would  squarely  raise  the  "settlement"  issue, 
not  only  on  the  referendum,  but  also  in  the  mayoral  contest  itself. 

This  candidate  should  be  thoroughly  known  by  all  to  be  un- 
equivocally opposed  to  any  compromise  "settlement"  involving- 


174  DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

franchise  extensions ;  to  be  in  favor  of  municipal  ownership ;  to  be 
in  favor  of  it  as  soon  as  it  can  be  secured  without  any  dilly-dally 
diplomacy  with  traction  magnates.  He  should  also  be  a  man  who 
would  inspire  confidence  throughout  the  city  in  his  determination 
and  ability  to  carry  out  the  municipal  ownership  policy  for  which 
he  would  stand. 

Personally  I  have  no  preference.  So  long  as  the  candidate 
measures  up  to  that  standard  on  the  traction  question  and  pos- 
sesses those  elements  of  popularity  and  of  general  confidence  in 
his  integrity  that  are  necessary  to  his  acceptance  by  a  majority  of 
the  people,  I  am  indifferent  to  his  personality.  My  suggestions 
are  not  inspired  by  personal  considerations.  I  care  nothing  for 
the  ambition  of  office  seekers.  But  neither  in  my  thought  nor 
through  my  inquiries  am  I  able  to  discover  but  one  man  who  is 
recognized  throughout  Chicago  at  this  juncture  as  answering  com- 
pletely to  those  requirements. 

There  are  many  who  measure  up  to  the  standard  of  purpose, 
integrity  and  ability,  but  only  one,  as  the  situation  presents 
itself  to  me,  who,  in  this  emergency,  adds  to  those  requirements 
all  the  qualifications  necessary  to  success  at  the  polls.  Regard- 
less, therefore,  of  misapprehension  and  misappropriation  both  as 
to  him  and  myself,  I  shall  name  the  man. 

I  fully  believe  that  he,  if  called  by  the  people  of  Chicago 
to  the  mayor's  chair,  would  throttle  this  Wall  Street  conspiracy 
to  rob  the  people  of  their  rights  in  the  streets  of  our  city  as 
would  a  Jackson  or  a  Roosevelt. 

In  suggesting  Judge  Dunne,  I  fully  appreciate  the  criticisms 
of  a  mayoral  candidacy  by  a  judge  on  the  bench.  I  yield  to  no 
one  in  opposing  office-seeking  by  judges.  But  I  know  that  Judge 
Dunne  is  not  seeking  this  office.  I  know  that  personally  he  does 
not  want  it.  I  know  that  he  would  rather  remain  undisturbed  to 
the  end  of  his  term  upon  the  bench. 

I  am  sure  that  he  would  not  even  accept  a  mayoral  nomina- 
tion at  this  time  if  it  were  not  necessary  to  thwart  the  effort  of 
the  traction  corporations  to  fasten  their  powers  upon  the  city. 

Knowing  all  this,  I  have  no  hesitation  in  suggesting  to  the 
people  of  Chicago,  opposed  to  the  impending  corporate  domina- 
tion, that  in  this  emergency  they  themselves  call  Judge  Dunne 
from  the  judicial  bench  to  the  mayoral  chair.  For,  while  I  object 
to  office-seeking  by  judges,  T  see  no  legitimate  reason  why  a  judge 
should  not  respond,  if  the  people  call  him  to  another  post  of  public 
duty.  It  would  be  carrying  the  idea  of  judicial  isolation  from 
common  affairs  and  interests  to  the  verge  of  a  senseless  fad  to 
deny  the  people  themselves  the  unquestioned  right  to  call  a  judge 


DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  175 

fr.om  his  judicial  to  an  administrative  office,  if  in  their  judgment 
a  civic  emergency  should  demand  it. 

Whether  the  present  traction  emergency  in  Chicago  does  de- 
mand such  action  by  the  people  I  am  not  pretending  nor  at- 
tempting to  decide.  I  speak  only  as  one  of  them.  But  as  one  of 
them  I  wish  to  repeat  my  admonition  with  all  possible  emphasis. 

Unless  you  wish  to  see  your  streets  turned  over  for  another~~\ 
long  term   of  years  to  stockjobbing  traction   magnates,   who,   if 
the  future  may  be  inferred  from  the  past,  will  give  you  bad  ser-   | 
vice  while  charging  exorbitant  five-cent  fares,  you  must  promptly    I 
declare  yourselves  in  unmistakable  terms. 

And  if  my  suggestion  regarding  Judge  Dunne  appeals  to  you,, 
you  must  appeal  to  him.  He  is  not  seeking  the  office  nor  do  I 
believe  he  will  seek  it. 

With  confidence  in  the  integrity  of  the  popular  purpose  and 
with  all  proper  apologies  for  these  unsolicited  suggestions,  I  am, 
very  respectfully,  your  fellow  citizen, 

MURRAY  F.  TULEY. 


176  DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 


MAKES  A  UNIQUE  PLEDGE. 

STATEMENT  AS  CANDIDATE  FOR  MAYOR  OF  CHICAGO,  JANUARY  24, 1905. 

If  I  am  tendered  the  Democratic  nomination  for  mayor  of 
Chicago — a  nomination  for  which  I  have  not  raised,  and  will  not 
raise,  a  finger — and  if  I  accept  that  nomination,  I  shall  accept  no 
money  or  assistance  of  any  kind  from  any  street  railway  com- 
pany, electric  light  company,  telephone  company,  tunnel  com- 
pany, subway  company,  or  gas  company,  or  any  other  corpora- 
tion that  occupies,  with  the  consent  of  the  city,  any  space  in 
Chicago  on,  under  or  above  the  public  streets. 

It  may  be  that  the  campaign  will  have  to  be  conducted  from 
the  street  corners,  but  it  had  better  be  so  than  with  money  contrib- 
uted by  the  corporations.  There  must  be  no  misunderstanding  on 
this  score.  I  am  not  now  in  a  position  to  say  how  my  campaign 
can  be  financed,  always  assuming  that  I  should  be  the  Democratic 
nominee,  but  I  am  in  a  position  to  direct  how  it  shall  not  be 
financed. 


DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  177 


ACCEPTING  NOMINATION  AS  MAYOR 
OF  CHICAGO. 

ADDRESS  BEFORE  CHICAGO  DEMOCRATIC  CONVENTION,  FEBRUARY 

25,  1905. 

Mr.  Chairman  and  Gentlemen  of  the  Convention: 

It  would  be  hypocrisy  for  me  to  say  that  I  am  surprised  at 
the  nomination  you  have  tendered  me.  It  is  the  truth  to  say  that 
it  has  not  been  solicited.  I  accept  your  nomination  and  express 
to  you  my  appreciation  of  the  honor  conferred :  first,  because  of 
the  exalted  honor  therein  paid  me;  second,  because  of  the  con- 
fidence you  repose  in  me;  third,  and  chiefly,  because  I  believe 
that  we  are  engaged  in  this  campaign  in  an  undertaking,  the 
magnitude  of  which  can  not  be  yet  appreciated,  and  the  success 
of  which  involves  materially,  every  citizen  of  Chicago.  ^ 

-  I  accept  it  chiefly  because  I  think  it  lies  in  the  power  of  the 
city  of  Chicago,  to  blaze  the  way  among  American  cities  for 
putting  into  actual  operation  the  principle  of  municipal  owner- 
ship, and  operation  of  public  utilities.  In  the  coming  campaign 
we  will  engage  in  a  struggle  for  the  possession  of  our  streets, 
now  monopolized  by  the  traction  companies,  and  begin  at  once 
to  take  steps  for  the  ownership  and  operation  of  the  street  cars 
by  the  city  of  Chicago.  * 

That  municipal  ownership  and  operation  is  no  idle  dream,  . 
that  it  is  no  mere  captivating  fancy,  or  alluring  theory,  but  an 
actual  reality,  can  easily  be  established.  "We  need  not  discuss  the 
theories  of  municipal  ownership,  or  municipal  ownership  alone 
in  the  abstract.  The  people  of  this  city  have  learned  long  ago, 
that  municipal  ownership  and  operation  is  in  practical  force  as 
to  street  cars  in  over  100  cities,  in  England,  Scotland  and  Ire- 
land; that  it  is  in  operation  in  many  of  the  great  cities  of  Ger- 
many, Belgium,  Austria-Hungary,  Switzerland,  Italy,  Australia 
and  New  Zealand.  We  know  that,  where  it  is  in  force,  it  has 
resulted  in  reduced  fares,  in  more  rapid,  constant  and  efficient 
service,  in  increased  wages  to  traction  employes,  and  the  unqual- 
ified endorsement  of  the  public ;  that  the  systems  are  operated  in 
those  great  cities  to  the  entire  satisfaction  of  the  people  thereof, 
and  that  no  city  that  has  ever  tried  municipal  ownership  in  opera- 
tion of  street  cars  has  reverted  to  private  ownership. 


178  DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

We  know  that  the  city  of  Chicago  is  operating  one  of  the 
greatest  electric  light  plants,  if  not  the  greatest,  in  America,  and 
that  it  has  reduced  the  cost  of  electric  light  more  than  one-half. 
We  know  that  municipal  operation  of  the  waterworks  of  this 
city,  for  forty  years  last  past,  has  resulted  in  giving  the  people 
of  Chicago  probably  the  cheapest  water  in  the  state  of  Illinois, 
if  not  in  the  United  States,  and  that  today,  after  the  city  has 
succeeded  in  building  its  immense  system  of  waterworks,  and 
after  it  has  reduced  over  and  over  again,  its  rates  to  its  citizens, 
it  has  a  surplus  in  its  water  fund,  of  nearly  one  million  dollars, 
after  spending  other  millions  in  sewer  building. 

We  know  that  where  municipal  ownership  and  operation  of 
public  utilities  has  been  put  in  force,  under  a  civil  service  law  in 
the  great  cities  of  the  world,  it  has  banished  corruption  com- 
pletely, within  the  walls  of  such  cities.  We  know  that  it  has 
driven  the  boodler,  and  the  bribe  giver  beyond  the  pale  of  such 
cities. 

On  the  contrary,  we  know  from  bitter  experience  in  our  own 
city,  that  private  management  of  public  utilities  has  been  grossly 
inefficient  and  indecent.  We  know  that  the  main  purpose  and  aim 
of  those  private  corporations  has  been  to  pay  exorbitant  divi- 
dends upon  watered  stocks;  that  it  has  jammed  and  massed  the 
unfortunate  citizens  of  our  community  into  miserable,  ill-lighted 
and  ill-kept  cars;  that  it  has  compelled  a  great  percentage  of 
them  to  stand  on  the  way  to  their  work,  and  on  their  way  home, 
at  night.  We  know  that  it  has  resulted  in  the  collecting  for 
years  of  illegal,  double  fares  from  our  citizens. 

We  know  that  it  has  made  us  ride  in  cars  whose  temperature 
would  chill  the  living  and  preserve  the  dead.  We  know  that  it 
has  debauched  over  and  over  again  our  city  council  and  State 
Legislature.  We  know  that  it  has  brought  about  the  passage 
of  the  infamous  ninety-nine  year  act,  the  Allen  bill  and  the 
Humphrey  bill  by  wholesale  bribery.  We  know  that  it  has  re- 
tarded the  growth  of  our  city.  We  know  that  it  has  depreciated, 
by  its  villainous  service,  the  real  estate  values  of  the  homes  of 
our  citizens,  on  all  sides  of  the  city,  and  particularly  on  the 
west  side.  We  know  that  it  has  forced  the  people  of  the  city 
within  the  last  six  months  in  an  outburst  of  indignation  to  roll 
up  a  protest  against  the  renewal  of  any  more  franchises,  signed 
by  approximately  one  hundred  and  thirty-four  thousand  voters. 

We  know,  in  other  words,  from  personal  experience  in  this 
city,  that  private  ownership  of  the  street  car  system  has  become 
a  stench  in  the  nostrils  of  the  people.  Yet,  we  are  told  by  cer- 
tain newspapers  of  this  city,  by  a  Republican  platform  which, 
in  substance,  declares  that  we  must  wait,  for  municipal  owner- 


DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  179 

ship  and  operation  in  the  dim  future,  and  by  Republican  candi- 
dates who  demand  immediate  settlement  of  the  traction  question 
— which  can  only  be  obtained  by  granting  the  new  franchise — that 
there  is  no  present  remedy  for  these  intolerable  evils. 

We  are  told  that  a  new  extension  of  franchises  is  the  only 
solution  of  our  insufferable  evils,  and  that  we  must,  for  the  next 
twenty  years,  accept  the  delusive  promises  of  private  companies 
as  to  efficient  management,— promises  which  have  proved  sadly 
deceptive,  and  worthless  in  the  past, — and  that  the  city  is  not 
now  in  a  position  "legally  or  financially"  to  assume,  own  and 
operate  its  street  car  systems.  We  deny  this  assertion  and  will 
appeal  to  the  people  to  determine  the  truth  of ( the  issue. 

That  issue  may  be  crystallized  in  a  few  words:  "Shall  the 
present  companies  be  granted  an  ordinance,  like  the  so-called  tenta- 
tive ordinance  adopted  by  the  transportation  committee  of  the  city 
council,  or  any  other  ordinance  under  present  conditions,  or  shall 
the  city  refuse  to  pass  any  ordinance  of  any  character  to  the  present 
companies  or  other  companies  ? ' ' 

We  assert  that  the  city  is  legally  and  financially  able  at  the 
present  time  to  institute  proceedings  for  the  immediate  acquisition 
of  the  present  systems,  or  to  build  and  construct  new  ones.  The 
Mueller  law  expressly  provides  that  the  city  may  own  and,  with 
the  approval  of  our  citizens,  may  operate  street  car  systems  within 
its  corporate  limits.  That  disposes  of  the  legal  question,  so  far  as 
to  the  right  to  own  and  operate  is  concerned.  The  financial  ques- 
tion is  as  easily  disposed  of. 

It  is  said,  by  the  Republican  party  and  the  traction  press  and 
the  opponents  of  municipal  ownership  and  operation,  that  the  city 
has  no  money  at  the  present  time  wherewith  to  purchase  or  equip  a 
street  car  system. 

It  is  undoubtedly  true  that  the  city  of  Chicago  today  is  without 
means  in  the  shape  of  ready  cash  to  acquire  or  build  a  street  car 
plant.  It  is  also  true  that  until  new  legislation  can  be  passed  by 
the  Legislature,  no  bonded  indebtedness  can  be  created  by  the  city 
for  that  purpose.  But  it  does  not  follow,  from  the  fact  that  the 
city  of  Chicago  has  not  the  ready  cash  today,  and  that  it  has  not 
the  power  under  the  present  conditions,  of  the  law  to  raise  money 
by  the  issuance  of  bonds,  that  the  city  is  unable  to  raise  money  to 
acquire  the  present  street  car  plants  or  to  build  new  ones. 

Section  2  of  the  Mueller  bill  expressly  provides  in  Jones  and 
Addingtons'  Supplement  of  1903,  Volume  5,  page  555: 

"In  lieu  of  issuing  bonds  pledging  the  faith  and  credit  of  the 
city,  as  provided  for  in  section  1  of  this  act,  any  city  may  issue 
and  dispose  of  interest  bearing  certificates,  to  be  known  as  'Street 
railway  certificates,'  which  shall,  under  no  circumstances,  be  or  be- 
come an  obligation  or  liability  of  the  city  or  payable  out  of  any 


180  DUNNE JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

general  fund  thereof,  but  shall  be  payable  solely  out  of  a  specified 
portion  of  the  revenues  or  income  to  be  derived  from  the  street 
railway  property  for  the  acquisition  of  which  they  were  issued. 
Such  certificates  shall  not  be  issued  and  secured  on  any  street- 
railway  property  in  amount  in  excess  of  the  cost  to  the  city,  of 
such  property,  as  hereinbefore  provided,  and  10  per  cent  of  such 
cost  in  addition  thereto.  In  order  to  secure  the  payment  of  any 
such  street-railway  certificates  and  the  interest  thereon,  the  city 
can  convey,  by  way  of  mortgage  or  deed  of  trust,  any  or  all  of  the 
street-railway  property,  acquired  or  to  be  acquired  through  the 
issue  thereof;  which  mortgage  or  deed  of  trust  shall  be  executed 
in  such  manner  as  may  be  directed  by  the  city  council  and  acknowl- 
edged and  recorded  in  the  manner  provided  by  law  for  the  ac- 
knowledgment and  recording  of  mortgages  of  real  estate,  and  may 
contain  such  provisions  and  conditions,  not  in  conflict  with  the 
provisions  of  this  act,  as  may  be  deemed  necessary  to  fully  secure 
the  payment  of  the  street  railway  certificates  described  herein.  Any 
such  mortgage  or  deed  of  trust  may  carry  the  grant  of  privilege  or 
right  to  maintain  and  operate  the  street  railway  property,  covered 
thereby,  for  a  period  not  exceeding  twenty  years,  from  and  after 
the  date  such  property  may  come  into  the  possession  of  any  such 
person  or  corporation  as  the  result  of  foreclosure  proceedings ;  which 
privilege  or  right  may  fix  the  rates  of  fare  which  the  person  or  cor- 
poration, securing  the  same  as  the  result  of  foreclosure  proceedings, 
shall  be  entitled  to  charge  in  the  operation  of  said  property  for  a 
period  not  exceeding  twenty  years. ' ' 

It  will  be  noted  under  this  section  the  holders  of  the  street  car 
certificates  are  given  three  securities :  First,  the  revenues  or  income 
to  be  derived  from  the  street  railway  property,  for  the  acquisition 
of  which  they  were  issued,  there  being  no  limitation  whatever  upon 
the  period  of  time  during  which  said  revenues  may  be  collected, 
In  other  words,  the  city,  if  it  should  elect  to  operate  its  street  car 
system,  has  a  right  to  do  so  in  perpetuity,  and  all  the  revenues  and 
income  from  the  operation  of  the  street  car  system  in  perpetuity 
are  pledged  for  the  payment  of  certificates. 

Second.  Such  certificates  are  secured  by  a  mortgage  or  deed 
of  trust  upon  "All  of  the  street  railway  property  acquired  or  to  be 
acquired  by  the  city. ' '  In  other  words,  they  are  secured  by  all  the 
tangible  property  acquired  by  the  city  for  the  purpose  of  either 
leasing  or  operating  the  same,  whether  the  said  property  be  real  or 
personal. 

Third.  The  certificates  are  secured  by  a  grant  in  the  mortgage 
or  deed  of  trust  of  a  privilege  "or  right  to  maintain  and  operate 
the  street  railway  property  for  a  period  not  exceeding  twenty 
years,  from  and  after  the  date  such  property  may  have  come 


DUNNE JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  181 

into  the  possession  of  any  person  or  corporation  as  a  result  of 
foreclosure  proceedings." 

These  securities  provided  by  the  Mueller  bill,  as  being  in  the 
power  of  the  city  to  give  as  collateral  security  for  the  payment 
of  street  car  certificates  are  much  stronger,  broader,  and  more 
effectual  than  the  security  hitherto  given  to  the  purchaser  of 
stocks  and  bonds  of  the  private  companies  who  have  been  operat- 
ing street  cars  in  the  city  of  Chicago  for  the  last  forty  years.  The 
stocks  and  bonds,  issued  by  these  companies  in  the  past,  have  been 
based  upon  no  security,  but  that  of  the  tangible  property  owned 
by  the  road  and  their  expiring  franchises.  The  tangible  prop- 
erty in  the  possession  of  the  city  will  be  as  good  security  as 
the  tangible  property  that  hitherto  has  been  in  the  possession 
of  these  private  companies. 

These  franchises,  given  as  security  by  these  private  com- 
panies in  the  past,  have  been  limited  franchises  which  never  have 
extended  beyond  a  period  of  twenty  years,  except  in  the  case  of 
the  dubious  so-called  ninety-nine  year  act.  The  right  of  the  city 
to  own  and  operate  street  cars  under  the  Mueller  bill  has  no 
limitations  as  to  time ;  it  is  therefore  much  better  security  than  a 
franchise  limited  to  twenty  years,  or  even  a  franchise  limited  to 
ninety-nine  years,  and  in  so  far,  as  it  is  unlimited  in  time,  it  is 
much  stronger  than  the  limited  franchises  hereinbefore  men- 
ti^ned. 

The  third  and  last  form  of  security  given  is  also  much 
stronger  and  more  satisfactory  from  the  financial  standpoint  than 
the  franchises  that  have  hitherto  been  pledged  by  the  private 
companies,  for  the  reason  that  the  twenty-year  franchise  which 
can  be  obtained  in  the  mortgage  given  by  the  city  of  Chicago  as 
security  for  the  street  car  certificate  begins,  not  as  in  the  case  of 
the  franchises  of  the  private  companies  at  some  time  in  the  past, 
but  begins,  as  is  expressly  provided  in  the  Mueller  bill,  from  the 
date  that  the  property  comes  into  the  possession  of  the  person  or 
corporation  as  the  result  of  foreclosure  proceedings. 

In  other  words,  the  twenty-year  franchise  begins  to  run  under 
the  provision  of  the  Mueller  bill  from  the  time  that  the  mortgagee 
gets  possession  of  the  property  under  foreclosure.  It  will  thus 
be  seen  that  the  security  given  by  the  Mueller  bill  is  much 
stronger  and  better  than  the  security  heretofore  given  by  the 
private  companies,  as  collateral  for  their  stocks  and  bonds.  If 
a  twenty-year  franchise  is  good  enough  security  for  the  present 
company  to  issue  stock  and  bonds  to  reequip  and  modernize  its 
present  plant,  why  is  it  not  as  good  security  in  the  hands  of  a 
trustee  under  a  trust  deed  given  by  the  city  to  secure  street  car 
certificates  to  be  used  for  the  same  purpose? 


182  DUNNE JUDGE,  MAYOR,  GOVERNOR 

In  1883,  these  companies  procured  from  the  city  of  Chicago 
franchises  which  ran  for  twenty  years.  As  is  shown  by  the  re- 
port of  Bion  Arnold  to  the  city  council  in  November,  1902,  the 
tangible  property  of  these  companies,  at  the  time  of  said  report, 
was  worth  not  to  exceed  $27,000,000.  Notwithstanding  this  fact, 
these  companies  issued  stocks  and  bonds  which  were  purchased 
by  the  public  to  an  aggregate  of  $117,000,000  or  thereabout.  The 
difference  between  $27,000,000  and  $117,000,000  is  $90,000,000, 
and  that  is  the  value  placed  upon  the  twenty-year  franchise  by 
the  companies  and  by  the  public  who  invested  in  these  companies. 

No  trust  company  or  millionaire  endorsed  the  paper  of  these 
companies.  Stocks  and  bonds  of  the  Union  Traction  Company 
and  Chicago  City  Railway  Company  were  signed  only  by  the  com- 
panies themselves.  If  private  companies  having  only  the  security 
offered  by  the  tangible  property  and  by  the  twenty-four  fran- 
chises can  raise  $117,000,000  upon  $27,000,000  worth  of  actual 
tangible  property,  what  is  to  prevent  the  city  of  Chicago  now  on 
much  better  security  as  above  indicated,  raising  the  same  amount 
of  money  ? 

It  will  not  be  necessary  to  raise  any  such  amount.  The  city 
of  Chicago  can,  today,  iinless  I  am  most  egregiously  mistaken, 
not  only  pay  the  present  companies  full  value,  and  more  than  full 
value,  fSr  all  the  property  and  franchises  that  they  now  own,  to 
the  last  cent,  but  can  reequip  and  modernize  the  present  broken 
down  plants  for  less  than  $80,000,000. 

If  street  certificates,  as  provided  for  in  the  Mueller  bill, 
bearing  five  per  cent,  or  even  six  per  cent,  if  necessary,  are  offered 
to  the  public,  I  have  no  doubt  whatever,  but  that  even  strong 
financial  syndicates,  who  are  accustomed  to  the  most  careful  in- 
vestigation of  securities,  would  snap  up  these  certificates  thus 
secured.  If  local  financiers  band  themselves  together  for  the 
purpose  of  discrediting  this  class  of  securities,  I  have  no  doubt 
that  the  same  could  be  quickly  negotiated  in  the  financial  centers 
of  the  world.  Moreover,  there  is  today  on  deposit  in  the  Chicago 
savings  banks  over  $500,000,000,  the  property  of  men 'of  moderate 
means,  bearing  interest  at  3  per  cent  per  annum,  which,  in  my 
judgment,  will  be  taken  from  those  banks  for  the  purpose  of 
purchasing  such  securities,  bearing  five  per  cent  interest,  if  they 
once  were  placed  upon  the  market. 

There  are  other  ways,  outside  of  the  issuance  of  the  Mueller 
bill  certificates,  under  which  the  city  could  provide  means  for 
the  purpose  of  the  present  street  car  system  or  for  the  building 
or  equipment  of  new  ones. 

If  the  city  were  to  offer  to  a  syndicate  of  capitalists  a  lease 
of  the  car  systems  of  the  city  providing  the  syndicate  would 


DUNNE JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  183 

provide  ready  capital  for  the  purchase  price  of  the  same,  under 
the  terms  of  which  lease  the  syndicate  so  furnishing  such  money, 
should  retain  and  operate  such  roads  under  lease,  by  the  terms 
of  which  they  should  first  pay  themselves  five  per  cent  upon  the 
money  invested,  and,  second,  provide  a  sinking  fund  for  the  pay- 
ment of  the  capital  invested,  and  third,  pay  reasonable  compen- 
sation to  the  managers  of  the  street  car  system,  leased  by  such 
syndicate  while  operating  the  property,  and  after  the  payment 
of  said  liabilities  then  turn  over  to  the  city  of  Chicago  the  road 
free  and  clear  from  liabilities,  I  have  no  reasonable  doubt  but 
that  wise  and  prudent  financiers  would  regard  such  a  lease,  ter- 
minable only  at  the  time  when  they  receive  their  capital  and 
interest  at  five  per  cent  would  be  adequate  security  for  the 
investment. 

But,  if  a  syndicate  of  capitalists  would  not  be  willing  to  do 
this,  there  is  no  question  in  my  mind  that,  if  such  a  lease  were 
tendered  to  a  corporation  organized  for  the  purpose  of  leasing 
and  operating  the  street  car  system  of  the  city  of  Chicago,  under 
such  an  arrangement  upon  the  understanding  that  the  manage- 
ment of  the  same  was  to  be  placed  in  the  hands  of  competent  rail- 
way men,  at  decent  remuneration,  the  depositors  in  the  savings 
banks  of  Chicago,  who  are  drawing  but  three  per  cent  upon  their 
investment,  would  be  very  glad  to  back  any  company  organized 
for  such  a  purpose  and  under  such  a  management  and  exchange 
their  deposits  for  stock  bearing  five  per  cent  interest. 

Under  the  present  condition  of  the  Constitution  of  this  State, 
as  amended  by  a  recent  constitutional  amendment,  ample  power 
lies  in  the  hands  of  the  Legislature  to  pass  a  law  enabling  the 
city  of  Chicago  to  issue  bonds  to  a  sufficient  sum  to  pay  for  the 
acquisition  of  these  street  car  systems,  and  under  the  new  charter, 
which  we  are  promised  the  city  of  Chicago  will  be  in  a  position 
to  raise  sufficient  money  by  the  issuance  of  bonds  as  is  authorized 
by  the  Mueller  bill,  provided  the  people  by  a  referendum  authorize 
the  issuance  of  the  same. 

Other  methods  of  raising  money  have  been  suggested  to  me. 
However,  the  discussion  of  ways  and  means  is  premature  until  a 
price  is  obtained,  at  which  this  property  can  be  bought  or  acquired 
at  condemnation;  then  will  arise  for  the  first  time  the  question 
of  the  practical  means  of  raising  money.  There  are  only  two^i 
things  needed  to  accomplish  municipal  ownership,  and  only  two : 
first,  the  determination  of  the  citizens  that  they  wish  it,  and, 
second,  the  election  of  public  officials  with  a  disposition,  courage 
and  virility  to  carry  out  the  people's  will. 

The  only  objection  to  municipal  ownership,  worthy  of  notice, 
is  that  it  will  tend  to  build  up  a  great  political  machine,  in  that 


184  DUNNE JUDGE,  MAYOR,  GOVERNOR 

the  employes  of  the  road  in  the  municipal  operation  would  be 
placed  in  positions  by  the  machine  politicians,  and  that  the  service 
they  would  give  to  the  public  would  be  guided  by  the  wishes 
of  their  political  sponsors  rather  than  the  demands  of  the  public. 

No  advocate  of  municipal  ownership  is  in  favor  of  the  owner- 
ship and  operation  of  a  street  car  system  by  the  city  without 
stringent  provisions  for  the  enforcement  of  a  rigid  civil  service 
law.  If  the  employes  of  the  municipal  system  were  to  be  selected, 
as  the  employes  of  the  present  companies  are  often  now  selected, 
upon  the  recommendation  of  aldermen  and  others  having  a  politi- 
cal pull,  we  all  recognize  that  the  service  rendered  by  such  em- 
ployes would  be  wholly  unsatisfactory.  Such  an  employe  being 
amenable  only  to  his  political  sponsor,  would  feel  independent 
of  the  public,  and  would  give  it  insolent,  rather  than  satisfactory, 
service.  The  hope  and  aim  of  the  friends  of  municipal  ownership 
is  not  to  put  the  street  car  system  into  politics,  but  to  take  the 
street  car  system  out  of  politics.  It  is  notorious  that  any  alder- 
man or  other  public  official  who  is  on  good  terms  with  the  trac- 
tion companies  of  this  city,  can  put  his  friends  to  an  unlimited 
number  into  the  positions  furnished  by  public  service  cor- 
porations. 

Friends  of  municipal  ownership  demand  that,,  in  any  ordi- 
nance providing  for  municipal  ownership  and  operation,  there 
shall  be  a  clear,  systematic,  and  rigid  civil  service  provision,  and 
that  all  employes  sholl  be  selected  upon  a  practical  examination 
open  to  all  persons  alike,  and  that  their  selection  shall  be  deter- 
mined solely  and  exclusively  by  their  capacity  to  perform  the 
work,  and  not  by  their  political  influence. 

Civil  service  has  been  instituted  within  recent  years  in  the 
departments  of  the  city  hall,  and  year  by  year  it  has  grown  in 
popular  favor  and  the  officials  chosen  to  enforce  the  civil  service 
law  are  enforcing  the  same  with  greater  severity  and  strictness  as 
the  years  roll  by.  Today  it  is  impossible  under  the  civil  service 
law,  as  administered  under  Mayor  Harrison,  for  any  politician, 
no  matter  how  vigorous  his  pull,  to  place  a  man  upon  the  police 
department,  the  fire  department,  or  in  the  water  office.  The  civil 
service  law  is  being  gradually  extended  to  all  departments  of 
the  city  government,  and  in  the  event  that  the  city  should  under- 
take to  operate  the  street  cars  of  this  city  it  should  at  once  be 
put  in  force  in  the  transportation  department  of  the  city. 

In  that  event,  the  present  employes  of  the  traction  company, 
from  superintendent  down  to  the  men  who  oil  the  wheels,  should 
be  placed  upon  the  official  roster  of  city  employes  and  should  hold 
their  places,  irremovable  except  for  cause,  upon  a  fair  and  im- 
partial trial,  had  before  the  civil  service  board,  where  both  the 


DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,  •  GOVERNOR  185 

accused  and  his  accuser  could  be  brought  face  to  face.  Vacancies 
by  death,  removals  or  for  other  causes  should  be  filled  only  by 
persons  who  have  passed  satisfactory  examinations  under  the 
civil  service,  law,  and  these  examinations  should  be  made  prac- 
tical tests  of  the  efficiency  of  men  seeking  such  positions.  The 
civil  service  law  today  is  a  success  in  the  Federal  post  office,  in 
the  water  office,  police  department  and  fire  department  of  the 
city  of  Chicago,  and  it  can  be  made,  and  it  must  be  made,  a  like 
success  in  the  transportation  department  of  the  city  government, 
when  the  government  elects,  if  it  so  elect,  to  operate  the  street 
car  systems  in  the  city. 

In  conclusion,  let  me  add  that,  as  a  friend  of  municipal  own- 
ership and  operation,  I  will  exert  myself  to  the  utmost  to  see  that 
the  civil  service  laws  of  this  city  are  preserved  in  their  strength 
and  vigor,  and  shall  see  that  they  are  vigorously  and  efficiently 
enforced  under  my  administration. 

Let  the  citizens  of  Chicago  not  be  deterred  by  the  hollow, 
false,  and  insincere  objections  urged  against  municipal  owner- 
ship and  operation  by  the  traction  press  syndicate.  These  papers 
stood  sponsors  for  the  so-called  tentative  ordinance  last  summer, 
an  ordinance  so  vicious  and  reckless  of  the  interests  of  the  people, 
that  they  rose  in  revolt  against  its  passage. 

They  stand  sponsor  now  for  the  Republican  candidate  and 
platform.  Can  they  be  trusted  as  advisors  of  the  people  ?  In  my 
opinion  they  cannot.  If  the  people  would  protect  their  rights 
they  must  go  to  the  polls  en  masse  on  the  first  Tuesday  in  April 
and  register  their  solemn  protest  against  the  further  spoliation 
of  their  streets,  and  the  further  exploitation  of  the  people  by 
millionaires  of  Wall  street. 


186  DUNNE JUDGE,  MAYOR,  GOVERNOR 


ADMONISHES  PARTY  LEADERS  OF 
THEIR  DUTY. 

ADDRESS  TO  PARTY  WARD  OFFICERS,  MARCH  10,  1905. 

Mr.  Chairman  and  Gentleme^: 

When  I  look  over  this  audience  and  realize  that  it  is  the 
greatest  and  grandest  that  I  have  ever  seen  gathered  for  .such 
an  occasion,  I  cannot  but  bear  in  mind  that  this  is  a  council  of 
war.  I  know  that  these  men  who  are  gathered  here  are  the  gen- 
erals of  divisions,  the  brigadiers,  battalion  commanders,  the  col- 
onels, the  majors,  the  captains  and  the  lieutenants  of  the  great 
Democratic  army  of  Chicago,  175,000  strong.  You  represent  the 
rank  and  file  of  the  party ;  you  are  the  leaders  of  the  men  in  the 
field,  and  your  leaders,  the  practical  men  who  have  spoken  to 
you,  can  tell  you  what  your  duties  are  better  than  I  can. 

For  four  years  I  have  been  trying  with  what  strength  and 
ability  I  have  to  place  this  army  upon  a  high  plane.  Two  years 
ago,  with  the  assistance  of  that  grand  old  man  that  every  Chi- 
cagoan  esteems,  respects  and  trusts,  the  man  who  first  called  me 
to  your  leadership  without  consulting  me,  we  wrote  into  the  plat- 
form the  principle  of  municipal  ownership  and  operation  of  the 
traction  utilities.  This  year  we  have  placed  the  army  still  higher ; 
we  have  placed  it  very  near  the  citadel,  and  over  it  waves  the 
white  banner  of  truth  and  sincerity. 

Opposed  to  us  is  another  great  army,  as  strong  or  perhaps 
stronger  than  our  own,  but  it  is  not  on  the  heights ;  it  is  flounder- 
ing in  the  morass  and  is  fighting  under  the  black  banner  of  deceit. 
We  stand  for  the  right;  the  Republicans,  to  their  sorrow  and 
discomfiture,  are  in  the  wrong.  We  know  that  the  people  of  Chi- 
cago are  as  capable  and  as  honest  as  the  people  of  other  cities  of 
the  world  to  own  and  manage  their  own  street  car  lines,  and  we 
know  that  they  desire  to  own  them  and  will  do  so. 

Outside  of  either  of  the  great  armies,  175,000  strong,  is  an- 
other force  of  50,000  voters  that  will  side  with  that  party  which 
is  in  the  right.  You,  who  go  among  the  people  and  hear  the  ex- 
pressions of  men  upon  the  questions  that  are  involved,  you  know 
that  they  are  gravitating  toward  the  Democratic  ranks,  and  if 
you,  who  are  charged  with  that  work,  will  go  out  and  get  the 
stragglers,  the  indifferent  of  our  own  party,  and  get  their  votes, 


DUNNE JUDGE,  MAYOR,  GOVERNOR  187 

there  is  no  more  doubt  of  the  result  of  this  election  than  there  is 
of  your  sitting  here. 

You  know  the  way  in  which  that  may  best  be  done.  The 
practical  men  who  have  spoken  to  you  have  pointed  it  out  better 
than  I  can.  But  I  want  to  say  this  to  you  of  this  election :  You 
have  heard  of  Hopkins  Democrats,  of  Harrison,  Sullivan  and  other 
varieties.  There  are  no  distinctions  in  this  campaign.  There  are 
no  Dunne  nor  any  other  man's  Democrats,  but  only  municipal 
ownership  Democrats. 

If  we  win  this  fight,  if  the  people  of  Chicago  give  me  their 
confidence  as  you  have,  I  can  assure  you  that  it  will  never  be 
abused  and  that  it  will  not  be  misplaced. 


188  DUNNE JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 


JUDGE  DUNNE  SCORES  HARLAN  PLAN. 

STATEMENT  TO  THE  PUBLIC,  MARCH  15,  1905. 

The  coming  election  will  probably  be  the  most  important 
municipal  election  that  has  been  held  in  the  United  States  for  at 
least  half  a  century ;  important  not  only  in  its  effect  upon  the  peo- 
ple of  Chicago,  but  in  its  effect  upon  every  municipality  in  this 
country.  Upon  its  result  depends  the  question  as  to  whether  or 
not  American  cities  are  to  take  the  course  pursued  by  European 
and  Australasian  cities  in  owning  and  operating  their  own  street 
car  systems,  or  whether  the  cities  of  America  shall  adhere  to  the 
mistaken  course  hitherto  followed  in  farming  out  the  manage- 
ment of  their  utilities  to  private  capitalists. 

The  eyes  of  the  whole  American  voting  world,  as  well  as  the 
eyes  of  the  American  financial  world,  are  now  centered  upon 
Chicago. 

By  reason  of  the  fact  that  most  of  the  important  franchises 
which  have  hitherto  been  granted  to  private  corporations,  giving 
them  the  right  to  own  and  operate  street  cars  upon  its  streets  have 
expired,  Chicago  is  placed  in  the  unique  position  of  being  called 
upon,  before  any  other  great  American  city,  to  decide  this 
question. 

The  gravity  and  importance  of  the  situation  cannot  be  over- 
estimated. "Within  the  last  few  weeks  the  great  firm  of  J.  Pier- 
pont  Morgan  &  Co.  of  New  York  has,  through  three  authorized 
agents — Marshall  Field,  P.  A.  Valentine  and  John  J.  Mitchell  of 
this  city — invested  the  enormous  sum  of  $25,000,000  for  the  pur- 
chase of  two-thirds  of  the  stock  of  the  Chicago  City  Railway 
Company.  All  of  the  tangible  property  of  that  company  at  a  lib- 
eral estimate  is  not  worth  over  $12,000,000.  Yet  that  great  finan- 
cial firm  has  within  the  last  thirty  days  paid  out,  it  is  reported 
in  the  papers,  $25,000,000  in  hard  cash  for  two-thirds  of  the  stock 
of  the  Chicago  City  Railway  Company.  For  this  immense  amount 
of  money  they  have  received  $8,000,000  worth  of  tangible  prop- 
erty and  the  mere  prospect  of  obtaining  from  the  citizens  of  Chi- 
cago an  extension  on  their  present  franchises.  This  enormous  in- 
vestment must  have  been  made  with  the  expectation  of  procur- 
ing from  the  citizens  of  Chicago  an  extension  of  the  present  fran- 
chise rights  of  that  company.  That  expectation  must  be  based 


DUNNE— JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  189 

upon  the  conduct  to  be  pursued  by  the  next  mayor  of  Chicago  and 
the  next  city  council.  J.  Pierpont  Morgan  &  Co.  must,  therefore, 
have  made  this  investment  in  the  belief  that  either  one  of  the 
great  parties  of  this  city  will  succeed  in  placing  in  the  mayor's 
chair  a  man  who  will  favor,  and,  in  the  aldermanic  chairs,  men 
who  will  vote  for  an  extension  of  the  present  expired  franchises. 

The  people  of  Chicago  must  turn  to  the  candidates  of  the  two 
great  parties  to  discover  which  one  of  them  is  likely  to  gratify  the 
expectation  of  J.  Pierpont  Morgan  &  Co.  by  extending  the  fran- 
chises of  the  street  railway  companies. 

It  is  exceedingly  improbable  that  either  the  Prohibition  or 
the  Socialist  party  will  poll  sufficient  votes  to  elect  their  candi- 
dates. The  city  of  Chicago  must,  therefore,  scan  with  care  and 
caution  the  platforms  of  the  Republican  and  the  Democratic  party 
and  the  antecedents  and  character  of  the  candidates  nominated  by 
these  parties  to  run  upon  these  platforms. 

J.  Pierpont  Morgan  &  Co. 's  expectation  of  an  extension  of 
franchises  must  be  based  upon  the  Republican  platform  and  the 
Republican  candidate  or  upon  the  Democratic  platform  and  the 
Democratic  candidate.  Let  us  carefully  consider  then  first  the 
platforms  of  the  respective  parties  with  relation  to  the  traction 
issue. 

The  Republican  platform  declares  for  municipal  ownership 
and  operation  "when  the  city  shall  be  legally  and  financially  able 
successfully  to  adopt  it."  The  use  of  these  three  adverbs  in  the 
Republican  platform  leaves  the  question  of  time  as  to  when  the 
city  shall  attempt  to  own  and  operate  in  a  delightful  state  of  un- 
certainty. Does  it  mean  today,  does  it  mean  ten  years  hence,  does 
it  mean  twenty  years  hence  or  a  century  hence?  None  can  tell. 
It  is  left  absolutely  to  the  judgment  of  the  officials  who  may  be 
elected  upon  that  platform  to  hereafter  answer  when  that  time 
shall  come. 

The  Republican  platform  further  declares  that  no  extension 
of  franchises  "should"  be  given  that  does  not  meet  the  approval 
of  the  citizens  of  Chicago.  This  is  simply  the  declaration  of  a 
truism.  It  deliberately  refrains  from  declaring  that  no  franchise 
"shall"  or  must  be  given. 

The  Democratic  platform,  on  the  other  hand,  declares  emphat- 
ically: "We  demand  that  Chicago  follow  the  example  of  the 
enlightened  municipalities  of  both  the  old  world  and  the  new  by 
taking  immediate  steps  to  establish  municipal  ownership  and  opera- 
tion of  the  traction  service  of  the  city.  That  the  city  council,  by 
resolution,  terminate  all  negotiations  with  the  street  car  companies 
for  the  extension  of  existing  or  the  granting  of  new  franchises.  In 
place  of  such  negotiations  that  the  city  government  proceed  at  once 


190  DUNNE JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

to  negotiate  with  the  street  railroad  companies  for  the  purchase  of 
their  tangible  property  and  their  unexpired  lawful  franchises  for  a 
fair,  liberal  and  full  price. ' ' 

The  Democratic  platform  in  contrast  with  the  Republican  plat- 
form is  clear,  definite  and  distinct.  Following  out  the  mandates 
of  that  platform,  no  extension  of  franchises  of  any  character  could 
be  given  by  the  city  officials  elected  upon  the  Democratic  ticket  to 
either  the  Chicago  City  Railway  Company  or  to  any  other  corpo- 
ration. 

This  is  the  clear  and  plain  distinction  between  the  two  plat- 
forms. Under  the  Republican  platform  an  extension  can  be  given 
and,  if  the  Republican  candidate  is  elected,  I  predict  an  extension 
will  be  given.  Under  the  Democratic  platform  no  such  extension 
can  be  given  and  I  promise,  if  elected,  as  I  will  be,  that  no  such 
extension  will  be  given. 

Such  being  the  platforms,  let  us  now  examine  the  records  of 
the  candidates.  Both  of  us*  have  been  before  the  public  for  oven 
twelve  years,  he  in  private  and  I  in  public  station.  During  this 
campaign  I  shall  indulge  in  no  personalities  and  I  shall  endeavor 
to  treat  my  opponent  with  the  fairness  and  justness  to  which  his 
prominent  position  before  the  public  for  several  years  past  entitles 
him.  I  shall  only  discuss  his  attitude  on  public  questions,  as  con- 
tained in  his  own  language,  upon  different  occasions  and,  if  I  shall 
find  that  his  attitude  and  position,  as  declared  from  his  own  lips, 
places  him  in  inconsistent  positions,  it  is  for  the  public  to  determine 
whether  or  not  he  is  inconsistent  and  whether  or  not  he  is  sincere 
or  vacillating  in  his  course. 

On  December  12,  1898,  the  Republican  candidate,  as  he  is  quoted 
in  the  Record,  one  of  the  papers  that  is  now  supporting  him  most 
energetically,  said :  ' '  The  mayor  has  committed  himself  before  this 
audience  to  the  principles  of  municipal  ownership  twenty  years 
hence.  Gentlemen,  if  the  people  of  Chicago  want  it  now — if  the 
people  want  it — then  I  say  it  is  their  property  and  now  is  the 
accepted  time.  I  want  to  say  now  that,  if  the  Allen  law  is  repealed 
and  the  present  mayor  of  Chicago,  by  whose  side  I  am  now  fighting 
and  am  glad  to  fight,  announces  the  proposition  that  he  favors  a 
twenty-year,  or  any  other  franchise,  at  this  time,  at  any  per  cent 
of  compensation  whatever,  I  shall  be  as  ready  to  fight  with  him  on 
that  proposition." 

This  was  my  opponent 's  attitude  over  six  years  ago.  At  that 
time  the  Mueller  bill  had  not  been  passed  and  the  city  of  Chicago 
was  not  legally  able  to  own  or  operate  street  cars.  He  was  a  lawyer 
at  the  time  and  is  so  now  and  he  must  have  known,  when  he  made 
that  statement,  that  the  law  did  not  empower  the  city  of  Chicago  to 
own  and  operate  street  cars. 


DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  191 

The  Mueller  bill  has  been  passed  since  then-  and  the  city  of 
Chicago,  under  its  provisions,  is  now  legally  authorized  to  own  and 
operate  street  cars,  the  operation  dependent,  however,  upon  a  refer- 
endum of  its  citizens.  The  Republican  candidate,  since  the  adoption 
of  his  platform  nearly  a  month  ago,  has  never  once  declared  for 
immediate  municipal  ownership  in  any  of  his  numerous  speeches, 
although  the  city  is  now  authorized  by  law  to  own  and  operate  its 
street  railway  system.  He  has  not  once  used  the  word  "Now," 
the  insistent  word  that  he  used  in  December,  1898.  Why  this  omis- 
sion? Has  he  not  changed  his  views  most  materially?  Is  it  not 
remarkable  that  a  man  who  declared  for  immediate  municipal  own- 
ership, when  the  law  did  not  empower  the  city  to  own  or  operate, 
should  now,  when  the  law  does  authorize  the  city  to  own  and  oper- 
ate, fail  to  make  a  similar  demand.  I  charge  that  my  opponent, 
therefore,  because  of  his  extraordinary  failure  to  make  a  demand 
for  immediate  municipal  ownership  in  his  numerous  speeches  during 
the  last  few  weeks  has  abandoned  the  views  that  he  held  in  1898. 
That  I  am  not  in  error  in  placing  this  interpretation  upon  his  con- 
duct and  his  platform  is  further  shown  by  the  views  expressed  upon 
his  platform  and  his  own  conduct  by  his  supporters,  the  newspapers, 
which  are  championing  his  cause  in  this  city. 

The  Chicago  Post,  a  paper  which  is  most  vigorously  advocating 
my  opponent's  election,  on  February  14,  1905,  contained  the  fol- 
lowing: "What  is  needed  is  a  majority  of  honest,  capable  alder- 
men who  will  grant  a  reasonable  franchise  for  twenty  years.  We 
can  make  the  best  terms  with  capital  by  granting  the  longest  term 
possible — namely,  twenty  years.  Every  year  we  clip  from  that  term 
we  clip  something  of  greater  value  from  either  the  compensation  to 
the  city  or  the  quality  of  the  service  to  the  citizen. ' ' 

On  March  2,  1905,  the  Chronicle,  which  is  also  supporting  the 
candidacy  of  the  Republican  candidate,  editorially  declared:  "In 
spite  of  a  good  deal  of  talk  about  what  the  people  of  Chicago  may 
do  at  some  time  in  the  remote  future,  the  issue  as  joined  between 
Mr.  Harlan  and  Judge  Dunne  amounts  to  the  assertion  by  the 
former  that  municipal  ownership  of  street  railways  is  impossible 
and  to  the  declaration  by  the  latter  that  it  is  not  only  possible  but 
desirable  and  that  steps  to  that  end  should  be  taken  at  once. 

"Mr.  Harlan  pronounces  immediate  municipal  ownership  an 
impossibility  and  shows  that,  even  if  it  were  desirable,  to  adopt  that 
policy  the  city  is  not  now  and  will  not  be  for  years  to  come  in  a 
position  to  do  so.  *  *  *  His  assertion  that  such  a  thing  is  now 
an  impossibility  is  literally  true  and  it  practically  puts  him  in  oppo- 
sition to  the  lunatic  proposition  which  Democrats  and  Socialists  have 
brought  forward.  *  *  *  Mr.  Harlan 's  lucid  and  convincing  argu- 
ment, showing  the  impossibility  of  immediate  municipal  ownership 
not  only  sweeps  away  a  humbug  *  *  *. " 


192  DUNNED — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

This  is  the'  position  taken  by  the  Chronicle  interpreting  my 
opponent's  position,  and  I  would  have  it  remembered  that  this  is 
the  interpretation  placed  upon  his  conduct  by  one  of  his  friends. 

On  March  26,  1905,  the  Chronicle  further  states:  "Mr.  Har- 
lan  's  program,  on  the  other  hand,  is  one  of  reason  and  soberness.  • 
He  expects  and  means  to  compel  immediate  and  active  negotiations 
for  an  equitable  franchise  ordinance  with  the  traction  companies. 
*  *  *  'I  will  say  for  myself, '  he  says,  ' that  before  long,  after  the 
election  is  over,  there  will  be  submitted  to  you  a  concrete  plan  for 
the  settlement  of  this  question.'  *  *  *  No  solution  will  be  ac- 
cepted, which  does  not  make  effective  and  genuine  provision  for 
municipal  ownership  and  operation  when  the  city  shall  be  legally 
and  financially  and  successfully  able  to  adopt  it.  If,  as  many  think, 
that  time  will  never  come  then  the  time  will  never  come  when 
Mr.  Harlan  will  advocate  municipal  ownership." 

Here  we  have  a  clear,  succinct  statement  of  my  opponent's  posi- 
tion, as  interpreted  by  a  newspaper  owned  and  controlled  by  a  man 
with  whom  the  Republican  candidate,  I  am  informed,  has  been  in 
recent  conference  quite  frequently.  If  my  opponent's  friends  and 
adv.ocates  so  construe  his  position,  what  further  need  is  there  for  me 
to  inquire  as  to  what  course  he  will  pursue  if  he  should  be  elected 
mayor. 

I  charge,  therefore,  upon  the  authority  of  the  Republican  plat- 
form, upon  the  authority  of  statements  made  and  failed  to  be  made 
by  the  Republican  candidate,  and  upon  the  interpretation  placed 
upon  his  conduct  by  his  own  supporters,  that,  if  elected  mayor  of 
the  city  of  Chicago,  he  will  be  in  favor  of  an  extension  of  the  fran- 
chises of  the  present  companies.  In  further  support  of  this  charge 
I  would  call  the  attention  of  the  people  of  this  city  to  the  fact,  that, 
when  the  so-called  tentative  ordinance,  formulated  by  the  committee 
on  transportation  of  the  city  council  was  brought  up  for  passage 
last  summer,  the  Daily  News,  Record-Herald,  Tribune,  Post  and 
Chronicle,  all  of  which  are  now  ardent  supporters  of  my  opponent, 
were  then  advocating  in  a  most  strenuous  manner  its  passage. 

This  ordinance  was  so  unfair  and  so  unjust  to  the  people  of  this 
city  that,  at  the  call  of  two  men  in  this  community  and  two  news- 
papers, much  abused  by  the  Republican  candidate,  134,000  voters 
of  this  community  rose  in  open  revolt  against  its  passage  and  at- 
tained their  object  by  a  monster  referendum  petition. 

In  contrast  with  my  opponent 's  position,  I  have  but  to  say  that 
for  years,  in  season  and  out  of  season,  I  have  been  advocating  the 
cause  of  municipal  ownership ;  that  I  have  always  maintained  that 
the  city  of  Chicago,  since  the  passage  of  the  Mueller  bill,  was  in  a 
position  legally  and  financially  to  own  and  operate  its  street  car 
systems  successfully;  that  last  summer  without  conference  with 


DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  193 

Judge  Tuley  or  any  other  citizen,  I  openly  opposed  in  a  public 
speech  the  passage  of  this  unfair  and  iniquitous  tentative  ordinance 
and  did  everything  in  my  power  to  prevent  its  passage,  and  it  was 
largely  due  to  the  efforts  of  Judge  Tuley  and  myself  and  the  Hearst 
newspapers  that  we  succeeded  in  stopping  its  passage.  And  yet  my 
opponent  with  pretended  gravity  charges  me  with  being  opposed  to 
a  referendum. 

I  was  largely  instrumental  in  drawing  the  Democratic  platform 
and  succeeded  in  placing  in  that  platform  the  following  plank: 

' '  We  believe  in  the  principle  of  the  referendum  upon  all  impor- 
tant questions  and  demand  the  proper  legislation  to  make  it  binding 
upon  all  public  servants,  thus  carrying  out  the  will  of  the  voters 
of  this  city  twice  expressed  at  the  polls. ' ' 

My  opponent  ignores  the  existence  of  this  plank  in  the  plat- 
form and  charges  upon  me  and  the  Democratic  platform  that  we  are 
trying  to  evade  a  referendum. 

Again  he  declares  that  I  am  committed  to  a  policy  of  paying 
$80,000,000  to  the  present  companies  for  their  property,  which  he 
terms  "junk."  The  Republican  candidate  had  before  him  my 
speech  of  acceptance  when  he  made  this  charge,  and  he  knew  at  the 
time  that  what  I  said  was  as  follows :  "If  private  companies,  hav- 
ing only  the  security  offered  by  the  tangible  property  and  by  the 
twenty-year  franchises,  can  raise  $117,000,000  upon  $27,000,000 
worth  of  actual  tangible  property,  what  is  to  prevent  the  city  of 
Chicago  now,  on  much  better  security,  as  above  indicated,  raising 
the  same  amount  of  money?" 

"It  will  not  be  necessary  to  raise  any  such  amount.  The  city 
of  Chicago  can  today,  unless  I  am  most  egregiously  mistaken,  not 
only  pay  the  present  companies  full  value  for  all  the  property  and 
franchises  they  now  own  to  the  last  cent,  but  can  reequip  and 
modernize  the  present  broken-down  plants  for  less  than  $80,000,- 
000."  My  opponent  knew  that,  in  making  this  statement,  I  cov- 
ered not  only  the  tangible  and  intangible  property  of  the  present 
roads,  but  also  the  cost  of  reequipment  and  modernization.  He 
must  have  known  that  the  present  companies,  in  argument  before 
the  people  of  this  community  for  an  extension  of  their  franchises, 
have  claimed  that  it  would  be  necessary  to  expend  $50,000,000  in 
reequipment  and  modernization  of  these  roads.  He  must  have 
known  that  Bion  Arnold  reported  to  the  city  council  that  their 
tangible  property  was  worth  in  the  neighborhood  of  $27,000,000, 
and  he  must  have  known  that  they  have  some  unexpired  franchises 
which,  if  purchased  or  taken  from  them  by  condemnation,  must  be 
paid  for.  If  you  will  add  $27,000,000  to  $50,000,000,  which  it  has 
been  claimed  is  necessary  for  the  modernization  of  the  plants,  the 
result  is  $77,000,000,  leaving  a  margin  of  but  $3,000,000  to  pay  for 
the  intangible  property,  to  wit,  the  unexpired  franchises. 

--7 


194  DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

In  the  discussion  had  before  the  local  transportation  committee 
of  the  city  council,  it  was  contended  on  behalf  of  the  Chicago  City 
Railway  company  that  it  would  take  $15,000,000  to  rehabilitate 
and  modernize  that  plant  alone.  The  north  and  west  side  companies 
carry  more  than  twice  the  number  of  passengers  carried  by  the 
Chicago  City  Railway  Company,  and,  if  it  would  take  $15,000,000 
to  reequip  and  modernize  the  south  side  system,  it  would  take  at 
least  $30,000,000  to  rehabilitate  and  modernize  the  north  and  west 
side  systems.  If  it  takes  $45,000,000  to  modernize  and  we  add  the 
$45,000,000  to  the  $27,000,000,  the  value  of  the  tangible  property, 
it  will  make  $72,000,000— leaving  a  margin  of  only  $8,000,000  as 
the  value  of  the  intangible  property,  to-wit — the  unexpired  fran- 
chises. I  have  not  had  the  benefit  of  advice  from  expert  railway, 
engineers  in  arriving  at  these  figures.  It  may  cost  less  and  it  may 
cost  more  to  rehabilitate  and  modernize  these  plants.  In  all  prob- 
ability it  will  cost  much  less  than  the  amount  claimed  by  these 
companies.  I  used  the  statement ' '  less  than  $80,000,000 ' '  in  order  to 
fix  what  I  believed  at  the  time,  without  the  benefit  of  expert  testi- 
mony, would  be  an  outside  figure.  And  yet,  in  view  of  this  state- 
ment of  mine,  culled  from  my  speech  to  the  Democratic  convention, 
the  Republican  candidate  says  that  I  am  ready,  on  behalf  of  the 
city  of  Chicago,  to  pay  $80,000,000  to  these  roads  for  their  worn- 
out  and  antiquated  tangible  property.  I  leave  the  justness  of  his 
criticism  to  the  determination  of  my  fair-minded  fellow  citizens. 

Now,  fellow  citizens,  when  J.  Pierpont  Morgan  &  Co.  expended 
$25,000,000  for  the  purchase  of  $8,000,000  worth  of  tangible  prop- 
erty they  did  not  rely  upon  obtaining  any  extension  of  franchises 
from  the  city  of  Chicago  either  from  the  Democratic  administration 
or  myself.  They  must  have  relied  upon  the  platform  and  person- 
ality of  some  other  party  and  some  other  candidate. 

To  test  this  issue  as  between  the  Democratic  and  Republican 
parties  and  between  myself  and  my  distinguished  opponent,  I  now 
ask  him  to  declare,  as  the  representative  of  the  Republican  party, 
whether  or  not  he  is  in  favor  of  the  so-called  tentative  ordinance  as 
adopted  by  the  local  transportation  committee  of  the  city  council 
and  recommended  to  the  people  by  the  four  Republican  members 
of  that  committee,  Aldermen  Bennett,  Foreman,  Raymer  and 
Hunter,  three  of  whom  are  now  seeking  reelection  upon  the  same 
ticket  with  himself.  Let  him  squarely  answer  the  people  of  this 
city  whether  or  not,  if  elected,  he  will  be  in  favor  of  the  so-called 
tentative  ordinance  or  any  ordinance  of  like  character. 

One  word  more  and  I  have  done.  It  has  been  claimed  that 
municipal  ownership  would  increase  taxes,  should  the  city  take  over 
the  street  car  lines,  acquiring  a  full  ownership  of  them  by  the 
issuance  of  street  car  certificates.  It  would  not  cost  the  general 


DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  195 

taxpayers  of  Chicago  one  cent.  It  would  in  no  wise  increase  the 
tax  burdens  of  the  people  of  Chicago.  More  than  $5,000,000  have 
been  diverted  from  the  earnings  of  the  municipal  water  department 
to  pay  for  sewers.  In  this  way  the  general  taxes  of  the  people  have 
been  reduced  $5,000,000  by  reason  of  the  fact  that  the  city  has 
municipal  ownership  of  its  waterworks. 

The  cost  of  the  street  car  lines  acquired  under  municipal  owner- 
ship would  be  met  by  the  issuance  of  street  railway  certificates, 
which  would  be  a  burden  upon  the  street  car  lines  and  upon  noth- 
ing else  whatever.  It  never  could  in  any  possible  way  operate  to 
increase  the  taxes  of  the  people. 


196  DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 


FIRST  INAUGURAL  ADDRESS  AS 
MAYOR. 

To  THE  CHICAGO  CITY  COUNCIL,  APRIL,  1905. 

Gentlemen  of  the  City  Council: 

It  is  usual  to  deliver  what  is  called  an  inaugural  address  on 
these  occasions.  I  forbear  in  view  of  the  fact  that  my  inaugural 
has  been  framed  by  the  people  of  Chicago.  The  issues  crystallized 
in  the  platform  on  which  I  was  elected  is  the  policy  I  have  elected  to 
carry  out. 

I  shall  use  all  the  ability  and  industry  with  which  my  Maker 
has  endowed  me  to  carry  out  this  platform  of  the  city  of  Chicago. 
And  I  want  to  thank  you,  gentlemen,  for  the  disposition  you  have 
already  shown  to  aid  by  holding  up  my  hands. 

I  shall  try  to  act  with  the  same  impartiality  for  which  you 
have  just  commended  the  retiring  mayor.  If  I  shall  deserve  the 
same  vote  of  thanks  you  have  just  given  him,  and  if  I  succeed  in 
carrying  out  the  will  of  the  people  of  Chicago,  I  shall  retire  at  the 
end  of  my  two  years'  term  well  satisfied. 


DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  197 


CHICAGO'S  FIGHT  FOR  MUNICIPAL 
OWNERSHIP. 

ADDRESS  BEFORE  THE  NEW  YORK  MUNICIPAL  OWNERSHIP  LEAGUE, 

APRIL  7,  1905. 

Men  of  the  East :  we  bring  you  tidings  of  great  joy  from  the 
men  of  the  West.  The  exploitation  of  public  property  by  private 
capital,  with  its  attendant  greed,  extortion  and  corruption,  has 
had  its  day  in  American  cities,  but  that  day  is  about  to  end. 

Fully  half  a  century  ago,  the  citizens  of  Chicago  drove  from 
control  of  our  water  system  the  private  capitalists  who  were  then 
plundering  the  public.  Ten  years  ago  they  dislodged  the  coterie 
of  private  capitalists  who  were  exploiting  our  streets  for  the  sale 
of  electric  light  to  the  city.  Next  Monday,  Chicago  starts  upon 
her  mission  of  dislodging  private  capital  from  the  control  of  our 
street  car  system. 

She  has  succeeded  in  the  operation  of  her  waterworks  system 
in  paying  some  $38,000,000  for  the  equipment  of  that  plant,  has 
loaned  $5,000,000  from  that  department  to  the  sewer  system,  is 
today  giving  the  cheapest  water  of  probably  any  city  in  America 
and  has  a  cash  surplus  of  nearly  $1,000,000. 

She  has  so  managed  her  electric  light  plant  that  she  has  re- 
duced the  cost  of  arc  lamps  from  $125,  charged  by  private  com- 
panies to  the  city,  when  she  first  constructed  the  plant,  to  about 
$54  per  arc  lamp  per  annum.  She  is  operating  and  has  been 
operating  both  departments,  as  well  as  her  police,  fire  and  edu- 
cational departments,  without  scandal,  graft  or  corruption,  besides 
cheapening  the  cost  of  utilities  that  she  is  furnishing  to  the  public. 
She  will  have  the  same  record  of  success  in  relation  to  her  street 
car  system. 

You  men  of  New  York  may  surpass  us  in  wealth,  and,  it  may 
be,  in  culture,  but  Chicago,  in  our  judgment,  is  the  nerve  center 
of  America  and  the  leader  in  economic  thought  and  action. 

Chicago  is  the  only  city  in  America  that  has  declared  by  an 
overwhelming  majority  in  favor  of  the  municipalization  of  her 
street  car  system,  and  what  Chicago  wills  she  does. 

The  history  of  the  struggle  for  this  achievement  is  interest- 
ing. It  commenced  ten  years  ago.  Private  capitalists  who  had 
possession  of  our  streets  at  that  time,  not  content  with  the  fran- 


198  DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

chises  they  had  already  and  which  were  limited  by  law  to  twenty 
years,  went  to  the  State  Capitol,  and,  by  the  most  shameless  and 
notorious  corruption,  induced  the  Legislature  to  permit  the  grant 
of  fifty-year  franchises.  The  people  were  taken  unaware;  the 
law  was  passed  before  the  people  discovered  its  dangerous  fea- 
tures. But  the  public  spirit  of  Chicago  at  once  revolted  and 
before  the  private  capitalists,  who  were  then  in  possession  of  her 
streets,  could  have  an  ordinance  passed  in  the  city  council,  pur- 
suant to  the  terms  of  the  act  passed  by  the  Legislature,  the  people 
were  upon  their  feet  with  fire  in  their  eyes  and  determination  in 
their  faces. 

The  very  next  Legislature,  composed  of  men  who  were  largely 
the  same  men  that  composed  the  former  Legislature,  was  com- 
pelled to  repeal  this  infamous  law.  From  that  time  to  this,  the 
people  ol  Chicago  on  one  side  and  the  capitalists,  who  were  in 
charge  of  this  business  on  the  other,  have  been  in  a  life  and  death 
struggle  for  the  possession  of  our  streets. 

It  has  required  the  utmost  watchfulness  on  the  part  of  the 
people,  during  all  this  period,  to  prevent  the  passage  of  a  law 
or  ordinance  by  which  the  city  streets  would  have  been  locked 
up  for  another  period  of  twenty  years.  Only  last  August,  by  a 
combination  of  politicians  belonging  to  both  of  the  political  par- 
ties, an  arrangement  was  made  in  the  common  council,  by  which 
a  twenty-year  franchise  was  to  be  granted  to  the  present  traction 
companies;  but  at  the  call  of  a  few  public  spirited  citizens  and 
newspapers,  the  people  rolled  up  a  mighty  petition  of  protest, 
signed  by  134,000  men  of  Chicago.  This  protest  was  got  together 
inside  of  twenty  days  and  filed  with  the  election  commissioners, 
as  a  protest  against  the  continued  exploitation  of  the  streets  of 
Chicago  by  private  capital. 

During  the  election,  just  closed,  a  crafty  attempt  was  made 
by  the  private  capitalists,  in  control  of  Chicago  streets,  to  have 
the  platforms  of  both  parties  so  constructed  as  to  permit  the  pas- 
sage of  an  ordinance  extending  the  franchise  of  the  private  com- 
panies. The  candidates  were  to  be  selected  from  among  persons 
who  were  known  to  be  willing  to  grant  some  sort  of  extension  but 
this  design  having  become  apparent,  Judge  Murray  F.  Tuley.  the 
grand  old  man  of  Chicago,  one  of  the  most  disinterested  and  re 
spected  citizens  of  our  city,  issued  an  alarm  call  and  pointed  out 
lo  the  citizens  that  the  only  way  this  scheme  could  be  defeated 
would  be  to  unite  upon  someone  who  would  command  tho  con- 
fidence of  the  citizens  of  Chicago,  and  who  believed  in  the  munici- 
pal operation  of  public  utilities  as  against  private  franchise 
grants.  The  people  responded  enthusiastically  to  his  call  and  as 


DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  199 

the  result  of  a  chain  of  circumstances  that  choice  devolved  upon 
myself. 

The  citizens  of  Chicago  have  been  educated  up  to  the  fact 
that  a  municipality  can  operate  any  of  the  public  utilities  with 
much  greater  satisfaction  to  the  people  than  can  the  same  utili- 
ties be  operated  by  private  capitalists.  They  have  learned,  wher- 
ever a  city  in  any  portion  of  the  civilized  world  has  taken  over 
the  operation  of  its  waterworks,  gas  plant,  electric  light  plant  or 
street  railway  system,  that  in  every  case,  when  fairly  tried,  the 
cost  of  these  utilities  to  the  public  has  been  reduced,  the  wages  of 
the  men  who  operate  them  have  been  increased,  the  hours  have 
been  reduced  and  more  efficient  service  has  been  rendered. 

People  in  Chicago  know  that  gas  is  being  manufactured  by 
municipalities  in  Great  Britain  and  is  being  furnished  to  citizens 
for  about  one-half  the  rate  paid  in  Chicago.  They  know  that  gas 
is  sold  to  the  citizens  of  Glasgow,  Scotland,  for  instance,  for  52 
cents,  while  under  private  management  previously  the  charge 
was  a  dollar  per  thousand  feet. 

They  know  that  no  city  that  has  taken  over  its  street  car 
system  has  ever  reverted  to  private  ownership.  They  know  that 
all  over  America,  where  private  ownership  of  street  car  systems 
prevails,  the  charge  for  fare  is  5  cents,  while  in  Glasgow  1% 
cents  is  the  average  fare  paid.  In  Europe,  where  municipalities 
are  operating  street  car  systems,  the  fare  varies  from  2  to  3  cents 
per  ride. 

They  have  heard  discussed  all  the  objections  against  munici- 
pal ownership  in  America,  and  after  the  fullest  discussion  they 
find  that  these  objections  are  untenable  and  unfounded. 

It  may  be  wise  for  me  to  discuss  briefly  before  you  citizens 
of  New  York,  the  only  two  serious  objections  raised  during  the 
recent  struggle  in  Chicago  against  public  ownership  and  opera- 
tion of  public  utilities : 

First,  that  it  would  tend  to  build  up  a  great  political  machine. 
None  of  the  friends  of  municipal  ownership  in  Chicago  or  else- 
where advocates  the  ownership  and  operation  of  any  utility  by 
municipalities,  unless  in  connection  therewith  there  is  a  civil  ser- 
vice law  under  which  all  applicants  for  positions,  irrespective  of 
their  politics,  will  be  treated  exactly  alike  and  under  which  just 
and  reasonable  tests  will  be  applied  to  public  servants  to  ascer- 
tain their  fitness  to  perform  the  work  entailed  upon  them. 

We  have  such  a  law  in  the  city  of  Chicago,  under  which,  for 
several  years  past,  it  has  been  practically  impossible  for  any  man 
to  place  a  friend  upon  the  police  department,  fire  department,  or 
water  department. 


200  DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

Where  there  is  a  public  utility,  controlled  by  private  capital 
in  the  city  of  Chicago,  any  alderman  who  votes  "right"  has  an 
unlimited  field  in  which  he  can  anchor  his  political  henchmen. 

The  only  other  serious  objection,  urged  in  Chicago  against 
the  operation  by  the  public  of  its  own  utilities,  was  that  the  muni- 
cipality has  no  money.  That  cry  is  always  raised  everywhere, 
and  I  presume  it  will  be  raised  in  New  York  when  you  start,  as  I 
understand  you  have  under  contemplation  the  operation  of  your 
municipal  lighting  plant.  There  is  no  force  whatever  in  the 
objection.  The  operation  of  these  utilities,  either  by  public  or 
private  persons,  is  a  valuable  privilege.  They  can  only  be  op- 
erated by  permission  being  given  to  someone  to  use  the  public 
streets.  The  privilege  is  of  priceless  value,  and  when  any  public 
or  private  corporation  furnishes  light,  furnishes  power,  furnishes 
street  railway  transportation,  or  any  of  these  utilities  the  right 
to  use  the  streets  is  of  untold  wealth  to  these. 

We  in  Chicago  propose  to  raise  all  the  money  necessary  to 
purchase  an  up-to-date  street  car  system  upon  certificates  which 
are  special  or  limited  promises  to  pay  out  of  the  income  collected 
from  the  system.  They  are  not  general  promises  to  pay  which 
will  entail  taxation. 

Under  the  law  of  the  State  of  Illinois,  these  certificates  are 
termed  street  car  certificates.  They  should  more  properly  be 
called  income  bonds.  They  are  secured  under  our  law  in  three 
ways : 

First.  By  the  pledge  of  all  the  income  of  the  municipal  street 
railway  plant,  this  income  being  unlimited  as  to  time ;  in  other 
words,  when  the  city  of  Chicago  commences  the  operation  of  its 
street  car  system,  its  right  to  do  so  is  not  limited  to  twenty,  thirty, 
fifty  or  a  hundred  years  time ;  it  may  operate  until  the  crack  of 
doom,  and  all  its  receipts  in  perpetuity  from  this  source  are 
pledged  for  the  attainment  of  these  securities. 

Second.  These  certificates  are  secured,  under  our  law,  by  a 
mortgage,  which  mortgage  conveys  all  of  the  tangible  property 
in  the  transportation  department  of  the  city,  both  real,  personal 
and  mixed,  power  houses,  railway  tracks,  sprinkling  carts,  and 
every  kind  of  property  used  in  the  transportation  department. 

Third.  These  certificates  are  secured  by  twenty-year  franchise ; 
in  other  words,  there  is  a  provision  in  the  law,  under  which,  if 
default  be  made  in  the  payment  of  street  car  certificates,  or  of 
interest  thereon,  for  the  period  of  one  year,  then  in  that  case  the 
holders  of  the  certificates  may  apply  to  a  court  of  chancery  to 
foreclose  all  of  the  tangible  property  used  by  the  city  in  its  trans- 
portation department,  and,  at  the  foreclosure  sale,  there  shall  be 
knocked  down  to  the  bidder,  the  franchise  commencing  to  run 


DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  201 

upon  the  date  when  the  purchaser  buys  the  property,  and  run- 
ning twenty  years  thereafter. 

Private  companies  in  the  past  have  been  able  to  sell  stocks 
and  bonds  aggregating  in  value  $117,000,000,  when  their  tangible 
property  was  worth  less  than  $27,000,000.  If  they  could  raise 
four  times  the  value  of  the  tangible  property  upon  an  expiring 
franchise,  can  any  sensible  man  for  a  moment  hesitate  as  to  what 
amount  of  money  the  city  of  Chicago  can  raise  upon  the  security 
hereinbefore  mentioned  ? 

I  have  no  hesitation  in  predicting  that,  if  these  street  car  cer 
tificates,  secured  in  this  manner,  are  offered  upon  the  financial 
market,  the  financial  syndicates  of  this  Nation  will  be  tumbling 
over  each  other  to  get  possession  of  these  securities,  and  even  if 
the  financial  powers  should  be  combined  together  to  discredit 
them,  the  citizens  of  Chicago  have  three  or  four  times  as  much 
money  as  may  be  necessary  to  purchase,  reequip  and  modernize 
all  the  plants  of  their  city,  deposited  in  the  savings  banks  of  the 
city  of  Chicago,  drawing  three  per  cent  interest  and  having  no 
other  security  than  their  faith  and  the  credit  of  the  banks. 

These  savings  banks  depositors,  if  they  are  offered  these 
street  car  certificates,  secured  as  I  have  detailed,  will  be  very  glad 
to  take  their  moneys  from  the  savings  bank,  where  they  are  ob- 
taining only  three  per  cent,  and  invest  them  in  street  car  certi- 
ficates, signed  by  the  mayor  and  comptroller  of  the  city  of  Chicago 
and  secured  by  a  mortgage  and  a  twenty-year  franchise. 

As  to  the  legality  of  these  certificates,  in  my  judgment,  there 
is  no  possible  doubt.  Some  of  the  best  lawyers  of  the  city  of 
Chicago  have  already  declared  in  favor  of  their  validity,  and  we 
can  have  a  test  case  made  which  will  reach  the  Supreme  Court  of 
the  State  inside  of  three  or  four  months  which  will  forever  set 
at  rest  the  question  of  legality. 

The  operation  of  public  utilities-  by  municipalities  is  no  un- 
tried theory.  It  is  in  practical  operation,  as  to  street  cars,  in 
146  great  cities  in  Great  Britain,  in  Berlin,  in  Vienna,  in  Buda- 
pest, in  Paris,  in  the  cities  of  Belgium  and  Switzerland,  and  in  the 
cities  of  Australia. 

Where  it  has  been  put  in  operation  with  reference  to  street 
cars  it  has  brought  about  these  results: 

First.     The  reduction  of  the  street  railway  fares. 

Second.  The  increase  of  the  wages  paid  to  the  laborers  em- 
ployed in  the  department. 

»      Third.     The  reduction  of  working  hours. 
Fourth.     Increased  efficiency  in  the  service  accorded  to  the 
public. 


202  DUNNE-T-JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

Fifth.  The  abolition  of  strikes.  Where  cities  run  their  own 
street  cars  no  strikes  result.  It  is  like  the  operation  of  the 
police  and  fire  departments  in  your  city.  Have  you  ever  heard  of 
a  strike  among  policemen  or  among  firemen?  They  don't  strike, 
because,  if  they  have  well  founded  grievances,  the  public  is  rea- 
sonable enough,  through  its  constituted  authorities,  to  remove 
these  grievances.  If  these  grievances  are  ill  founded,  public  senti- 
ment is  against  them  and  there  is  no  strike.  Municipalities  enter 
upon  these  undertakings,  not  for  the  sole  purpose  of  making 
money,  but  for  the  purpose  of  giving  good  service  to  their  citizens 
and  good  treatment  towards  their  employes. 

Sixth.  Wherever  a  municipality  has  taken  over  a  public  utility, 
as  to  this  utility,  corruption  and  bribery  cease.  There  is  no 
motive  for  the  corruption  of  an  alderman  in  case  of  a  utility  oper- 
ated by  the  public. 

The  operation  of  public  utilities  by  private  capitalists  has  been 
the  source  of  all  the  scandal,  corruption  and  disgrace,  which  have 
fallen  upon  the  Legislatures  and  common  councils  of  the  State  of 
Illinois.  If  these  results  have  been  secured  in  the  cities  of  Europe 
and  Australia,  why  cannot  they  be  secured  in  the  cities  of  New 
York  and  Chicago  and  the  other  cities  of  America? 

The  citizens  of  this  country  are  just  as  honest,  just  as  capa- 
ble, just  as  well  educated  and  just  as  safe  to  be  trusted  with  the 
management  of  their  own  utilities  as  the  citizens  of  those  coun- 
tries. The  men  or  party  who  charge  the  citizens  of  Chicago  or 
of  New  York  with  being  so  inefficient,  incapable  or  dishonest  as 
to  be  unable  to  own  and  operate  their  own  utilities,  frame  an 
indictment  against  the  citizens  of  these  communities  which  our 
people  will  answer  at  the  polls  with  a  verdict  of  "not  guilty". 

The  movement  in  favor  of  municipal  ownership  of  all  public 
utilities  has  taken  deep  root  among  intelligent  people  of  this 
country.  It  is  no  passing  sentiment.  It  is  here  to  stay.  Munici- 
pal ownership  and  operation  of  these  utilities  and  governmental 
ownership  of  the  railroads,  telegraphs  and  express  transportation 
is  a  practical  question  upon  which  the  people  must  pass  within  a 
very  short  time.  And  the  politicians  and  parties  who  ignore  this 
sentiment  must  be  prepared  for  a  short  lived  career  before  the 
people. 

We  in  Chicago  have  no  fear  as  to  the  results  of  municipal 
ownership.  We  are  confident  that  the  will  of  the  people  can  be 
carried  into  effect  and  that,  too,  without  the  imposition  of  a 
single  dollar's  worth  of  taxes,  and  we  say  to  you  men  of  New 
York  that  you  can,  by  the  exercise  of  the  s#me  determination, 
bring  about  municipal  ownership  in  your  city  of  any  public  utility 


DUNNE JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  203 

that  you  may  desire  furnished  by  the  people  of  your  city  without 
an  increase  of  taxation  upon  your  citizens. 

I  congratulate  the  Municipal  Ownership  Association  of  New 
York  and  the  men  who  now  surround  me  upon  this  stage  and  in 
this  audience  upon  being  pioneers  in  this  movement  in  the  city  of 
New  York,  and  I  hope  that  as  great  success  will  attend  your 
efforts  as  have  attended  the  efforts  of  the  people  of  Chicago.  I 
do  not  doubt  that  the  men  of  New  York  can  and  will  move  for- 
ward in  the  same  way  as  the  people  of  Chicago.  I  feel  assured 
of  this  when  I  see  the  movement  here  has  enlisted  in  its  ranks 
such  men  as  J.  G.  Phelps  Stokes,  Judge  Samuel  Seabury,  Thomas 
Gilleran,  C.  A.  Habiland,  Nelson  G.  Palliser,  Judge  Palmeri  and 
the  distinguished  journalist,  Congressman  "William  Randolph 
Hearst,  without  whose  services  to  the  people  of  Chicago  in  this 
fight  we  could  not  have  achieved  such  early  success. 

I  may  be  pardoned  for  uttering  a  word  of  advice  to  the  people 
of  New  York.  I  would  urge  upon  you  to  go  forward  unhesitat- 
ingly and  without  deviation  from  the  course  marked  out  for  your 
civic  progress  by  the  splendid  organization  that  called  together 
this  evening  this  magnificent  assemblage  of  the  citizenry  of  New 
York. 


204  DUNNE JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 


UPON  A  SHARP  REVERSAL  OF  PUBLIC 

POSITION. 

ADDRESS  AT  JEFFERSON  DAY  BANQUET,  CHICAGO,  APRIL  14,  1905. 

Mr.  Toastmaster  and  Gentlemen: 

In  the  November  election,  President  Roosevelt  received  in  the 
city  of  Chicago  a  plurality  of  nearly  110,000  votes.  Five  months 
thereafter  a  Democratic  candidate  for  mayor  carried  the  city  by 
nearly  25,000  plurality.  This  wonderful  change  in  public  sentiment 
within  so  short  a  time  is  pregnant  with  importance. 

In  the  Presidential  election,  the  personality  of  the  candidates 
had  much  to  do  with  influencing  the  popular  vote.  In  the  mayor- 
alty election  the  personality  of  the  candidates  may  have  had  some- 
thing to  do  with  the  popular  vote.  But  above  the  personalities  and 
far  beyond  them  were  the  principles  involved,  as  no  such  change 
could  have  been  brought  about  by  the  mere  personalities  of  the 
candidates. 

President  Roosevelt  carried-  the  city  of  Chicago  because  the 
people  of  this  city  believed  that  the  platform  upon  which  his  oppo- 
nent stood  was  a  mere  string  of  meaningless  phrases  and  because 
they  further  believed  that  the  Democratic  party  last  fall  was  not 
standing  for  principles  enunciated  for  the  real  benefit  of  the  people. 
On  the  contrary,  the  people  of  this  community  on  the  4th  of  April 
believed  that  the  Democratic  party  had  framed  a  platform  which 
stood  for  principles  and  that  those  principles  did  affect  and  con- 
cerned materially  the  interests  of  the  citizens  of  Chicago. 

The  Democratic  party  won  in  the  spring  election,  because  its 
platform  plainly,  clearly  and  truthfully  declared  for  principles 
which  were  for  the  best  interests  of  the  people.  It  lost  last  fall, 
because  its  platform  was  a  compromise  and  because  the  people  be- 
lieved that  it  dealt  in  platitudes  rather  than  principles. 

The  results  of  these  two  elections  should  teach  the  lesson  to 
the  men  who  stand  high  in  the  councils  of  Democracy  that  evasion, 
insincerity  and  retrogression  should  have  no  place  in  the  plat- 
forms of  the  Democratic  party.  The  party  must  take  and  hold 
to  advanced  positions.  It  must  keep  pace  with  the  march  of 
events.  It  must  declare  against  monopoly  in  any  and  all  forms, 
against  special  privilege  in  every  guise. 


DUNNE JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  205 

Jefferson,  in  his  lifetime,  stood  for  equal  rights  to  all  and 
special  privileges  to  none,  and,  if  Jefferson  were  in  the  flesh  today, 
he  would  be  standing  against  special  privileges  given  to  great  cor- 
porations whose  money  is  contributed  by  private  capitalists  that 
have  seized  and  taken  possession  of  the  railroads,  the  telegraph 
and  the  express  transportation  of  the  Nation,  of  the  telephones, 
electric  light  plants,  waterworks,  gas  plants  and  street  car  systems 
of  our  cities. 

Private  corporations  have  seized  and  taken  possession  of  these 
means  of  transportation  and  the  conveyance  of  information,  light, 
and  power,  all  of  them  monopolies  requiring  the  use  of  public  prop- 
erty. By  possession  of  these  monopolies  they  have  been  despoiling,- 
and  plundering  the  people  of  this  country. 

The  people  have  at  last  awoke  to  the  fact  that  such  monopolies' 
are  unfair,  iniquitous  and  dangerous  to  the  Republic.  And  the  blow 
struck  in  Chicago  will  be  followed  by  blows  of  like  character 
throughout  the  cities  of  the  United  States.  It  will  also  be  followed, 
in  my  humble  judgment,  if  the  Democratic  party  is  wise  and  pru- 
dent and  incorporates  in  its  next  platform  a  ringing  declaration  in 
favor  of  Government  ownership  of  interstate  railroads,  telegraphs 
and  express  transportation,  by  a  decisive  victory  in  favor  of  the 
common  people  of  this  country. 

Aggressive  Democracy  is  in  the  saddle  and,  if  it  remains  ag- 
gressive, it  will  carry  the  country.  If  the  Democratic  platform 
contains  one  plank  in  favor  of  Government  ownership  of  interstate 
railroads,  telegraphs  and  express  companies,  and  another  in  favor 
of  the  abolition  of  the  protective  tariff,  I  have  no  doubt  but  that  it 
will  win. 

If  the  protective  tariff  be  abolished  and  the  Government  takes 
possession  of  the  means  of  transportation  of  conveyance,  of  freight, 
express  packages,  and  information,  every  dangerous  trust  in  Amer- 
ica will  die  a  natural  death  in  five  years. 


206  DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 


THE   STORY   OF  THE   STREET   CAR 
COMPANIES  OF  CHICAGO. 

INTERVIEW  WITH  J.  J.  MCAULIFFE,  ST.  Louis  POST-DISPATCH, 
APRIL  15,  1905. 

"Now  that  the  fight  for  municipal  ownership  has  been  won, 
how  will  you  proceed  to  get  control  of  Chicago's  great  street  car 
system  ? ' ' 

Elected  on  a  platform  committed  to  the  immediate  carrying  out 
of  this  idea — an  idea,  by  the  way,  which  contemplates  turning  a 
private  monopoly  of  $117,000,000  capital  into  an  asset  of  the 
people — Judge  Edward  F.  Dunne,  new  mayor  of  Chicago,  pondered 
the  question  a  moment  and  then  calmly  and  with  characteristic 
simplicity  answered : 

' '  Chicago  will  go  about  this  matter  just  as  would  an  individual, 
seeking  to  recover  his  own  property,  which  for  some  reason  or  other 
has  temporarily  gotten  beyond  his  possession. 

' '  But  there  is  this  difference :  The  municipality,  the  State  and 
the  Government  of  the  Nation  itself  can  go  further  than  the  pri- 
vate claimant. 

"At  the  1903  session  of  the  Illinois  General  Assembly,  the 
people  succeeded,  in  spite  of  open  opposition  and  secret  intrigue, 
in  spite  of  the  plotting  of  boodlers  and  the  scheming  of  traction 
interests,  in  having  a  bill  passed,  under  the  terms  of  which,  for  the 
first  time  in  the  history  of  this  State,  municipalities  were  empowered 
to  own  and  operate  street  cars.  This  bill  is  popularly  known  as  the 
Mueller  bill. 

"This  bill  having  been  approved  by  the  voters  of  Chicago,  it 
enables  the  city  to  acquire  street  car  systems  by  the  institution  of 
condemnation  proceedings. 

"In  other  words,  it  empowers  the  city  which  desires  to  own 
and  operate  public  utilities  to  condemn  the  property  and  fran- 
chises of  public  utilities  and  under  the  right  of  '  eminent  domain ' 
hale  them  into  court  and  compel  them  to  surrender  their  property 
at  its  true  cash  value. 

' '  Such  is  the  plan,  by  which  Chicago  cannot  fail  to  come  into 
possession,  not  only  of  her  street  railway  lines,  but  eventually, 
of  all  telephone,  electric  light  and  gas  companies  and  other  utili- 
ties of  a  semi-public  nature. 


DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  207 

"The  problem,"  continued  Judge  Dunne,  wheeling  in  his 
chair,  and  stopping  to  sign  a  fresh  batch  of  letters,  acknowledg- 
ing congratulatory  messages,  of  which  he  has  received  thousands 
from  all  parts  of  the  United  States  and  many  from  the  other 
side  of  the  ocean  on  his  victory  of  April  4,  "is  simplicity  itself. 

"The  details,  of  course,  are  intricate  and  necessarily  will 
require  some  time  to  be  worked  to  perfection. 

"But  success  is  bound  to  be  realized.  There  never  was  a 
contest  waged  by  an  earnest  people  that  the  people  did  not  win. ' ' 

The  telephone  rang  and  the  mayor  leaned  over  his  desk  to 
answer  it. 

When  he  had  gotten  back  into  a  comfortable  position,  the 
door  leading  from  the  general  reception  room  opened  and  three 
aldermen  entered.  The  mayor  welcomed  them  cordially. 

Most  of  the  assemblymen  are  in  sympathy  with  the  admin- 
istration public  ownership  plans,  a  striking  contrast  to  conditions 
here  a  few  years  ago,  when  8,000  citizens  marched  with  ropes  to 
the  city  hall  to  lynch  a  faithless  lot  of  public  servants  who  threat- 
ened to  pass  over  Mayor  Harrison's  veto  a  fifty-year  street  car 
franchise  bill. 

"You  will  take  your  first  step  when?" 

"That  has  already  been  done,"  responded  the  mayor.  "En- 
gineers are  now  at  work  drawing  up  plans  for  a  complete  mu- 
nicipal street  car  system.  When  these  are  completed  we  will  ad- 
vertise for  bids  on  construction  and  road  equipment. 

"Most  of  the  present  companies  are  depending  upon  an  old 
legislative  grant,  known  as  'the  99  year  act,'  passed  by  the  Legis- 
lature in  1865,  to  sustain  the  right  of  their  contention  to  do  busi- 
ness at  the  old  stand.  The  city  challenges  this  claim.  The 
Federal  Court,  where  receivership  proceedings  are  pending,  has 
decided  this  act  is  constitutional,  but  has  so  far  held  that  it  ap- 
plies only  to  a  small  part  of  the  Union  Traction  Company. 

"Until  the  courts  fully  and  permanently  dispose  of  that 
question,  we  will  not  attempt  to  say  that  the  franchises  affected 
have  expired. 

"What  we  will  do  is  this,"  and  the  mayor  slapped  his  knee 
with  his  hand  to  emphasize  the  remark,  "is  to  begin  operations 
where  we  are  certain  there  will  be  no  obstacles  thrown  in  our 
way. 

"There  is  no  doubt  of  the  expiration  of  the  franchise  on 
the  Adams  Street  line  and  the  absolute  right  of  Chicago  to  take  it 
out  of  the  hands  of  the  present  management. 

"This  line  begins  at  State  and  Adams  Streets,  in  the  heart 
of  the  business  section,  and  extends  westwardly,  intersecting  the 
city  from  the  east  and  west,  a  distance  of  about  eight  miles. 


208  DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

"We  will  use  this  right-of-way  for  a  trunk  line  and  build 
to  it  with  branches  from  the  north  and  south  side  of  the  city.  In 
some  cases  we  will  parallel  the  old  companies,  which  we  expect 
will  be  willing  to  agree  on  terms  of  sale  before  their  new  com- 
petitor is  able  to  get  in  the  field." 

The  Adams  Street  line,  which  is  a  part  of  the  Chicago  Street 
Hailway  Company,  the  only  solvent  street  car  corporation  here, 
is  almost  identical  in  length  and  locality  with  the  St.  Louis 
Easton  line. 

The  Easton  line  runs  from  Fourth  Street  directly  west  to  the 
city  limits,  through  a  thickly  populated  district.  It  could  be 
made  the  basis  for  terminal  lines  to  north  and  south  St.  Louis, 
as  it  is  virtually  now,  at  Jefferson  Avenue,  Grand  Avenue,  Eigh- 
teenth Street,  Vandeventer  Avenue,  Taylor  Avenue,  Sixth  Street, 
Fourth  Street,  Broadway  and  other  intersecting  transfer  points. 
In  like  manner  the  Adams  Street  line  is  crossed  by  others  oper- 
ating to  the  extreme  north  and  south  side  of  Chicago.  For  the 
most  part  the  franchises  governing  these  branch  lines  are  now  in 
litigation. 

"When  our  experts  have  figured  out  the  total  cost  of  the 
enterprise,  and  we  think  we  will  be  able  to  show  that  street  car 
building  is  comparatively  cheap,"  said  the  mayor,  "we  will  sub- 
mit our  plans  and  specifications  to  the  people  at  the  election  next 
November. 

"Under  the  law  they  will  require  for  ratification  a  three- 
fifths  vote,  but  there  will  be  no  trouble  about  this.  The  people 
have  already  decided  by  an  overwhelming  vote  what  they  want 
and  they  will  not  be  patient  until  they  own  their  own  public 
utilities. ' ' 

In  speech,  in  manner,  in  dress  and  in  action  Judge  Dunne — 
he  prefers  the  old  title  of  judge,  which  has  clung  to  him  so  long, 
to  that  of  mayor — is  every  inch  a  Democrat. 

I  was  impressed  with  his  earnestness,  just  as  I  was  convinced 
that  his  makeup  is  free  from  taint  of  demagogy. 

He  is  not  a  theorist,  not  a  millenium  dreamer,  not  a  self- 
conscious  reformer,  but  a  man  of  heart,  of  brain,  of  courage,  of 
conviction  and  resolution. 

He  was  not  prepared  for  my  interview,  but  he  took  up  each 
question  and  answered  it  more  readily  than  the  ordinary  man, 
who  usually  asks  time  to  "think  it  over." 

It  was  my  good  fortune  to  see  the  mayor  in  the  role  of  peace- 
maker between  labor  and  capital. 

He  was  seated  at  his  desk  and  around  him  were  gathered 
the  representatives  of  Chicago's  tremendous  and  diversified 
interests. 


DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  209 

The  twelve  men  stood  before  Chicago's  mayor,  asking  him  to 
use  his  good  offices  to  settle  a  strike  of  teamsters,  which  arose 
from  differences  between  the  firm  of  Montgomery  Ward  &  Co. 
and  its  employes,  over  the  question  of  the  former  employing  non- 
union labor  in  a  certain  department.  The  men  possessed  nearly 
one  billion  dollars  of  this  world 's  goods. 

On  the  other  hand  was  a  labor  union  with  no  funds  and 
nothing  save  the  brawn  and  skill  of  its  members  to  float  its 
fortunes. 

Earlier  in  the  day  Judge  Dunne  had  heard  labor 's  side. 

"We  will  consent  to  have  you  appoint  an  arbitrator  to  settle 
the  differences,"  they  told  the  Mayor.  At  the  last  conference 
Montgomery  Ward  &  Co.  were  not  represented. 

But  a  sympathetic  walk-out  was  threatened  and  the  men  of 
millions  had  come  to  the  mayor  to  seek  a  way  out  of  the  impend- 
ing trouble. 

"I  think  the  best  solution  of  this  whole  thing,  gentlemen," 
said  the  executive,  "is  for  you  gentlemen  to  exercise  what  influ- 
ence you  can  on  Montgomery  Ward  &  Co.  That  is  where  the 
trouble  originated." 

But  the  employers  couldn't  see  things  this  way.  They  in- 
sisted they  had  no  right  to  interfere  in  the  other  strike  at  all; 
they  were  merely  looking  out  for  their  own  interests  and 
thought  the  mayor  should  intervene  to  prevent  a  strike. 

"I  can  not  do  that.  Strikes  are  legal.  Men  can  stop  work 
whenever  they  want." 

"But  these  men  are  unjust  in  their  demands,"  said  the  repre- 
sentative of  Marshall  Field  &  Co. 

"And  so  the  union  men  say  of  you,  gentlemen,"  persisted 
Judge  Dunne. 

"Peace  and  good  order  will  be  preserved,  but  that  is  as  far 
as  I  can  legally  go. 

"If  one  of  you  lived  next  door  to  a  neighbor  who  was  con- 
tinually quarreling  with  his  wife,  and  that  quarrel  extended  to 
your  own  premises  and  threatened  to  embroil  the  neighborhood, 
wouldn  't  you  try  to  have  it  stopped  ? 

"The  situation  so  far  as  Montgomery  Ward  &  Co.  is  con- 
cerned, is  an  exact  parallel." 

Through  the  interview  the  best  of  good  feeling  prevailed  and 
the  Dunne  wit  put  the  employers  in  fine  humor.  When  finally 

they  left  it  was  with  the  assurance  they  would  do  all  they  could 
to  induce  the  firm  mostly  affected  by  the  strike  to  consent  to 
arbitration. 

Judge  Dunne  is  51  years  old.    He  is  a  native  of  Connecticut, 
the  new  executive  of  the  second  city  of  America,  the  unruffled 


210  DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

judicial  temperament  is  pleasantly  harmonized  by  a  disposition 
that  seems  to  get  all  the  joy  there  is  out  of  life. 

The  breadth  of  his  intellectual  preception  is  measured  by  his 
eminent  record  as  a  jurist,  his  public  addresses  on  economic  prob- 
lems and  his  fine  grasp  of  municipal  affairs. 

His  nearness  to  the  heart  of  the  people  is  certified  by  the 
fact  that,  in  every  election,  from  the  time  he  made  his  first  race 
for  circuit  judge  of  Cook  County,  thirteen  years  ago,  down  to  the 
mayorality  election,  when  he  defeated  his  Republican  opponent, 
John  M.  Harlan,  son  of  the  United  States  Supreme  Court  Justice, 
he  has  run  ahead  of  his  associates  on  the  Democratic  ticket. 

There  is  something  imposing  in  the  Dunne  face.  It  is  at  once 
an  expression  of  gentleness  and  determination.  The  head  is 
square,  almost  perfectly  so,  and  sets  well  on  broad,  muscular  ap- 
pearing shoulders.  An  almost  ruddy  complexion  is  matched  by 
light  brown  penetrating  eyes. 

Judge  Dunne's  usual  garb  is  a  black  frock  coat,  in  no  sense 
a  sartorial  masterpiece. 

Instead  of  the  conventional  black  tie  of  the  statesman  or 
jurist,  he  sports  a  wine-colored  affair  that  is  made  into  a  neat  bow. 
Just  below  is  a  small  stone  that  illuminates  a  wide  expanse  of 
shirt  bosom. 

The  ambition  and  pride  of  Chicago's  new  mayor  may  be 
gauged  from  the  half  serious,  half  joking  remark  made  to  a  friend 
the  other  day  after  the  election : 

"When  I  die,"  said  the  judge,  "I  want  this  inscription 
placed  on  my  tombstone : 

"  'Here  lies  the  remains  of  Edward  F.  Dunne,  the  father  of 
thirteen  children  and  Municipal  Ownership. 

"  'May  he  rest  in  peace.'  ' 

In  discussing  the  future  of  municipal  ownership,  Mayor 
Dunne  declared  that  sooner  or  later  it  would  prevail  in  every 
large  city  of  the  Union. 

"What  is  true  of  Chicago,"  said  he,  "is  true  of  all  other 
cities.  The  principal  street  car  companies  in  Chicago  are  capital- 
ized and  bonded  for  $117,000,000.  The  value  of  their  tangible 
property  is  much  less  than  $27,000,000.  They  occupy  nearly  800 
miles  of  city  streets,  covering  an  area  of  68  square  miles.  Until 
recently  they  have  been  paying  dividends  on  their  total  bonds 
and  capitalization. 

"From  this,  it  is  apparent  they  have  forced  the  citizens  of 
Chicago  to  pay  them  5  per  cent  dividends  on  $90,000,000  of  stock, 
which  has  no  tangible  property  behind  it,  and  which  has  not  been 
invested  in  the  railroads,  but  which  is  the  value  placed  by  these 


DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  211 

companies  upon  the  charters  given  to  them  by  the  very  people 
out  of  whom  they  are  squeezing  their  extortionate  income. 

"A  consideration  of  this  state  of  facts  must  convince  the 
most  skeptical  person,  the  private  companies  that  are  furnishing 
water,  gas,  electric  light  and  street  railway  transportation,  both 
in  this  country  and  Europe,  are  charging  exorbitant  prices  for 
these  commodities  and  much  more  than  is  charged  for  them  by 
publicly  owned  companies. 

' '  This  cannot  be  the  result  of  mismanagement  by  private  com- 
panies and  efficient  management  by  public  companies,  for  it  has 
always  been  claimed,  and  I  think  it  will  be  conceded  even  by  ad- 
vocates of  public  ownership,  that  the  wages  paid  by  publicly 
owned  companies  are  always  higher  than  those  paid  by  private 
companies,  and  that  the  publicly  owned  companies  are  not  man- 
aged with  the  same  stringent  economy  that  is  characteristic  of 
private  ownership,  where  every  attention  is  paid,  even  to  the 
minutest  detail,  in  order  to  decrease  the  cost  of  production. 

"Private  companies  in  their  anxiety  to  swell  the  dividends 
of  their  stockholders  and  to  provide  for  further  issues  of 
'watered'  stock  charge  the  public  more  than  is  reasonably  neces- 
sary for  the  pecuniary  success  of  these  enterprises,  and  what  they 
charge  is  extortion  pure  and  simple. 

"The  interest  of  public  companies  is  mainly  to  furnish  the 
utilities  to  the  public  as  cheaply  and  efficiently  as  possible,  con- 
sistent with  successful  management  of  the  enterprise.  The  spirit 
which  actuates  them  is  the  public  good,  while  private  corporations 
are  run  solely  for  private  gain.  The  motive  controlling  the  one 
is  selfishness;  that  which  actuates  the  public  companies  unsel* 
fishness. ' ' 

"How  will  the  proposed  municipal  enterprise  be  financed  by 
Chicago?"  I  asked  Judge  Dunne. 

"That  will  be  very  easily  done  and  without  costing  the  citi- 
zens a  dollar.  We  will  be  able  to  get  all  the  money  we  need  and 
our  security  will  consist  of  tangible  property — that  is,  the  prop- 
erty of  the  street  railroad  itself. 

' '  Under  the  terms  of  the  Mueller  bill,  the  city  of  Chicago  can 
issue  certificates,  payable  only  out  of  the  prospective  receipts  of 
the  street  car  companies  and  the  property  acquired,  which  will 
bear  interest  at  the  rate  of  5  or  6  per  cent  a  year. 

"It  is  true  Chicago  is  now  indebted  to  its  constitutional 
limit  and  there  are  no  funds  available  in  the  public  treasury. 
But  there  is  no  force  in  the  contention  that  this  would  prevent 
our  putting  into  effect  municipal  ownership  on  a  practical,  safe, 
conservative  basis. 


212  DUNNE JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

"By  agreeing  to  turn  over  to  contractors  or  lending  com- 
.  panics  the  prospective  income  from  a  street  car  system  to  be 
erected,  until  the  contract  price  for  the  construction  of  it  is  paid, 
with  6  per  cent  interest  thereon,  we  can  readily  negotiate  loans; 
in  fact,  I  have  no  hesitation  in  saying  that,  if  the  present  street 
car  companies  were  offered  a  satisfactory  price,  they  would  wil- 
lingly accept  street  car  fares  at  present  rates  as  security  for  the 
purchase  price.  They  may  deny  it  now,  but  mark  my  prediction, 
they  will  offer  to  do  so  before  the  street  car  problem  is  settled  in 
this  city. 

"Why  do  I  make  this  assertion  with  such  confidence? 

"First.  Because  such  a  pledge  of  prospective  receipts  would 
be  essentially  the  same,  or  better  security  than  has  enabled  them 
in  the  past  to  bond  and  stock  their  companies  on  the  stock  ex- 
changes for  four  times  their  intrinsic  value. 

"Second.  The  different  traction  companies  in  this  city  in 
negotiating  their  stocks  and  bonds,  have  given  no  outside  se- 
curities. 

"The  names  of  these  companies  and  these  alone  are  signed 
to  their  bonds  and  stocks.  Hence  only  the  property  of  these 
companies  is  liable  for  the  payment  of  these  obligations.  What 
does  the  property  consist  of?  Their  tangible  property,  worth 
only  one-fourth  of  the  aggregate  of  these  liabilities  and  their 
franchises  which  at  no  time  extend  beyond  20  years. 

"If  four  times  the  value  of  the  tangible  property  has  been 
raised  in  Chicago  within  the  last  few  years  by  private  street  car 
companies,  which  can  only  pledge  these  receipts  for  less  than 
twenty  years,  can  it  be  seriously  contended  that  one-half  of  that 
amount,  which  will  be  more  than  adequate  for  all  purposes,  can- 
not be  raised  by  the  city  upon  a  pledge  of  the  same  tangible  prop- 
erty and  a  pledge  of  the  receipts  unlimited  in  time. 

"This  was  done  in  the  city  of  Glasgow,  which  pledged  for 
the  payment  of  the  purchase  price  of  its  gas  works,  the  plant  and 
its  receipts  and  guaranteed  that  each  house  renting  for  one  pound 
sterling  (about  $5  of  our  money)  would  pay,  as  gas  rent,  six 
pence,  or  in  American  money,  each  house  renting  for  $40  a  month 
would  pay  a  gas  bill  of  $1. 

"If  the  conservative  and  canny  Scot  is  satisfied  with  such 
security  why  not  the  more  conservative  American  financier? 

"In  case  the  99-year  act  was  held  to  be  constitutional  in  its 
entirety  could  the  city  of  Chicago  even  then  institute  condem- 
nation proceedings  to  force  the  old  companies  to  sell  out  ? 

"We  shall  do  nothing  that  will  impair  contracts  or  that  the 
law  does  not  give  us  the  right  to  do.  The  validity  of  the  99-year 
act  will  be  thoroughly  tested.  I  doubt  if  it  applies  to  but  few  lines 
of  the  Union  Traction  Company. 


DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  213 

"  Notwithstanding  the  right  of  the  companies  to  operate  under 
the  99-year  act  Chicago  has  already  secured  an  entering  wedge  by 
getting  possession  of  the  Adams  Street  line,  which  intersects  the 
heart  of  Chicago  almost  from  the  lake  front  to  the  city  limits. 

"Having  established  this  line,  what  is  to  prevent  us  from  en- 
tering into  direct  competition  with  the  old  companies.  We  can  go 
where  they  go.  We  can  build  where  they  build.  We  can  command 
public  patronage  where  they  cannot.  Even  though  the  purse  strings 
of  the  banks  and  moneyed  interest  were  shut  tight  on  us,  there 
would  still  be  left  $600,000,000  of  the  people 's  cash,  now  on  deposit 
in  the  safe  deposit  companies  and  banks  of  Chicago. 

"We  could  easily  fall  back  on  the  people  and  get  from  them 
the  necessary  funds  to  go  ahead  with  the  municipal  system.  But 
these  things  will  not  be  necessary.  Men  like  J.  Pierpont  Morgan, 
who  are  back  of  the  present  corporations,  know  when  they  are 
whipped.  They  know  when  to  cry  'enough.'  They  will  not  wait 
until  the  city  forces  them  through  competition  to  knock  at  the  city 's 
door  for  a  settlement." 

' '  How  long  will  it  actually  take,  barring  unlocked  for  obstacles, 
to  construct  a  street  car  system?" 

"It  may  be  done  in  one  year  and  it  may  take  two.  It  is  pos- 
sible the  fight  will  not  be  finished  then.  We  may  have  to  go  to  the 
Legislature  for  more  legislation.  If  the  Mueller  law,  of  which  we 
will  make  a  test  case  in  a  very  few  months,  is  declared  unconstitu- 
tional, we  shall  ask  the  Governor  to  call  a  special  assembly  to  enact 
a  new  one  or  amend  the  defects  of  the  old." 

I  reminded  the  mayor  that  the  chief  objection  to  the  city  own- 
ing the  street  cars  was  that  it  would  result  in  the  upbuilding  of  a 
great  political  machine. 

' '  That  is  not  true, ' '  he  said,  firmly.  ' '  The  friends  of  municipal 
ownership  are  the  friends  of  civil  service. 

"If  the  street  car  enterprise  were  to  be  operated  independent 
of  the  merit  system  then  such  an  objection  would  have  considerable 
force. 

"Every  ordinance  providing  for  municipal  ownership  shall 
contain  rigid  civil  service  provisions.  No  conductor,  motorman  or 
mechanic,  clerk  or  other  employe  will  be  granted  employment  with- 
out first  having  rendered  himself  eligible  by  passing  the  civil  serv- 
ice examination.  The  board  of  examiners  will  be  absolutely  non- 
partisan. 

"Friends  and  advocates  of  municipal  ownership  and  control 
know  that,  where  municipal  operation  has  been  put  in  force,  it  has 
been  accompanied  by  a  civil  service  system.  They  know  the  Federal 
post-office  system  has  been  successful  under  civil  service.  They 
know  that  the  Chicago  water  office  system  has  been  successful  under 
civil  service,  and  in  the  language  of  Mr.  Boyle,  the  American  consul 


214  DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

at  London,  that  municipal  government  in  Great  Britain,  where 
municipal  operation  and  civil  service  prevail  in  100  cities,  is  honest, 
intelligent  and  energetic;  and  as  a  rule  politics  has  but  little  to  do 
with  the  engagement  or  retention  of  civic  employes. 

"As  a  matter  of  fact,"  continued  Mayor  Dunne,  "the  public 
has  more  to  fear  from  political  intrigue  and  bossism  under  private 
than  under  public  management.  Most  of  the  great  scandals  that 
have  disgraced  the  public  life  of  American  officials  have  resulted 
from  the  bribery  on  the  part  of  the  private  companies. 

"Who  secured  the  corrupt  legislation  in  the  city  of  St.  Louis 
which  landed  so  many  of  its  aldermen  in  the  penitentiary?  Who 
secured  for  the  Philadelphia  council  of  aldermen  in  the  past  and 
the  common  council  of  New  York  in  the  days  of  Jake  Sharp,  a 
reputation  that  is  a  stench  in  the  nostrils  of  the  people  ? 

"Look  back  at  the  notorious  Allen  and  Humphrey  bills  which 
passed  the  Illinois  Legislature,  and  whom  do  you  find  back  of  a 
corruption  fund  used  to  buy  up  lawmakers? 

' '  What  politician  could  work  more  harm  to  public  interest  than 
did  Charles  T.  Yerkes,  the  head  and  brains  of  this  monster  stock 
jobbing  corporation — the  Chicago  street  railway  system? 

' '  The  public  utility  corporations  are  responsible  for  nine-tenths 
of  the  corrupt  disclosures  in  American  life  today.  They  are  the 
bribe-givers  and  faithless  public  servants,  their  dupes. 

"Why,  I  can  recall  only  a  few  years  ago  when  nearly  every 
alderman  was  granted  from  50  to  100  jobs  for  his  friends  from  the 
street  car  companies. 

"If  this  be  true,  it  stands  to  reason  there  should  be  no  objec- 
tion to  municipal  ownership  on  the  part  of  any  municipality  where 
it  is  found  to  be  practicable. ' ' 

The  original  franchise  to  use  the  streets  was  granted  to  the 
Chicago  City  Railway  Company.  This  corporation,  to  avoid  its 
obligations,  disposed  of  its  franchise  on  the  west  side  of  the  city  to 
the  Chicago  West  Division  Railway  Company.  Each  company 
charges  a  fare  of  5  cents.  Then  was  formed  the  North  Chicago 
Railway  Company,  with  another  5-cent  fare  added,  so  that  it  costs 
a  double  fare  to  go  from  the  north  to  the  south  side  of  the  city  or 
from  either  section  to  the  west  side  and  vice  versa. 

The  Chicago  River  divides  the  city  into  three  parts:  north, 
south  and  west. 

Mayor  Dunne  believes  that  with  the  successful  operation  of  the 
municipal  street  car  system  a  fare  of  3  cents  can  be  furnished  from 
any  given  point  to  all  parts  of  the  city.  But  this  reduced  fare,  he 
says,  will  depend  entirely  on  the  financial  conditions  of  the  proper- 
ties or  the  ability  of  the  city  to  establish  a  low  fare  basis  after  the 
deduction  of  current  expenses  and  other  liabilities. 


DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  215 

The  story  of  the  rise  and  fall  of  Chicago  tractions  reads  like  a 
chapter  from  St.  Louis  street  car  history. 

In  the  methods  employed  to  secure  franchises  and  in  the  execu- 
tion of  fictitious  issues  of  water  stock,  both  cities  present  a  parallel 
case. 

Each  had  independent  street  car  lines  until  a  syndicate  of 
speculators  acquired  control  and  then  the  value  of  the  physical 
property  was  increased  twofold. 

In  St.  Louis,  street  car  properties  of  the  tangible  value  of 
$20,000,000  were  bonded  and  capitalized  at  $90,000,000. 

Chicago's  stockjobbing  street  car  magnates  increased  the  cap- 
ital stock  of  street  car  companies  worth  $27,000,000  to  $117,- 
000,000. 

To  obtain  concessions  for  new  franchises,  the  Chicago  specula- 
tors found  it  necessary  to  use  boodle  in  the  municipal  assembly. 

As  the  investigations,  conducted  by  Mr.  Folk  have  shown,  the 
St.  Louis  street  railway  magnates  bought  the  municipal  assembly 
there  year  in  and  year  out,  and  finally  capped  the  climax  of  boodle 
achievements,  when  the  sum  of  $1,250,000  was  paid  by  Robert  M. 
Snyder  for  a  50-year  franchise  for  the  Central  Traction  Company, 
now  part  of  the  United  Railways  Company. 

Snyder  gave  the  assemblymen  $250,000  for  the  franchise.  In 
Chicago  the  corruption  of  the  assembly  was  such  that  the  8,000 
citizens  marched  to  the  city  hall  and  threatened  her  faithless  alder- 
men with  hanging,  if  they  persisted  in  their  attempt  to  pass  a  street 
railway  bill  which  was  backed  by  a  corruption  fund  of  $500,000. 

The  lobbyists  of  the  newly  formed  St.  Louis  street  railway 
combination  went  to  the  Missouri  Legislature  in  1899,  and,  ac- 
cording to  facts  obtained  by  Mr.  Folk  during  an  investigation  of 
that  deal,  spent  more  than  $200,000  to  fasten  a  street  car  trust 
on  St.  Louis. 

From  Chicago,  the  traction  magnates  sent  representatives  to 
Springfield  and  corrupted  the  Illinois  Legislature  by  the  use  of  a 
$1,000,000  slush  fund. 

Street  car  speculation  in  Chicago  was  begun  in  1885  by 
Charles  T.Yerkes,  who  perfected  a  plan  whereby  the  Chicago  West 
Division  Company  was  merged  with  the  Chicago  Passenger  Rail- 
way Company,  both  being  capitalized  at  a  total  of  $8,000,000. 

Yerkes  then  formed  the  "West  Chicago  Street  Railway  Com- 
pany and  issued  capital  stock  to  the  amount  of  $25,000,000,  leasing 
the  other  two  companies  to  this  corporation.  Next  he  acquired 
control  of  the  North  Chicago  City  Railway  Company,  a  $3,000,000 
corporation,  and  leased  its  operating  rights  to  a  new  company, 
known  as  the  North  Chicago  Street  Railroad  Company,  with  a  cap- 
ital stock  of  $13,000,000. 


216  DUNNE JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

In  order  to  get  the  proceeds  of  the  sales  of  these  watered 
stocks  into  his  own  hands,  he  organized  the  United  States  Con- 
struction Co.,  with  P.  A.  B.  Widener  and  William  R.  Elkins  of 
New  York,  as  his  associates.  The  construction  company  did  not 
represent  the  investment  of  a  dollar. 

But  it  got  busy  at  once  and  within  a  short  period  had  made 
a  contract  with  the  North  Chicago  Company  to  build  a  power 
house  and  lay  tracks. 

This  involved  an  outlay  of  about  $3,000,000.  Yerkes  and  his 
partners  got  $6,000,000  for  the  job. 

This  fictitious  debt  of  $3,000,000  was  classed  as  a  liability  in 
the  sale  of  the  North  Chicago  Company  to  the  North  Chicago 
Street  Railroad  'Company. 

Yerkes  went  to  Springfield  in  1895  to  buy  the  Illinois  Legis- 
lature. He  wanted  50-year  franchise  for  his  Chicago  companies. 
His  effort  failed.  Then  he  started  out  to  elect  the  next  Governor 
of  the  State  and  succeeded.  In  1897,  he  returned  to  Springfield 
and  renewed  his  plea  for  an  extension  of  the  street  car  franchises. 
This  time  the  lobby  was  backed  by  an  enormous  corruption  fund. 

The  notorious  Allen  bill,  granting  the  new  franchises,  became 
a  law.  Yerkes  sought  to  induce  the  Chicago  municipal  assembly 
to  ratify  the  Legislature 's  work. 

Again  he  won,  but  Mayor  Harrison  vetoed  the  bill.  Yerkes 
then  tried  to  pass  the  measures  over  the  mayor's  veto,  but  force 
of  public  sentiment  dealt  him  a  knockout  blow. 

Yerkes  saw  the  handwriting  on  the  wall.  Chicago  was  on 
to  his  curves,  and  knew  he  could  get  no  further  favors  at  the  hands 
of  its  assembly. 

So  he  made  up  his  mind  to  shake  the  dust  of  the  city  of  the 
lakes.  Before  leaving,  however,  he  executed  two  or  three  clever 
schemes.  He  put  up  for  sale  the  west  and  south  side  Chicago 
lines.  The  franchises  of  these  companies  would  expire  in  a  few 
years,  and  this,  added  to  the  wretched  condition  of  the  properties, 
convinced  Yerkes  that  their  sale  was  absolutely  necessary. 
Yerkes  gave  a  glowing  account  of  the  street  car  system  and  its 
future  prospects  to  his  eastern  friends.  Wall  Street  swallowed 
his  sugar  coated  pill.  The  wise  men  of  the  east  bought  the  Yerkes 
properties  and  then  organized  the  Union  Traction  Company,  with 
a  capital  of  $32,000,000. 

The  Union  Traction  gradually  acquired  a  lease  on  the  north 
and  west  Chicago  and  subsidiary  companies.  Then  another  $32,- 
000,000  was  added  to  the  capital  stock  of  the  Union  corporation. 
But  Yerkes  had  more  street  car  property  to  sell.  He  controlled 
the  Consolidated  Traction  Company,  capitalized  at  $15,000,000, 
and  having  90  miles  of  track.  This  he  compelled  the  eastern 


DUNNE JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  217 

magnates  to  take  at  a  price  which  yielded  him  a  net  profit  of 
$6,750,000. 

Mr.  Yerkes  left  town  and  with  his  departure  nothing  was 
further  heard  of  the  United  States  Construction  Co. 

The  financial  burdens  of  the  Chicago  companies  proved  too 
much  for  its  stocks  and  bondholders.  The  fact  that  several  fran- 
chises would  soon  expire  and  the  impossibility  of  paying  divi- 
dends on  the  enormous  issues  of  inflated  stock  led  the  street  car 
magnates  to  seek  Judge  Peter  S.  Grosscup  of  the  United  States 
Circuit  Court,  to  whom  they  applied  for  a  receiver,  to  take  charge 
of  the  properties  of  the  Union  Traction  and  the  north  and  west 
side  companies. 

These  companies  represent  two-thirds  of  the  street  car  mile- 
age of  Chicago  and  are  capitalized  at  $75,000,000.  The  only 
solvent  corporation  here  is  the  Chicago  City  Railway  Company. 

Judge  Grosscup  appointed  four  receivers  April  22,  1903.  each 
at  the  munificent  salary  of  $25,000  a  year.  Among  the  receivers 
is  the  clerk  of  Judge  Grosscup 's  court. 

Judge  Grosscup  proposed  to  consolidate  the  Chicago  City 
Railway  Company  with  the  insolvent  corporations,  and  for  this 
purpose  visited  New  York,  where  he  managed  to  organize  a  syn- 
dicate headed  by  J.  Pierpont  Morgan. 

This  syndicate,  February  1,  1905,  purchased  control  of  the 
Chicago  City  Railway  (Company,  capitalized  at  $18,000,000.  It 
cost  Morgan,  Marshall  Field  and  John  J.  Mitchell,  the  new  owners, 
$36,000.000. 

The  companies  immediately  sought  new  franchises,  but  the 
ballot  proved  a  stumbling  block. 

In  1901,  the  Legislature  passed  the  referendum,  whereby  on 
a  petition  of  25  per  cent  of  the  voters,  a  proposition  involving  a 
franchise  grant  is  submitted  to  a  vote  of  the  people. 

The  people  turned  down  Morgan  and  his  crowd  by  an  over- 
whelming majority. 

But  the  companies  maintain  the  99-year  act  still  gives  them 
the  right  to  the  franchises  they  now  hold.  Judge  Grosscup  has 
upheld  the  validity  of  the  99-year  act,  but  only  as  to  a  small  part 
of  the  mileage  covered  by  the  Union  Traction  system. 

Whether  it  applies  to  other  companies  is  still  a  matter  for 
judicial  determination. 

The  fact  that  Judge  Grosscup  himself  has  been  enjoined  from 
organizing  with  Judge  Gary  of  the  United  States  Steel  Company, 
a  gas  trust  in  West  Virginia,  has  intensified  the  criticism  fre- 
quently passed  on  Judge  Grosscup 's  attitude  toward  street  car 
companies. 


218  DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

And  as  all  these  things  have  gone  on,  the  Chicago  public  has 
suffered  the  discomforts  of  the  filthy  cars  and  wretched  service. 

Where  in  any  modern  city  today  are  there  horse  cars?  Chi- 
cago has  them  and  they  are  a  positive  reproach  to  her  progress 
and  pride. 

Instead  of  improving  conditions,  the  street  car  magnates 
have  allowed  the  service  to  go  from  bad  to  worse. 

There  are  three  elevated  lines  which  relieve  the  congestion 
of  the  surface  road,  but  the  question  of  the  municipality  owning 
them  is  a  long  way  off.  > 


DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  219 


FOR  A  COMPULSORY  BOARD  OF 
INVESTIGATION. 

EECOMMENDATION  FOR  A  STATE  BOARD  TO  SETTLE  STRIKES, 
MAY  21,  1905. 

I  think  it  would  be  a  good  idea  for  Governor  Deneen,  as  well 
as  a  wise  move,  in  making  up  the  State  arbitration  committee,  to 
consult  the  employers  on  one  side  and  the  employes  on  the  other 
regarding  the  appointment  of  two  members  of  the  board  to  rep- 
resent each  side.  Then  a  man  should  be  selected  with  sufficient 
intelligence  of  the  points  in  controversy  to  acquaint  the  third 
man,  who  would  be  the  umpire,  of  the  facts  on  both  sides  from  an 
impartial  point  of  view.  The  third  man  should  be  appointed  by 
the  Governor  upon  consultation  with  both  sides,  and  such  a  com- 
mission would  be  one  in  which  the  public  and  both  the  employers 
and  employes  would  have  the  utmost  confidence  as  to  their  fair- 
ness and  impartiality. 

I  think  that  such  a  board  or  court  of  arbitration  ought  to 
have  the  power  to  investigate  the  contracts  between  the  employ- 
ers and  their  employes  at  the  time  the  contracts  are  made  and  find 
out  if  they  were  fair  and  just  or  if  they  violated  any  of  the  rights 
of  the  community.  Then  after  they  had  taken  cognizance  of  the 
contract  between  the  parties  they  should  either  give  it  their  stamp 
of  approval  or  disapproval. 

This  commission  should  be  empowered  to  bring  parties  before 
them  to  hear  and  determine  who  was  to  blame  for  the  controversy 
and  who  was  at  fault.  Then  they  should  make  a  report  to  the 
public,  and  I  believe  that  such  a  report  would  have  such  a  moral 
effect  that  both  parties  would  be  bound  in  conscience  as  good 
citizens  to  abide  by  its  findings. 

My  idea  thus  would  be,  first,  to  determine  the  validity  and 
the  fairness  of  contracts  in  labor  difficulties,  and,  second,  to  find 
who  violated  these  contracts  and  report  the  result  of  the  investi- 
gation to  the  Governor  and  the  people.  In  fact,  it  would  have 
all  the  powers  of  a  court,  except  to  'impose  fines  or  imprisonment. 
It  would  be  a  commission  of  compulsory  investigation.  There  is 
great  objection  to  a  board  of  compulsory  arbitration,  but  there  is 
not  such  an  objection  to  a  compulsory  board  of  investigation. 


220  DUNNE JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

The  board  should  have  full  investigating  powers.  That  was 
the  trouble  with  the  commissions  I  appointed.  They  were  with- 
out proper  legal  authority  and  could  not  compel  witnesses  to 
appear  before  them.  The  State  board  should  be  empowered  to 
invoke  the  penalties  of  perjury  for  false  testimony  and  the  pun- 
ishment of  witnesses  who  refuse  to  appear. 

The  State  board  would  also  be  a  great  advantage  in  the  pre- 
vention of  labor  troubles.  Either  side  before  a  struggle  is  de- 
clared could  say  that  the  other  party  has  threatened  to  violate  its 
contract  and  demand  an  investigation  before  a  lockout  is  declared 
or  a  strike  is  called.  The  power  given  to  the  commission  to  in- 
vestigate and  report  would  have  such  a  moral  effect  that  it  would 
deter  the  struggle.  The  trouble  with  the  present  State  Board  of 
Arbitration  is  that  it  is  a  voluntary  body  not  authorized  under  the 
law  to  swear  in  witnesses  and  conduct  a  compulsory  investiga- 
tion and  permitted  only  to  tender  its  services  to  arbitrate  the 
difficulties. 

It  might  not  be  a  bad  idea  to  have  the  commission  composed 
of  five  members,  two  of  them  to  be  selected  by  the  Governor,  to 
present  the  facts  of  each  side.  Men  like  Clarence  Darrow  and 
Levy  Mayer,  who  have  obtained  full  knowledge  of  the  situation 
on  both  sides,  could  inform  the  umpire. 

It  might  also  be  well  for  the  city  council  to  be  empowered 
by  statute  to  conduct  such  a  labor  investigation  and  to  force  the 
testimony  of  witnesses  in  any  investigation  it  may  undertake. 


DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  221 


MAYOR    DUNNE    WANTS    POWER    AT 

COST— CANAL  BOARD  SHOULD 

AID  CITY. 

STATEMENT  TO  THE  PUBLIC,  JUNE  26,  1905. 

"I  think  the  board  of  drainage  trustees  should  sell  power 
to  the  city  of  Chicago  for  actual  cost  to  be  used  for  traction  pur- 
poses only, ' '  said  Mayor  Dunne,  in  the  course  of  an  interview  yes- 
terday. "And  furthermore,  I  am  in  favor  of  having  a  plank  in 
the  Democratic  platform  advocating  that  principle. 

"Isham  Randolph,  engineer  for  the  drainage  board,  tells  me 
that  the  drainage  canal  can  furnish  30,000  horse  power,  but  that 
it  would  shrink  to  22,000  horse  power  by  the  time  it  was  carried 
to  the  city  to  be  used  for  traction  purposes,"  said  the  mayor. 

"That  is  an  important  item  to  be  figured  on  in  working  out 
the  100-mile  scheme  for  a  municipal  railway.  That  power  should 
be  furnished  the  city  for  just  what  it  costs  the  drainage  board, 
and  no  more.  That  is,  the  drainage  trustees  could  charge  the 
actual  cost  at  the  canal,  and  the  city  would  stand  the  cost  of 
transmission.  By  this  means  the  cost  of  operating  the  municipal 
railway  would  be  wonderfully  lessened.  This  is  another  argument 
in  favor  of  the  city  owning  its  power  plants,  and  also  in  favor 
of  the  plea  that  the  portion  of  the  sanitary  district  inside  the  city 
should  be  a  part  of  the  municipality.  The  canal  trustees  have 
sufficient  power  to  run  200  miles  of  street  railway  in  the  city, 
but  have  not  enough  to  run  the  entire  700  or  800  miles  of  road  in 
the  city  limits. 

"I  had  hoped  to  have  at  least  an  outline  of  my  plans  for  the 
100-mile  street  railroad  of  the  city  ready  to  be  submitted  to  the 
local  transportation  committee  of  the  council  at  its  meeting  next 
Thursday.  I  am  not  an  engineer  myself,  and  I  have  been  seeking 
advice  from  one  of  the  best  expert  engineers  in  the  country,  whose 
name  I  do  not  care  to  make  public  now.  He  is  at  work  on  plans 
for  a  trunk  line  system  that  will  come  into  the  downtown  section 
over  Adams  and  Harrison  Streets  and  "Washington  Boulevard  and 
will  have  a  branch  reaching  to  the  stockyards  district  on  the 
southwest  and  another  branch  reaching  into  the  northwest  side. 

"There  will  be  no  legal  complications  over  the  use  of  the 
Washington  Street  tunnel,  as  the  term  of  the  present  street  car 


222  DUNNE JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

companies  that  are  using  it  expires  next  year.  I  do  not  care  to 
say  what  the  estimate  of  the  cost  of  construction  of  the  100  miles 
of  road  is  just  now.  But  I  can  say  this — that  one  of  the  largest 
construction  companies  in  the  country  has  already  notified  me 
that  as  soon  as  the  city  is  ready  to  accept  bids  for  the  work,  it 
will  be  a  bidder.  This  company  has  no  fears  as  to  the  matter 
of  pay  from  the  city. 

"The  city  council  tonight  will  revoke  the  order  for  the  bids 
for  the  ten  miles  of  road,  and  then  arrangements  will  be  imme- 
diately begun  for  receiving  bids  for  the  100  miles.  The  council 
has  already  gone  on  record  as  favoring  the  construction  of  ten 
miles  of  municipal  railway  and  it  can  not  consistently  refuse, 
therefore,  to  favor  the  building  of  100  miles  of  road  by  the  city. 

"One  important  feature  of  this  large  municipal  100-mile 
scheme  is  the  power-house.  Whether  to  have  one  large  power- 
house, divided  into  sections  that  could  be  brought  into  operation 
at  different  times,  or  to  have  a  series  of  power-houses  is  a  ques- 
tion that  is  being  considered  by  the  engineers.  To  operate  a 
system  of  great  length  from  one  power-house  might  mean  a  loss 
of  electricity  by  leakage.  But  the  matter  of  securing  power  from 
the  canal  will  cut  a  big  figure  in  the  plans." 


DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  223 


MESSAGE  REGARDING  WATER  RATES. 

To  THE  CHICAGO  CITY  COUNCIL,  JUNE  12, 1905. 

To  the  Honorable,  the  City  Council  of  the  City  of  Chicago : 

GENTLEMEN  :  I  have  the  honor  to  submit  to  you  herewith  for 
your  consideration  an  ordinance  in  amendation  of  the  present 
water  ordinance. 

Two  main  principles  of  business  policy  are  involved. 

First.  The  consumer  should  be  relieved  of  all  possible  in- 
cidental fees  and  of  all  possible  petty  inconveniences. 

Second.  There  should  be  no  discrimination  in  favor  of  any 
class  of  consumers  against  any  other  class  of  consumers. 

In  accordance  with  the  first  of  these  principles  the  new  or- 
dinance provides  that  the  city  shall  bear  the  expense  of  the  main- 
tenance of  all  service  pipes  up  to  and  including  the  buffalo  boxes ; 
that  the  city  shall  remit  certain  incidental  fees  now  charged 
against  the  consumer  for  certain  minor  and  necessary  services 
and. that  the  city  shall  install  all  meters  at  its  own  expense  and 
through  its  own  employes. 

At  present  the  burden  of  maintaining  the  service  pipes  is 
borne  by  the  consumer.  The  result  is  that  the  consumer  must 
hire  private  plumbers  and  that  the  city  must  maintain  an  elab- 
orate apparatus  by  means  of  which  the  work  of  the  private 
plumbers  may  be  supervised  and  inspected.  It  would  be  easier 
for  the  city  to  do  the  work  itself.  Service  pipes  are  part  of  the 
city's  water  plant.  So  are  buffalo  boxes.  The  city  should  con- 
struct and  maintain  its  plant  and  should  base  its  charges  upon 
the  total  cost  of  construction  and  maintenance.  The  consumer 
should  come  into  financial  contact  with  the  water  bureau  at  only 
one  point,  viz.,  the  payment  of  his  monthly  or  semi-annual  bill 
for  water  consumed.  All  other  points  of  financial  contact  are 
exasperating  annoyances  both  for  him  and  for  the  water  bureau. 

In  accordance  with  this  same  principle  the  city  should  install 
all  meters  at  its  own  expense.  At  present  the  consumer  pays  for 
the  meter,  the  private  plumber  makes  the  connections  and  the 
city's  meter  settlers  put  the  meter  in  place.  This  means  an  ex- 
cessive number  of  permits,  orders  and  notices.  It  means  that  the 
work  is  split  up  into  small  parts.  It  means  delay.  It  means  that 
the  consumer  is  bewildered  and  distressed.  Meters,  like  service 


224  DUNNE JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

pipes,  are  part  of  the  city's  water  plant.  They  are  part  of  the  ex- 
pense of  providing  the  consumer  with  water.  It  is  much  easier 
and  much  more  convenient  for  the  consumer  to  pay  a  lump  sum 
for  water  than  to  pay  innumerable  small  sums  for  the  installation 
of  the  appurtenances  of  the  system  by  means  of  which  the  city 
gets  the  water  to  him. 

In  accordance  with  the  second  principle  above  mentioned  the 
new  ordinance  provides  that  there  shall  be  an  equality  among  all 
consumers  in  the  matter  of  rates.  The  rate  suggested  is  8  cents 
per  thousand  gallons.  The  enormous  rebate  now  allowed  to  the 
36  large  consumers  in  classes  C  and  D  is  a  favor  to  persons  who 
together  constitute  less  than  one  per  cent  of  the  total  number 
of  consumers  using  meters. 

A  rate  of  8  cents  per  thousand  gallons  would  increase  the 
annual  revenue  of  the  city  by  about  $145,000.  At  the  same  time 
it  would  considerably  diminish  the  amount  of  the  payments  now 
made  by  consumers  in  classes  A  and  B,  who  constitute  ninety-nine 
per  cent,  of  the  total  number.  The  injustice  of  the  present  ar- 
rangement is  clearly  shown  by  the  large  savings  which  the  smaller 
consumers  would  accomplish  under  an  equality  of  rates. 

The  city's  additional  revenue  under  an  8-cent  universal  flat 
rate  will  be  immediately  needed  if  the  increased  installation  of 
meters,  suggested  in  the  new  ordinance,  meets  with  your  approval. 
The  final  economy  of  the  installation  of  meters  up  to  at  least  40 
per  cent,  of  the  total  number  of  consumers  has  been  demonstrated 
by  the  experience  of  many  cities  and  has  been  frequently  pre- 
sented to  the  consideration  of  the  people  of  Chicago  by  our  City 
Engineer. 

The  new  ordinance  suggests  that  some  small  charge  be  made 
upon  the  charitable  institutions  which  are  now  getting  their  water 
without  charge.  This  suggestion  does  not  spring  from  any  hos- 
tility to  the  charitable  institutions.  It  is  made  simply  for  the 
purpose  of  stimulating  an  economy  in  the  use  of  water.  When 
no  charge  is  made  the  temptation  to  extravagance  in  the  use  of 
water  is  irresistible.  Every  consumer  who  gets  his  water  abso- 
lutely free  is  an  unchecked  drain  upon  the  city's  total  pumpage. 

Permit  me  finally  to  revert  to  the  advisability  of  sparing  the 
consumer  all  petty  minor  charges  and  of  giving  him  in  the  matter 
of  rates  exactly  the  same  treatment  that  is  given  to  his  fellow 
consumers.  These  two  principles  of  convenience  for  everybody 
and  of  equality  for  everybody  I  hope  will  commend  themselves 
to  you. 

Respectfully, 

E.  F.  DUNNE. 


DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  225 


PLANS  FOR  SECURING  MUNICIPAL 
OWNERSHIP. 

MESSAGE  OF  MAYOR  DUNNE,  JULY  5,  1905. 

To  the  Honorable,  the  City  Council: 

GENTLEMEN:  The  people  of  Chicago  having  plainly  mani- 
fested their  desire  for  municipal  ownership  of  street  railroads 
with  the  least  possible  delay,  I  have  diligently  sought,  since  my 
inauguration  as  mayor,  for  the  best  information  and  the  best 
advice  regarding  the  subject,  and  have  carefully  considered  all 
suggested  plans.  I  now  submit  to  you  the  results  of  this  pre- 
liminary work.  Asking  your  cooperation  in  further  executing 
the  duty  with  which  we  have  been  jointly  charged  by  the  people 
in  this  connection,  I  cordially  offer  you  all  the  additional  assist- 
ance it  is  in  my  power  to  give. 

As  I  am  advised,  there  are  about  700  miles  of  street  railroad 
track  now  in  operation  in  our  city.  The  operative  rights  of 
private  companies  with  reference  to  a  considerable  proportion  of 
this  trackage  have  incontestably  expired.  Their  expiration  as  to 
the  Adams  Street  line  has  been  actually  adjudicated  by  the  Circuit 
Court  of  the  United  States;  and  in  harmony  with  the  reasoning 
of  that  adjudication  more  than  100  miles  of  homogeneous  track- 
age, most  of  which  runs  through  densely  populated  portions  of  the 
city,  is  already  free  from  corporation  control,  and  240  miles  in 
all  of  like  character  will  be  free  within  the  next  two  years.  At 
varying  intervals  there  will  be  further  additions  to  this  system, 
and  within  six  or  seven  years  a  great  majority  of  all  the  700 
miles  of  trackage  now  in  operation,  will  be  incontestably  subject 
to  municipal  ownership. 

But  that  is  not  all.  My  legal  advisers  are  confident,  and  this 
confidence  is  shared  by  me,  that  a  rule  more  favorable  to  the  city 
than  that  adopted  by  the  Circuit  Court  will  be  established  by  the 
court  of  last  resort.  In  this  event,  the  240  miles  of  trackage  in- 
contestably at  the  free  disposal  of  the  city  now  and  within  the 
next  two  years,  will  be  greatly  increased  within  that  time.  Con- 
fident of  this  increase,  as  we  are,  we  must  expect  strong  and  per- 
sistent opposition,  and  be  ready  to  cope  with  much  dilatory  liti- 
gation and  other  vexatious  obstructions.  The  financial  interests 
at  stake  are  so  vast  and  aggressive  that  public  interests  are  in 


226  DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

jeopardy  and,  at  this  critical  juncture,  the  rights  of  the  city  may 
depend  upon  the  fidelity  of  your  honorable  body.  To  the  patriotic 
devotion  of  every  member  in  this  behalf  I  am  sure  the  citizens  of 
Chicago  may  look  with  confidence. 

While  in  litigation,  we  vigorously  oppose  the  rights  of  the 
city  to  the  claims  of  corporations  that  have  been  and  continue  to 
be  persistently  indifferent  to  their  franchise  obligations,  we  have 
official  duties  that  cannot  be  ignored  regarding  the  trackage  over 
which  corporation  rights  have  incontestably  expired.  This  track- 
age being  already  available  for  municipal  ownership,  our  duty 
is  plain  to  bring  it  speedily  within  the  scope  of  that  policy. 

We  are  occasionally  referred  in  this  connection  to  the  so- 
called  " tentative  ordinance".  But  that  ordinance  cannot  be 
further  considered  without  flagrantly  disregarding  public  opinion 
lawfully  expressed.  Alike  by  advisory  referendum  and  the  man- 
date of  a  decisive  municipal  election,  the  people  have  distinctly 
and  emphatically  condemned  it  both  as  to  form  and  principle. 

Turning,  then,  to  their  demand  for  municipal  ownership,  I 
submit  for  your  consideration  two  plans  to  secure  this  result.  One 
of  these  plans  attached  hereto  and  marked  "A"  may  be  briefly 
identified  as  "the  city  plan";  the  other,  also  attached  and 
marked  "B",  may  be  distinguished  as  "the  contract  plan".  These 
are  the  only  plans  of  which  I  am  advised,  that  commend  them- 
selves to  my  judgment ;  and  of  the  two,  I  prefer  the  second.  The 
reason  for  this  preference  is  its  manifest  superiority  as  a  means 
of  accomplishing  the  object  in  view,  namely,  the  earliest  possible 
installation  of  good  service  and  the  establishment  of  municipal 
ownership  of  the  entire  street  car  system  of  Chicago. 

In  view  of  the  extreme  need  for  immediate  improvement  in 
our  street  railway  lines,  reduced  to  the  lowest  level  of  bad  service 
by  the  system  of  private  ownership  and  operation  which  has  pre- 
vailed, every  element  of  delay  in  rehabilitation  is  to  be  avoided  as 
far  as  possible,  with  due  regard  for  the  street  railway  policy  that 
the  people  demand  and  for  which  the  Mueller  law  provides. 
Under  the  "city  plan"  there  are  many  elements  of  delay  which 
may  possibly  be  magnified  by  factions'  oppositions.  But  under 
the  ' '  contract  plan ' ',  which  is  equally  consistent  with  the  Mueller 
law  and  the  policy  of  municipal  ownership  and  operation,  all 
elements  of  delay  are  eliminated. 

Financially  as  well  as  legally,  this  plan  would  be  immediately 
practicable.  It  would  consequently  enable  us  to  proceed  at  once 
with  reconstruction,  under  circumstances  assuring  as  good  service 
and  at  as  early  a  day  as  the  best  conceivable  system  for  private 
profit  could  provide.  Yet  the  rights  of  the  city  to  take  over,  and 
even  to  operate,  would  be  neither  impaired  nor  postponed.  As 


DUNNE JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  227 

soon  as  a  market  for  the  Mueller  certificates  had  been  secured, 
the  city  could  acquire  the  .system  in  its  own  right  and  its  own 
name ;  as  soon  as  the  people  had,  by  referendum  under  the  Mueller 
law,  so  decided,  the  city  could  proceed  to  operate  by  its  own 
employes. 

Most  of  the  advantages  of  municipal  ownership  and  operation 
would  thus  be  immediately  secured.  There  would,  therefore,  be 
no  delay  in  realizing  that  policy  in  substance  even  while  such 
judicial,  financial,  legislative  and  referendum  proceedings  were 
being  taken  as  might  be  necessary  to  perfect  it  in  form,  or  to 
guard  it  by  business  adjustments  against  encroachments  of  the 
spoils  system. 

The  "contract  plan"  provides  in  effect  for  what  the  Mueller 
law  contemplates  and  the  people  have  demanded, — immediate 
municipal  ownership  of  the  street  car  service.  It  provides  for  this 
system  of  street  car  service  under  the  management  of  a  board  of 
directors  in  its  preliminary  steps,  and  without  the  intervention  of 
such  board  as  soon  as  the  city  raises  the  necessary  capital  and 
complies  with  the  statutory  requirements. 

In  furtherance  of  this  superior  plan,  I  present  herewith  for 
your  consideration  and  action,  a  draft  ordinance,  attached  hereto 
and  marked  "C",  and  recommend  the  appropriate  proceedings 
by  your  honorable  body  for  referring  it  to  your  committee  on 
local  transportation.  I  further  recommend  public  hearings  be- 
fore your  committee  for  the  purpose  of  considering  objections  to 
the  proposed  ordinance  and  the  fullest  explanation  and  exposition 
of  its  purpose  .  and  provisions,  and  the  consideration  of  such 
amendments  not  in  conflict  with  its  essential  features  as  may  be 
deemed  proper  and  necessary  for  the  interests  of  the  city  of 
Chicago.  I  also  recommend  that  pending  final  action  upon  this 
ordinance,  the  council  provide  for  securing  the  submission  to  the 
voters  of  Chicago,  at  the  next  general  election,  under  the  ad- 
visory referendum  statute  of  the  "contract  plan"  for  the  execu- 
tion of  which  the  proposed  ordinance  has  been  drafted. 

"A" 

CITY  FINANCING  PLAN  FOR  THE  CONSTRUCTION  AND 

OPERATION  OF  A  MUNICIPAL  STREET  CAR  SYSTEM 

FOR  THE  CITY  OF  CHICAGO. 

This  plan,  to  be  known  for  convenience  of  reference  as  "the 
city  plan,"  contemplates  the  construction  and  operation  of  a  mu- 
nicipal street  car  system  for  the  city  of  Chicago,  through  direct 
financing  by  city  officials. 


228  DUNNE JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

The  legal  authority  for  ' '  the  city  plan ' '  is  derived  from  an  act 
of  the  Legislature  entitled,  ''An  Act  to  authorize  cities  to  acquire, 
construct,  own,  operate,  and  lease  street  railways  and  to  provide 
the  means  therefor, ' '  approved  May  18,  1903.  It  is  commonly  known 
as  the  ' '  Mueller  law, ' '  and  became  operative  in  the  city  of  Chicago 
through  its  adoption  by  a  majority  of  the  electors  of  this  city  at 
the  municipal  election  of  April,  1904.  Having  been  so  adopted  by 
the  people  of  Chicago,  this  act  of  the  Legislature  empowers  the 
city  of  Chicago  "to  own,  construct,  acquire,  purchase,  maintain, 
and  operate  street  railways  within  its  corporate  limits." 

In  order  to  effectuate  the  purposes  of  the  act  in  these  respects, 
the  following  steps  are  necessary,  as  I  am  advised  by  the  law  de- 
partment of  the  city : 

First.  Particular  plans  and  specifications  relative  to  the  sys- 
tems and  lines  intended  to  be  constructed  or  acquired  must  be 
prepared. 

Second.  The  city  must  advertise  for  proposals  for  the  con- 
struction or  acquisition  of  the  system  in  accordance  with  such 
plans  and  specifications. 

Third.  The  construction  or  acquisition  of  such  systems  must 
be  contracted  for  by  the  city  with  the  lowest  bidder  under  such 
proposals. 

Fourth.  Owing  to  the  relation  of  the  present  bonded  indebted- 
ness of  the  city  of  Chicago  to  the  present  taxable  valuations  therein, 
payment  for  such  acquisition  or  construction  cannot  be  constitu- 
tionally made  with  further  bond  issues;  wherefore,  payment  must 
be  provided  for  with  street  railway  certificates,  payable  out  of  the 
revenue  of  the  property  to  be  constructed  or  acquired,  which  are 
allowed  by  section  2  of  the  act  in  question.  This  necessitates  the 
adoption  by  the  city  council  of  an  ordinance  providing  for  the  issue 
of  such  certificates  in  accordance  with  the  terms  of  the  act. 

Fifth.  Such  ordinance  must  be  submitted  to  a  popular  vote, 
and  must  be  approved  by  a  majority  of  the  qualified  voters  of  the 
city  voting  thereon  at  a  general,  city,  or  special  election  in  and 
for  the  entire  city,  to  be  designated  by  the  council  and  coming  not 
sooner  than  thirty  days  from  and  after  the  passage  of  the  ordi- 
nance. 

Sixth.  When  such  an  ordinance  has  been  so  approved  by  popu- 
lar vote,  street  railway  certificates  may  be  issued  in  an  amount  not 
exceeding  the  cost  to  the  city  of  the  property  acquired  for  such 
street  railway  system,  and  ten  per  cent  in  addition  thereto;  and 
payment  thereof,  with  interest,  may  (and  practically  must)  be 
secured  by  a  mortgage  on  such  property,  inclusive  of  a  twenty -year 
franchise  with  fixed  rates  of  fare  to  inure  to  purchasers  in  case  of 
foreclosure. 


DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  229 

Seventh.  In  order  to  secure  the  best  possible  price  for  such 
certificates  it  will  be  necessary  to  establish  the  legal  validity  thereof 
through  a  test  case  by  decision  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  State. 

Eighth.  Having  thus  acquired  right  of  ownership  in  the  pro- 
posed street  car  system,  the  city  would  still  be  without  legal  author- 
ity to  operate  the  same,  but  would  be  obliged  to  lease  it  for  private 
profit  to  private  corporations,  unless  further  steps  were  taken.  In 
order  to  utilize  the  authority,  conferred  by  the  act  in  question,  and 
secure  complete  public  ownership  and  operation,  it  would  be  neces- 
sary for  the  city  council  to  provide  for  the  submission  to  popular 
vote,  at  a  general,  city  or  special  election  in  and  for  the  entire  city 
and  coming  not  sooner  than  thirty  days  from  and  after  the  passage 
of  said  ordinance,  of  a  proposition  to  operate. 

Ninth.  Such  proposition  would  then  have  to  be  approved  at 
the  election  so  designated,  by  three-fifths  of  the  electors  of  the  city 
voting  thereon. 

In  view  of  these  statutory  requirements,  as  preliminaries  to 
municipal  ownership  and  operation  of  the  street  car  systems  of 
Chicago,  and  especially  of  the  vexatious  obstacles  which  those  re- 
quirements might  enable  adversaries  of  this  popular  demand  to 
interpose  at  every  stage,  I  am  constrained  to  recommend  this  plan 
of  procedure,  designated  above  as  "the  city  plan,"  only  in  the 
absence  of  a  simpler  and  more  expeditious  plan  calculated  to  pro- 
duce the  same  result;  and  I  am  firmly  of  the  opinion,  so  far  as  I 
am  at  present  advised,  that  the  contract  financing  plan,  herewith 
submitted  alternatively,  and  briefly  designated  as  "the  contract 
plan, ' '  meets  that  requirement. 

"B" 

CONTRACT  FINANCING  PLAN  FOR  THE  CONSTRUCTION 

AND  OPERATION  OF  A  MUNICIPAL  STREET  CAR 

SYSTEM  FOR  THE  CITY  OF  CHICAGO. 

This  plan,  to  be  known  for  convenience  of  reference  as  the 
"contract  plan,"  contemplates  the  construction  and  operation  of 
a  municipal  street  car  system  for  the  city  of  Chicago  through  the 
instrumentality  of  a  private  corporation  acting  in  the  city's 
interest. 

Pursuant  to  the  "contract  plan"  the  city  council  would 
build,  acquire  and  operate  street  railroads  through  the  instru- 
mentality (for  financing,  acquiring,  constructing  and  operating) 
of  a  private  company  composed  of  five  men  who  command  the 
confidence  of  the  people  of  Chicago,  for  their  personal  integrity, 
their  business  ability  and  their  pronounced  sympathy  with  the 
policy  of  municipal  ownership  of  street  car  service,  such  corpora 
tion  to  be  bound  by  contracts,  insuring  the  performance  of  their 


230  DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

undertaking  wholly  in  the  public  interest.  The  principal  steps 
which  I  regard  as  necessary  to  the  most  effective  execution  of  this 
plan  are  as  follows : 

First.  The  incorporation  of  a  company  under  the  laws  of 
Illinois,  by  five  persons,  well  known  to  the  people  of  Chicago  as 
possessing  the  necessary  qualifications  noted  above.  This  com- 
pany to  be  incorporated  for  the  express  purpose  of  building, 
acquiring,  and  operating  street  railroad  lines  in  Chicago  in  the 
interest  of  the  city,  and  to  have  the  power  to  issue  capital  stock 
to  secure  the  money  necessary  to  build,  acquire  and  operate  such 
property.  The  capital  stock  to  constitute  the  only  incumbrance 
upon  the  property,  and  its  amount  to  be  limited  to  the  actual  cost 
of  the  property.  Dividends  upon  the  capital  stock  to  be  limited 
to  five  per  cent  per  annum. 

Second.  The  granting  by  the  city  council  to  such  company  of 
duly  guarded  franchises  to  acquire,  build  and  operate  street  rail- 
roads on  designated  streets  between  fixed  termini  for  a  period 
of  twenty  years,  at  5-cent  car  fare  with  appropriate  transfers, 
and  with  a  reservation,  on  the  part  of  the  city,  of  the  right  to  take 
over  all  or  any  part  of  such  road,  at  any  time,  at  the  price  and 
upon  the  terms  to  be  contractually  specified  in  execution  of  this 
plan. 

Third.  The  directors,  president,  and  manager  of  the  said 
company  to  be  compensated,  until  the  city  takes  over  the  prop- 
erty, with  salaries  to  be  approved  by  the  city  council. 

Fourth.  All  expenditures,  contracts  and  specifications  for  the 
building  or  other  acquisition  of  street  railroad  properties  by  said 
company  to  be  approved  by  the  city  council  before  being  incurred 
or  executed  by  the  company. 

Fifth.  During  the  operation  of  the  lines  by  this  company, 
the  city  council  to  have  the  right  at  any  and  all  times,  fully  to 
inspect  its  business,  and  also  to  reduce  fares  below  the  franchise 
rate  to  the  extent  of  one-half  the  net  earnings  of  the  property, 
in  excess  of  operating  expenses  and  dividends;  all  the  net  earn- 
ings to  be  set  aside  as  a  purchase  fund  for  the  acquisition  of  the 
property  for  the  city,  or  to  be  used  in  the  betterment  of  the 
property,  as  the  city  council  may  from  time  to  time  direct. 

Sixth.  In  order  to  secure  to  the  trustee  directors  the  control 
of  the  property,  and  to  preserve  to  the  city  the  unobstructed  right 
at  any  time  to  acquire  such  property  in  accordance  with  this  plan, 
the  capital  stock  of  the  company  should  be  issued  in  trust  to  a 
trust  company  to  be  selected  by  the  directors  with  the  approval 
of  the  city  council,  which  trust  company  should  issue  on  the 
basis  thereof  an  equal  amount  of  marketable  trust  certificates 
to  the  company  for  the  purpose  of  obtaining  capital  by  sale  there- 


DUNNE JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  231 

of,  and  hold  the  capital  stock  in  trust  to  preserve  the  control  of 
the  aforesaid  trustees  for  the  management  of  the  said  street  car 
lines  and  the  consummation  of  this  plan  for  securing  municipal 
ownership  and  operation.  The  said  trust  company  should  be 
required  to  sell  the  stock  of  the  said  company,  as  represented  by 
said  certificates,  by  public  subscription,  duly  advertised.  In  the 
event  of  over-subscription,  it  should  be  required  to  make  allot- 
ments-in  the  order  of  the  receipt  of  subscriptions.  In  the  event 
of  under-subscription,  the  directors  should  be  authorized  to  con- 
tract for  the  underwriting  of  the  entire  offering  at  a  cost  not  to 
exceed  two  and  one-half  per  cent,  and  the  chosen  trust  company 
and  any  of  the  directors  should  be  at  liberty  to  become  under- 
writers. 

Seventh.  Upon  the  payment  to  the  aforesaid  trust  company 
by  the  city  of  Chicago  of  an  amount  equal  to  the  cost  of  the  prop- 
erty, less  the  accumulated  amount  of  the  sinking  fund  herein- 
above  provided  for,  the  said  trust  company  should  be  required, 
by  the  preliminary  contracts,  to  use  said  sum  so  paid,  together 
with  said  sinking  fund,  in  such  way  as  to  redeem  all  outstanding 
certificates  issued  by  it  upon  the  security  of  the  capital  stock  of 
said  proposed  street  car  company  and  to  use  the  said  capital 
stock,  held  by  it  in  trust,  in  such  way  as  to  transfer  all  the  street 
railroad  property  of  the  said  street  railroad  company  immedi- 
ately to  the  city  of  Chicago  for  direct  municipal  ownership  and 
operation. 

The  superiority  of  this  plan  over  the  "city  plan,"  herewith 
attached  for  comparison,  is  manifest.  It  requires  the  passage  of 
only  one  ordinance  by  the  city  council ;  it  provides  for  supervision 
and  control  by  the  city  council  from  beginning  to  end;  it  pre- 
cludes excessive  profits  by  making  the  company  and  its  directors 
trustees  of  all  profits  over  5  per  cent  for  the  city,  and  it  obviates 
the  necessity  for  delay  in  rehabilitation,  while  referendums  are 
taken  and  the  validity  of  the  street  railway  certificates  is  tested 
in  the  courts.  Yet,  while  establishing  virtual  immediate  munici- 
pal ownership  and  operation,  it  secures  the  right  of  the  city  to 
actual  municipal  ownership  and  operation  as  soon  as  the  validity 
of  the  certificates  shall  have  been  tested  and  the  people  shall,  by 
the  referendum  required  by  the  Mueller  law,  have  decided  to 
act.  By  means  of  this  plan  the  municipal  street  car  system  can 
be  put  into  condition  for  first-class  service,  on  the  lowest  level  of 
cost,  during  the  time  when  the  various  legal  preliminaries  to 
actual  acquisition  and  operation  by  the  city  are  being  perfected, 
and  yet  without  prejudice  to  the  acquisition  immediately  upon 
the  completion  of  those  preliminaries.  "With  such  a  plan  avail- 
able, it  seems  to  me  quite  impossible  to  recommend  the  "city 


232  DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

plan"  in  preference,  without  stultifying  my  sincere  and  often- 
expressed  desire  to  secure  good  service  and  municipal  ownership 
and  operation  at  the  earliest  practicable  moment.  I  am  confident 
that  the  people  may  rely  upon  the  city  council  also  to  prefer  the 
"contract  plan." 


DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  233 


PLANS  OF  MAYOR  DUNNE  FOR  BUILD- 
ING NEW  STREET  RAILWAY 
SYSTEM. 

STATEMENT  TO  THE  PUBLIC,  JULY  8,  1905. 

"It  may  be  possible  for  the  committee  to  hold  daily  sessions 
until  this  matter  is  disposed  of, ' '  said  Mayor  Dunne  yesterday.  ' '  I 
wish  to  have  it  settled,  ready  for  the  reassembling  of  the  council 
in  September.  Several  members  of  the  committee  have  talked  with 
me  today,  and  I  hope  we  can  agree  upon  a  program  in  a  short  time. 

"In  proposing  to  give  a  franchise  to  a  private  company  for 
twenty  years,  are  you  not  violating  the  public  will,  as  expressed  in 
the  referendum  vote  against  any  franchise  to  any  company?" 
Mayor  Dunne  was  asked. 

"Yes,  in  the  letter,  but  not  in  the  spirit,"  was  the  Mayor's 
reply.  "The  vote  had  reference  to  franchise  granted  to  private 
corporations  for  profit.  The  holding  corporation  that  I  propose 
will  not  be  for  profit,  except  that  men  putting  up  the  money  to 
build  the  roads  will  get  5  per  cent  interest  until  the  city  can  take 
the  property. 

"I  am  proceeding  in  accord  with  the  platform  on  which  I  was 
elected,  which  promised  that  negotiations  should  first  be  tried 
with  the  old  companies ;  if  these  failed,  I  was  to  attempt  to  secure 
municipal  ownership  in  the  most  practicable  way  possible.  "We 
have  tried  negotiating,  without  success ;  now  the  best  course  open 
is  to  build  a  new  system." 

"Have  you  any  calculations  as  to  how  long  it  probably  will  be 
before  the  city  can  take  over  the  lines?" 

"That  depends  on  a  great  many  things.  First  of  all,  the  Muel- 
ler law  must  be  tested,  and  that  probably  will  take  until  next 
spring.  Then  arrangements  must  be  made  for  disposing  of  the 
certificates,  and  there  must  be  a  referendum  vote  on  their  issue. 
I  am  informed  that  the  proposed  system  probably  can  be  com- 
pleted in  two  years,  and  perhaps  by  that  time  the  city  will  be 
able  to  take  the  property." 

"There  apparently  will  be  a  good  profit  in  building  the  lines," 
was  suggested  to  the  mayor. 

"Yes,"  he  replied,  "there  doubtless  will  be  a  profit  for  the 
contractor,  but  not  for  the  directors  of  the  company,  who  will  be 


234  DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

selected  for  their  friendliness  to  municipal  ownership,  as  well  as 
for  their  business  ability,  and  who  will  not  let  the  contracts.  That 
will  be  done  by  the  city1  council." 


DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  235 


ON  CITY  OWNERSHIP  OF  PUBLIC 
UTILITIES. 

ADDRESS  BEFORE  THE  BOSTON  TAMMANY  CLUB,  JULY  29,  1905. 

Mr.  Chairman  and  Gentlemen: 

As  a  sample  of  the  misrepresentation  and  mendacity  which 
has  characterized  the  press  and  the  news  agents  in  their  opposi- 
tion to  municipal  ownership,  let  me  read  from  the  Des  Moines 
Register  of  July  6,  in  great  "scarehead"  lines,  as  follows: 

"Mayor  Dunne  quits  fight  on  street  cars.  "Will  favor  fran- 
chises to  friendly  corporations.  He  throws  up  his  hands.  Leaves 
his  platform  after  three  months.  Believes  plan  a  failure.  Over- 
throws his  electors  and  turns  in  favor  of  corporations  who  fought 
him." 

Similar  dispatches,  I  am  informed,  have  been  published  in  all 
the  influential  papers  of  the  country  and  I  have  been  in  receipt 
of  numerous  letters,  calling  my  attention  to  these  misrepresenta- 
tions and  asking  me  as  to  their  truth.  Let  us  see  what  the  facts 
are. 

In  my  speech  of  acceptance  to  the  convention,  after  pointing 
out  that  the  Mueller  law  certificates  could  be  utilized  for  the  pur- 
pose of  raising  money  to  either  buy  out  the  present  traction  com- 
panies or  to  build  new  lines,  I  made  use  of  the  following  language : 

' '  There  are  other  ways,  outside  of  the  issuance  of  the  Mueller 
bill  certificates,  under  which  the  city  could  provide  means  for  the 
purchase  of  the  present  street  car  system  or  for  the  building  and 
equipment  of  new  ones.  If  the  city  were  to  offer  to  a  syndicate 
of  capitalists  a  lease  of  the  car  system  of /the  city,  providing  the 
syndicate  would  furnish  ready  capital  for  the  purchase  price  of 
the  same,  under  the  terms  of  which  lease  the  syndicate,  so  fur- 
nishing such  money,  should  retain  and  operate  such  roads  under 
lease,  by  the  terms  of  which  they  should  first  pay  themselves  5 
per  cent  upon  the  money  invested  and,  secondly,  provide  a  sinking 
fund  for  the  payment  of  the  capital  invested;  and,  thirdly,  pay 
reasonable  compensation  to  the  managers  of  the  street  car  system 
leased  by  such  a  syndicate  while  operating  the  property,  and 
after  the  payment  of  said  liabilities  then  turn  over  to  the  city  of 
Chicago  the  road  free  and  clear  from  liabilities,  I  have  no  reason- 
able doubt  that  wise  and  prudent  financiers  would  regard  such 


236  DUNNE JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

a,  lease,  terminable  only  at  the  time  when  they  received  their 
capital  and  interest  at  5  per  cent,  as  adequate  security  for  the 
investment.  But,  if  such  a  syndicate  of  capitalists  would  not  be 
willing  to  do  this,  there  is  no  question  in  my  mind  that,  if  such 
a  lease  were  tendered  to  a  corporation,  organized  for  the  purpose 
of  leasing  and  operating  the  street  car  system  of  the  city  of 
Chicago,  under  such  an  arrangement  upon  the  understanding 
that  the  management  of  the  same  was  to  be  placed  in  the  hands 
of  competent  railway  men  at  decent  remuneration,  the  depositors 
in  the  savings  banks  of  Chicago,  who  are  drawing  but  3  per  cent 
interest  on  their  investment,  would  be  very  glad  to  back  any 
company  organized  for  such  a  purpose  and  under  such  a  man- 
agement and  exchange  their  deposits  for  stock  bearing  5  per  cent 
interest. ' ' 

Following  the  method  outlined  in  that,  my  speech  of  ac- 
ceptance to  the  convention,  on  the  5th  of  this  month,  within 
three  months  after  my  election,  although  I  was  embarrassed  with 
the  most  extensive,  exasperating  and  widely  prevailing  strike 
that  has  hampered  and  hindered  Chicago  for  many  years,  I  sub- 
mitted a  plan  for  municipal  ownership  along  the  foregoing  lines. 

Accompanying  this  message,  I  submitted  the  form  of  an 
ordinance  to  the  council,  providing  for  the  incorporation  of  a 
company  of  five  persons,  well  known  to  the  people  of  Chicago  who 
would  command  the  confidence  of  the  people  for  their  personal 
integrity,  their  business  ability  and  their  pronounced  sympathy 
with  the  cause  of  municipal  ownership.  The  ordinance  provides 
for  the  granting  to  said  directors  of  a  safely  guarded  franchise  to 
equip,  build  and  operate  street  railways.  All  expenditures,  con- 
tracts and  specifications,  however,  to  be  approved  by  the  city 
council,  and  the  right  was  reserved  to  the  city  to  at  all  times 
inspect  the  company's  books.  The  ordinance  further  provided 
in  rigid  terms  that  the  said  corporation  could  have  no  profit  ex- 
cept the  return  of  the  capital  invested  with  5  per  cent  and  pro- 
vided that  all  earnings,  over  and  above  this  amount  shall  be  paid 
into  a  sinking  fund  to  {he  credit  of  the  city. 

This  plan  was  adopted  upon  consultation  with  both  able 
financiers  and  some  of  the  truest  and  most  reliable  friends  of 
municipal  ownership  in  Chicago  and  elsewhere.  It  was  and  is  a 
practical  short  cut  to  municipal  ownership  and  I  believe  will 
commend  itself  to  the  good  judgment  of  all  the  friends  of  munici- 
pal ownership. 

Since  I  have  been  inducted  into  office  we  have,  by  the  vigorous 
action  of  our  law  department,  succeeded  in  dissolving  an  injunction 
which  prevented  our  taking  possession  of  any  portion  of  the  lines  of 
the  present  traction  companies  whose  franchises  have  expired.  We 


DUNNE JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  237 

have  instituted  quo  warrantd  proceedings,  in  the  name  of  the  people, 
under  which  the  traction  companies  will  be  compelled  to  disclose  all 
their  rights  and  which,  in  my  judgment,  will  be  passed  upon  ad- 
versely to  most  of  their  Tights  in  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  State 
within  the  next  six  months.  The  transportation  committee  of  the 
city  council  has  called  upon  the  present  roads  to  name  a  price  for 
their  property  and  they  have  refused  to  come  down  to  definite 
figures  and  we  are  proceeding  vigorously  to  map  out  a  municipal 
line  running  through  the  heart  of  the  city  of  Chicago  which,  if 
built,  will  not  only  furnish  adequate  transportation  facilities  for 
one-third  to  one-half  of  the  people  of  that  city  within  the  next  two 
years,  but  will,  in  my  opinion,  prove  so  remunerative  as  to  pay  for 
its  construction  inside  of  ten  years. 

The  cause  of  municipal  ownership  in  Chicago,  instead  of  lag- 
ging or  dropping  by  the  wayside,  is  being  furthered  vigorously  and 
steadfastly.  The  demand  of  the  people  is  being  responded  to.  The 
fight  between  vested  interests  and  the  people  is  well  under  way  and, 
backed  as  we  are,  by  public  sentiment  and  the  righteousness  of  our 
cause,  I  have  no  fears  of  the  ultimate  result.  That  we  will  have 
litigation  and  every  other  sort  of  obstacles  thrown  in  our  way  by 
the  private  companies  and  the  capitalistic  syndicates  of  New  York 
and  Chicago,  is  to  be  expected.  But  the  wave  of  public  sentiment 
in  favor  of  the  ownership  of  these  utilities  is  sweeping  headlong 
over  the  land.  It  first  manifested  itself  .in  the  great  city  by  the 
inland  seas.  But  it  is  sweeping  steadily  and  irresistibly  over  the 
whole  country. 

Chicago  is  in  earnest  and  when  she  says,  "I  will"  today,  she 
will  say,  ' '  I  have  done ' '  tomorrow.  That  tomorrow,  in  my  opinion, 
will  be  but  a  few  months  away.  It  may  be  longer,  but  the  resistless 
force  of  public  sentiment  cannot  be  withstood.  Chicago  can  and 
will  accomplish  what  Glasgow,  Liverpool,  Manchester,  Leeds,  Shef- 
field, Hull,  Aberdeen,  Cardiff,  Dundee,  Sutherland,  Berlin,  Vienna 
and  Milan  and  hundreds  of  other  great  cities  of  the  world  have 
done. 

But  when  Chicago  has  accomplished  in  the  way  of  the  mu- 
nicipalization  of  its  street  railway  systems  what  I  predict  it  will 
accomplish,  it  will  not,  I  regret  to  say,  have  the  proud  distinction 
of  being  the  pioneer  city  of  America  to  municipalize  its  street  car 
systems.  For  within  the  last  few  days,  I  have  read  in  the  Toronto 
World,  July  12,  1905,  that  Port  Arthur  is  a  town  in  Canada  that 
so  firmly  believes  in  municipal  ownership  of  public  utilities  that  it 
owns  its  own  electric  railway,  telephone  and  electric  light  systems. 

Although  Chicago  is  the  pioneer  in  many  things;  although  it 
is  the  nerve  center  of  America;  although  it  accomplishes  many 
things  that  other  cities  have  yet  to  achieve,  it  must  bow  down  in 
homage  to  a  little  Canadian  city  on  Lake  Superior,  which  in  the 


238  DUNNE JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

year  1905  is  owning  its  own  electric  railway,  telephone  and  electric 
light  plants. 

I  confidently  predict,  however,  from  what  I  know  of  the 
people  of  Chicago,  that  it  will  not  lag  much  longer  behind  and  that 
within  a  very  short  time  it  will  have  the  proud  distinction  of  being 
the  first  city  in  the  United  States  to  be  in  actual  ownership  of  its 
own  municipal  street  car  system,  and  when  once  that  great  city 
has  proved  that  municipalization  of  street  car  plants  is  an  assured 
success,  it  will  mean  that  hundreds  of  other  American  cities  will 
follow  in  her  wake  and  accomplish  an  economic  revolution  to  the 
great  advantage  of  the  citizens  of  this  country. 


DUNNE JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  239 


FAVORS  VOLUNTARY  ARBITRATION 
OF  LABOR  DISPUTES. 

ADDRESS  ON  LABOR  DAY,  SEPTEMBER  4,  1905. 

Mr.  Chairman  and  Gentlemen: 

In  England,  during  the  fourteenth  century  the  laboring  man's 
wages  were  fixed  by  law  in  a  Parliament  where  he  had  no  repre- 
sentation and  it  was  a  criminal  offense  for  a  laboring  man  to  leave 
the  county  in  which  he  dwelt  without  a  letter  patent  under  the 
king's  seal  expressing  the  cause  of  his  going  and  the  time  of  his 
return.  To  take  more  or  less  than  the  legal  wage,  imposed  upon  a 
laboring  man  a  penalty  of  forty  days  imprisonment. 

In  the  fifteenth  century,  the  justices  of  the  peace  were  empow- 
ered to  send  writs  to  the  sheriffs  of  counties  for  fugitive  laborers 
in  the  same  manner  as  those  sent  for  felons  or  thieves.  In  the  same 
century,  it  was  held  a  criminal  offense  for  workingmen  to  meet  and 
confederate.  Persons  refusing  to  labor  were  committed  to  jail  and 
their  masters  were  entitled  to  a  fixed  fine  to  be  imposed  upon  them. 
In  the  same  century,  under  Henry  the  Eighth,  a  laboring  man, 
found  out  of  employment,  could  be  sentenced  to  be  tied  to  the  end 
of  a  cart  naked  and  beaten  with  whips  till  his  body  be  bloody  by 
reason  of  such  whipping,  and  this  punishment  appearing  not  to  be 
satisfactory,  they  were  afterwards  condemned  to  have  a  piece  of 
their  right  ear  cut  off. 

Even  in  the  eighteenth  century,  under  George  the  Second,  in 
the  case  of  a  dispute  between  a  laborer  and  his  employer,  if  the 
laborer  were  found  guilty  of  ill-behavior,  he  could  be  sentenced  to 
whipping  and  imprisonment  for  not  to  exceed  a  month.  As  late  as 
1823,  in  the  same  country,  if  a  laborer  refused  to  enter  employment, 
as  agreed  upon,  or  quit  before  the  time  of  his  employment  had 
expired,  he  was  subject  to  imprisonment  in  the  house  of  correction 
for  a  term,  not  exceeding  three  months.  This  was  the  law  as  late 
as  1867  in  England.  In  1875  the  British  Parliament  passed  an  act 
known  as  ''The  Employers'  and  Workmen's  Act,"  which  the  Prime 
Minister  declared  was  the  first  act  in  the  history  of  the  country 
which  enabled  employer  and  employe  to  sit  under  equal  laws. 

It  is  well  to  contemplate  the  rapid  progress  that  has  been 
made  in  the  labor  world  from  this  legalized  savagery  and  injustice 
up  to  the  station  which  labor  now  holds  in  the  industrial  world. 


240  DUNNE JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

Great  Britain  is  supposed  to  have  been,  tduring  the  last  couple  of 
centuries,  one  of  the  most  civilized  countries  on  the  earth,  and  if 
the  laboring  man's  position  was  such  as  we  have  just  found  it  to 
be  in  that  country,  what  must  it  have  been  in  the  other  coun- 
tries of  Europe? 

Today  we  are  engaged  in  celebrating  a  holiday  which  by  the 
statute  of  this  State  is  dedicated  to  signalizing  the  dignity  of 
labor.  Labor  Day,  by  the  laws  of  the  land,  is  placed  in  the  same 
category  as  the  holidays  on  which  we  celebrate  the  birth  of  the 
Nation  and  the  birth  of  Christianity.  The  march  of  progress  has 
resulted  in  declaring  that  the  product  of  brain  and  brawn,  of 
mind  and  muscle,  is  not  the  mere  result  of  mastery  of  one  man 
over  another,  but  is  the  result  of  an  exchange  of  commodities  by 
virtue  of  contract  and  that  labor,  as  well  as  capital,  has  its  rights 
and  must  have  its  protection  under  equal  laws. 

In  more  recent  years,  the  march  of  events  has  demonstrated 
that  the  hours  and  price  of  labor  are  not  always  fixed  and  cannot 
always  be  fixed  by  legislation  or  contracts  between  individuals. 
The  twentieth  century  is  the  age  of  amalgamation,  of  consolida- 
tion and  of  cooperation.  The  price  and  hour  for  labor  and  other 
conditions  under  which  labor  works  are  now  largely  fixed,  not  by 
individual  contract  or  by  legislation  but  by  treaties  between  great 
consolidation  of  employers  on  the  one  hand  and  great  consolida- 
tion of  employes  on  the  other.  Capital  has  consolidated,  as  it  has 
the  right  to  do.  Labor  has  consolidated,  as  it  has  the  right  to  do. 
And  as  a  result,  great  combinations  of  employers  meet  with  great 
combinations  of  employes  and,  by  agreement  or  treaty  between 
these  great  consolidations,  the  hours  and  price  of  labor  are  now 
fixed  in  the  industrial  world. 

It  is  idle  to  discuss  how  or  what  circumstances  have  brought 
about  these  great  industrial  consolidations  which  have  compelled 
the  making  of  contracts  between  great  bodies  on  both  sides.  These 
combinations  are  here  and  it  would  appear  from  the  tendency  of 
modern  times,  they  are  here  to  stay.  Such  being  the  case,  it  is 
probably  proper  for  us  to  discuss,  in  the  interest  of  good  govern- 
ment and  good  order,  the  elements  which  should  be  incorporated 
in  such  agreements  or  treaties  under  which  wages  are  fixed  and 
hours  determined. 

No  matter  how  carefully  such  agreements  may  be  drafted  and 
entered  upon,  it  is  not  always  possible  to  provide  for  contingencies 
that  may  arise  in  the  future,  and  where  disagreements  do  arise 
between  employers  and  employes,  it  has  been  unfortunately  the 
case  that  either  the  strike  or  the  lockout  has  resulted,  and  strikes 
and  lockouts  entail  serious  consequences  to  both  parties  and  entail 
very  frequently  great  burdens  upon  the  general  public.  It  is  the 


DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  241 

part  of  wisdom  then,  both  on  the  part  of  employers  and  em- 
ployes in  entering  into  agreements  or  treaties  under  which  the 
hours,  wages  and  conditions  of  employment  are  fixed,  to  provide 
in  all  cases  that,  whenever  a  dispute  arises  with  reference  to  the 
interpretation  of  the  contract  or  with  reference  to  new  exigencies 
arising  thereafter,  all  such  disputes  should  be  settled  by  an  agreed 
board  of  arbitration.  Such  a  provision  entails  no  sacrifices  of 
dignity  and  its  incorporation  in  the  contract  or  treaty  must  neces- 
sarily give  an  opportunity  to  either  or  both  parties  to  the  contract 
to  avoid  the  resort  to  such  a  war  measure  as  a  strike  or  a  lock-- 
out, and  when  such  a  provision  is  incorporated,  as  I  am  glad  to  see 
•it  frequently  is  in  labor  contracts,  it  should  be  the  bounden  duty 
of  every  organization,  corporation  and  individual  party  to  such 
a  contract  to  see  that  it  is  religiously  observed.  The  individual, 
corporation  or  association  which  makes  such  an  agreement  that 
would  repudiate  its  terms,  ought  to  be  regarded  as  unfit  to  deal 
with  in  all  future  contracts. 

Labor  and  capital  will  both  make  themselves  respected  by  a 
strict  adherence  to  their  contracts  and  must  injure  themselves,  in 
the  estimation  of  the  public,  by  a  repudiation  of  such  provisions. 
Therefore,  do  I  say,  men  in  the  industrial  world,  whether  you  be 
employers  or  employes,  in  all  your  contracts  relating  to  the  em- 
ployment of  labor,  be  sure  that  you  have  a  provision  which  pro- 
vides for  the  arbitration  of  all  disputes,  and  when  you  have  such 
a  provision  and  disputes  arise,  follow  the  terms  of  your  contract 
without  resorting  to  the  strike  or  the  lockout. 

In  nearly  every  other  affair  of  life  outside  of  the  difficulties 
between  capital  and  labor,  the  law  provides  legal  tribunals,  which 
are  simply  courts  of  arbitration.  A  man  must  arbitrate,  under 
the  law  of  this  State,  whether  the  bonds  which  bind  him  in  matri- 
mony shall  remain  in  force  or  be  loosened ;  whether  he  shall  have 
the  custody  of  his  own  flesh  and  blood ;  whether  he  shall  receive 
aught  under  his  father's  will;  whether  he  shall  be  a  prisoner  or 
a  freeman.  Why  not,  then,  provide  voluntarily  for  tribunals 
of  arbitration  in  matters  relating  to  the  employment  of  labor? 
I  am  not  advocating  a  compulsory  arbitration  law  but  I  am  most 
earnestly  advocating  voluntary  arbitration  in  all  matters  of  in- 
dustrial disputes. 

•  The  laws  of  this  State  and  of  other  states  encourage  arbitra- 
tion. In  some  countries,  it  is  made  even  compulsory.  While  I 
am  not  prepared  at  thei  present  time  to  advocate  compulsory  ar- 
bitration of  industrial  disputes,  I  am  of  the  opinion  that  our  law 
creating  a  State  Board  of  Arbitration  might  be  wisely  amended 
so  as  to  permit  of  action  by  the  said  board  upon  the  application 


242  DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

of  the  Governor,  the  mayors  of  cities,  or.  by  any  considerable 
number  of  citizens  not  engaged  in  an  industrial  controversy. 

Under  the  law,  as  it  at  present  stands,  no  finding  can  be  made 
by  the  Board  of  Arbitration  with  reference  to  the  merits  of  any 
controversy,  unless  either  or  both  parties  to  the  controversy 
make  written  application  to  the  board  and  file  with  the  said  board 
an  agreement  to  continue  in  business  or  at  work  without  a  lock- 
out or  a  strike  until  the  decision  of  the  board  is  rendered.  Indi- 
viduals and  corporations,  in  the  heat  of  controversies,  are  fre- 
quently so  headstrong  and  unreasonable  as  to  decline  to  make 
such  applications  or  agreements.  The  general  public  is  compelled 
to  stand  by  and  see  these  lamentable  industrial  struggles  carried 
on  to  the  injury  of  the  whole  community. 

It  would  seem  to  me  the  public  itself,  or  its  duly  elected  of- 
ficials, ought  to  be  permitted,  through  the  State  Board  of  Arbi- 
tration, in  all  such  disputes,  to  take  evidence  and  ascertain  the 
cause,  the  origin  and  the  merits  of  the  controversy,  even  if  the 
board  does  nothing  but  publish  the  result  of  its  investigation.  If 
such  powers  were  given  to  the  State  Board  of  Arbitration  to  act 
upon  the  request  of  public  officials  or  the  request  of  a  large  num- 
ber of  disinterested  citizens  and  to  compel  the  attendance  of  wit- 
nesses and  the  production  of  papers  under  oath,  and  publish  its 
findings,  it  would  tend  to  discourage  many  of  the  controversies 
that  unfortunately  arise  between  capital  and  labor. 

The  world  has  just  witnessed  the  glorious  spectacle  of  the 
President  of  the  United  States  bringing  about  the  cessation  of 
the  greatest  war  of  modern  times.  The  same  spirit  which 
actuated  this  great  man  should  find  a  place  in  the  hearts  of  his 
fellow  citizens  in  the  endeavor  to  avoid  such  lamentable  strug- 
gles as  have  occurred  in  the  labor  world  in  recent  years. 


DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  243 


W.  J.  BRYAN. 

ADDRESS  DELIVERED  AT  THE  JEFFERSON  CLUB,  CHICAGO, 
SEPTEMBER  12,  1905. 

Mr.  Chairman  and  Gentlemen: 

We  have  met  tonight  to  do  honor  and  wish  bon  voyage  to  our 
distinguished  and  admired  guest,  Colonel  Bryan.  Wherever  Demo- 
crats assemble  throughout  the  length  and  breadth  of  this  great  coun- 
try, the  presence  or  name  of  our  distinguished  guest  is  ever  received 
with  enthusiasm  and  acclaim,  and  nowhere  within  the  United1  States 
has  he  received,  or  will  he  continue  to  receive,  a  more  cordial  recep- 
tion than  in  the  city  of  Chicago. 

We  admire  the  man  because  we  recognize  in  him  the  first  great 
figure  in  the  national  life  of  the  Nation  that  opened  war  upon  mo- 
nopoly and  special  privilege  in  1896.  We  admire  him  because,  when 
in  1900  he  was  tendered  the  practically  unanimous  renomination 
for  the  Presidency — an  honor  for  a  defeated  candidate  seldom  if 
ever  before  accorded  in  the  history  of  the  country — he  had  the 
courage  and  loyalty  to  his  convictions  to  refuse  that  nomination 
unless  the  platform  on  which  he  was  to  run  reenunciated  the  con- 
victions and  principles  which  he  believed  to  be  right  and  for  the 
best  interests  of  the  people  of  the  United  States. 

We  admire  him  even  more  because  of  the  fact  that  in  1904, 
although  he  was  in  a  decided  minority  in  the  great  national  conven- 
tion at  St.  Louis,  he  had  the  courage  to  stand  forth  and  denounce, 
within  the  conclaves  of  his  own  party,  the  acts  and  doings  of  men 
that  he  believed  to  be  a  fraud  upon  the  electorate  and  a  scandal  to 
Democracy.  We  admire  and  respect  him  because  at  all  times  and 
under  all  circumstances  and  in  every  place  in  which  he  found  him- 
self, he  has  stood  for  purity  in  politics  and  placed  man  before 
mammon. 

Whether  in  victory  or  in  defeat,  he  has  always  stood  for  the 
right,  and  the  man  who  so  acts  must  always  earn,  as  he  has  earned, 
the  respect  and  confidence  of  his  fellow  countrymen.  And  now 
that  he  is  leaving  us  for  a  trip  abroad,  our  good  wishes  go  with  him 
and  we  ask  him  in  his  travels  abroad,  to  note  well  the  advantages 
and  disadvantages  of  governmental  institutions  and  to  bring  back 
to  us  the  benefits  of  his  observation  and  experience. 


244  DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 


WILL  VETO  CERTAIN  STREET  RAIL- 
WAY FRANCHISES. 

STATEMENT  TO  THE  PUBLIC,  SEPTEMBER  28,  1905. 

I  believe  I  have  my  thumb  on  the  public  pulse.  The  council 
will  feel  the  beat  of  that  pulse  before  it  gets  through.  The  meet- 
ings at  which  I  have  spoken  during  the  past  week  have  satisfied 
me  that  the  people  are  with  me.  Some  of  the  demonstrations 
were  extraordinary,  especially  the  meetings  held  last  night. 

I  meant  what  I  said  at  those  meetings.  I  repeat  that  if  I 
am  wrong,  let  the  people  turn  me  out.  If  the  council  is  wrong, 
turn  it  out. 

I  have  been  informed  that  the  council  will  attempt  to  pass 
the  tentative  ordinance.  I  shall  veto  it  of  course.  If  I  failed  to 
do  so,  I  ought  to  be  driven  out  of  town,  after  the  stand  that  I 
have  taken  on  municipal  ownership. 

I  believe,  however,  that  some  of  the  councilmen  will  see  a 
great  light  before  long,  if  they  have  not  seen  one  already.  Their 
constituents  will  begin  to  pour  a  few  hints  into  their  ears.  The 
city  government  is  double  barreled,  as  I  said  in  my  speech,  and 
I  trust  that  the  council  barrel  will  line  up  with  mine.  When  it 
does  we  will  be  able  to  start  building  a  power  house  in  prepara- 
tion for  a  municipally  owned  railway. 

One  misapprehension  that  I  want  to  correct  is  the  idea  that 
I  have  set  any  definite  time  in  which  municipal  ownership  can 
be  obtained.  There  have  been  various  statements  on  the  subject. 
I  was  quoted  as  declaring  in  an  alleged  speech  in  Cleveland  that 
municipal  ownership  was  a  possibility  within  five  months.  I 
never  made  a  speech  in  Cleveland.  I  prefer  to  have  no  dates 
mentioned.  It  is  impossible  to  say  at  just  what  time  the  people 
of  Chicago  will  be  riding  in  their  own  municipally  owned  street 
cars.  That  depends  on  how  the  council  acts  in  the  matter. 

It  will  take  about  two  years  to  build  a  power  house.  As 
far  as  trackage  is  concerned,  it  is  as  simple  a  matter  to  build  700 
miles  as  seven.  It  is  simply  a  question  of  men. 

I  am  afraid  that  the  loop  ordinance  will  not  be  in  a  condition 
to  submit  to  the  councilmen  tomorrow.  My  attorneys  inform 
me  that  there  are  some  legal  hitches  to  contend  with.  I  have 
practically  decided  to  defer  taking  the  initiative  in  traction 
matters.  I  want  to  give  the  local  transportation  committee  time 
to  act. 


DUNNE — JUDGE,  MAYOR,  GOVERNOR  245 


WHAT  CHICAGO  NEEDS  TO  BECOME 

GREAT. 

ADDRESS  DELIVERED  AT  THE  MAYOR'S  DINNER,  OCTOBER  7,  1905.. 

Mr.  Toastmaster  and  Gentlemen: 

Your  organization  initiates  tonight,  under  the  name  of  the 
"Mayor's  Dinner,"  an  annual  celebration  of  Chicago  day,  that 
day  being  intended  as  an  anniversary  of  Chicago's  great  fire  of 
October  9,  1871.  It  is  your  intention,  as  I  understand  it,  to  com- 
memorate, on  each  October  9,  the  great  fire  of  Chicago  by  the 
giving  of  a  public  banquet  to  be  known  as  the  "Mayor's  Dinner," 
at  which  the  merchants  and  business  men  of  Chicago  will  meet 
with  the  executive  of  the  city  and  the  heads  of  its  departments 
for  the  purpose  of  bringing  about  a  closer  relationship  between 
the  political  government  of  Chicago  and  its  business  interests.  In 
my  judgment,  your  object  is  a  commendable  one. 

The  merchants  and  business  men  of  a  great  city  should  at 
proper  times  confer  with  its  political  officers,  give  free  and  full 
expression  to  their  views  with  relation  to  the  general  good  of  the 
city,  and  encourage  an  expression  of  views  from  the  city  officials 
with  reference  to  its  political  and  commercial  welfare.  The 
mayor  of  a  great  city  and  the  heads  of  its  departments  should, 
on  proper  occasions,  be  ready  to  interchange  a  free  and  full  ex- 
pression of  views  with  the  commercial  interests  of  the  city  and 
to  impart  and  receive  information  which  may  redound  to  the  good 
of  the  municipality. 

Understanding  that  this  is  the  object  of  the  annual  "Mayor's 
Dinner,"  which  is  inaugurated  tonight,  I  am  pleased  to  be  present 
and  to  meet  so  many  of  my  fellow  citizens  who  stand  high  in  the 
commercial  world  of  the  city  of  Chicago.  Next  to  his  country, 
every  citizen,  dwelling  in  a  city,  should  have  the  particular  in- 
terests of  his  city  at  heart.  And  I  have  yet  to  meet  a  Chicagoan 
who  is  not  proud  of  his  city — proud  of  its  past  history,  proud  of 
its  present  and  hopeful  and  sanguine  of  its  future. 

We  are  met  tonight  to  consider  primarily  what  is  for  the 
best  interests  of  this  great  and  growing  city;  what  are  its  draw- 
backs, if  any,  and  what  measures  we  can  devise  and  further  to 
insure  its  future  development  and  prosperity. 


246  DUNNE JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

Chicago,  in  my  judgment,  is  the  greatest  city  of  America, 
not  in  population  or  in  wealth,  but  in  energy,  activity  and  vital- 
ized ambition  in  both  commercial  and  economic  directions.  It  is 
the  nerve  center  of  America  from  which  pulsates  and  throbs  the 
advanced  thought  and  energy  of  the  American  people.  It  is  a 
city  of  palaces  and  of  hovels,  a  city  of  churches  and  of  charnal 
houses,  a  city  of  millionaires  and  mendicants,  into  which  has 
poured  the  children  of  every  race  and  clime  upon  earth,  and  it 
has  been  rapidly  assimilating  all  classes  of  people  into  good 
American  citizenship.  It  is  the  theatre  of  political  action.  It  is 
the  center  of  political  economic  thought.  It  is  the  city  of  courage 
and  determination. 

We  all  love  Chicago  and  heartily  wish  for  its  future  pros- 
perity and  development.  You  men,  leaders  in  the  commercial 
world  of  Chicago,  are  anxious  to  attract  to  it  the  trade  and  com- 
merce of  the  Northwest,  and  I  am  heartily  desirous,  and  I  know 
that  the  officials  of  the  city  of  Chicago  are  equally  desirous,  of 
aiding  your  wishes  in  that  direction  and  no  stone  will  be  left 
unturned  to  assist  you  in  benefiting  this  city  which  we  love  and 
in  which  we  dwell. 

We  should  encourage  in  every  possible  way  the  holding  of 
commercial,  fraternal  and  other  conventions  in  this  city.  We 
should  advertise  the  advantages  and  resources  of  our  city  in 
every  possible  direction.  Because  of  our  magnificent  location 
in  the  center  of  the  Northwest,  because  of  our  magnificent  railway 
and  water  facilities,  we  ought  to  be  able,  and  we  are  able,  to  sell 
merchandise  of  every  character  in  this  city  upon  as  economical  a 
basis  as  any  city  in  America. 

But  there  are  other  needs  and  requirements  of  the  city  of 
Chicago  besides  its  commercial  needs  and  requirements.  We  are 
commercially  great  and  we  must  become  commercially  greater. 
But  we  must  also  become  morally  and  politically  great  as  well. 

You,  gentlemen,  engrossed  in  great  commercial  enterprises, 
may  not  have  time,  and  possibly  do  not  have  time,  to  reflect  upon 
the  political  needs  of  Chicago. 

Chicago  suffers  from  an  economic  standpoint  in  many  vital 
particulars.  We  suffer  sorely  from  an  inadequate  revenue  to 
improve  our  streets,  to  police  our  city  and  to  give  efficient  fire 
and  sanitary  protection  to  our  citizens,  and,  in  general,  to  properly 
run  the  municipal  government.  Let  me  call  your  attention  to 
a  few  figures  to  substantiate  this  statement. 

In  the  past  we  have  been  unable  to  raise  sufficient  revenue 
to  properly  run  the  municipal  government.  This  is  shown  by  the 
fact  that  the  total  debt  per  capita  for  the  city  of  Chicago  is  a 
little  over  $28,  while  that  of  New  York  is  $143,  of  Philadelphia 


DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  247 

$42,  of  St.  Louis  $39,  of  Boston  $148,  of  Baltimore  $75,  of  Cleve- 
land $53,  of  Buffalo  $51,  and  of  Pittsburg  $76.  Of  the  ten  largest 
cities  in  the  United  States,  the  total  debt  per  capita  in  Chicago 
is  less  than  that  of  any  except  San  Francisco. 

The  general  property  tax  per  capita  in  Chicago  in  1904  was 
$9.32,  while  that  of  New  York  was  $19.36,  of  Philadelphia  $13.37, 
of  St.  Louis  $13.88,  of  Boston  $28.01,  of  Baltimore  $11.16,  of 
Cleveland  $12.49,  of  Buffalo  $11.48,  of  San  Francisco  $13.12,  and 
of  Pittsburg  $15.20.  In  other  words,  the  general  property  tax 
of  Chicago  is  less  than  that  of  any  of  the  ten  largest  cities  in 
the  United  States.  Is  it  at  all  surprising  that,  with  such  scanty 
revenue  in  the  past  and  at  present,  the  city  of  Chicago  presents 
comparatively  unclean  and  dilapidated  streets  to  the  strangers 
within  our  gates  ? 

The  administrative  government  of  the  city  of  Chicago  during 
the  last  year  was  able  to  expend  only  79c  per  capita  of  its  popu- 
lation to  run  the  municipal  government,  while  New  York  spent 
$1.84,  Philadelphia  $1.54,  St.  Louis  $1.27,  Boston  $2.22,  Balti- 
more 90c,  Buffalo  98c,  San  Francisco  $2.17,  and  Pittsburg  90c. 
Only  one  of  the  ten  great  cities  of  the  United  States  expended 
less  for  the  general  administration  of  its  government,  and  that  is 
the  city  of  Cleveland. 

Ought  you  to  reasonably  expect  the  police  force  of  the  city  to 
adequately  protect  your  lives  and  property  when  you  are  in- 
formed that  there  are  only  68  policemen  in  Chicago  to  every  hun- 
dred miles  of  streets,  while  in  New  York  there  are  304,  in  Phila- 
delphia 151,  in  St.  Louis  128,  in  Boston  186,  in  Baltimore  79,  in 
Cleveland  126,  in  Buffalo  118,  in  San  Francisco  89,  and  in  Pitts- 
burg 106  ?  Chicago  should  have  at  least  one  thousand  additional 
policemen  to  properly  police  the  city. 

Ought  you  to  reasonably  expect  to  have  as  efficient  fire  pro- 
tection in  the  city  of  Chicago,  where  the  expenditure  per  capita 
is  94c,  as  you  would  have  in  a  city  like  New  York,  where  they 
spend  $1.57  per  capita,  or  in  Philadelphia  where  they  spend  90c, 
or  in  St.  Louis  where  they  spend  $1.41,  or  in  Boston  where  they 
spend  $2.21,  or  in  Cleveland  where  they  spend  $1.47,  or  in  Balti- 
more where  they  spend  $1.74,  or  in  San  Francisco  where  they 
spend  $2.74,  or  in  Buffalo  where  they  spend  $1.47,  or  in  Pittsburg 
where  they  spend  $1.58?  You  know  that  it  is  unreasonable  and 
that  it  cannot  be  expected. 

Have  the  citizens  of  Chicago  the  right  to  expect  that  its  sani- 
tary department  could  be  efficiently  and  properly  managed  when 
the  appropriation  made  per  capita  is  8c  per  annum,  while  New 
York  spends  34c,  Philadelphia  25c,  St.  Louis  24c,  Boston  32c, 
Baltimore  18c,  Cleveland  18c,  Buffalo  lOc,  San  Francisco  27c,  and 


248  DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

Pittsburg  $1.02.  And  yet,  strange  to  relate,  the  death  rate  in 
Chicago  is  the  lowest  of  any  of  the  ten  great  cities  in  the  United 
States. 

To  further  emphasize  my  claim  that  the  city  of  Chicago  is 
most  inadequately  supplied  with  the  means  of  running  a  munici- 
pal administration,  I  would  call  attention  to  the  fact  that  the 
total  payments  for  general  municipal  purposes  per  capita  for  the 
last  year  in  Chicago  were  $10.87,  while  that  of  New  York  was 
$23.37,  Philadelphia  $14.58,  St.  Louis  $16.35,  Boston  $33.27,  Balti- 
more $13.13,  Cleveland  $13.40,  Buffalo  $14.02,  San  Francisco 
$17.34,  and  Pittsburg  $15.84. 

The  crying  need  of  Chicago  at  the  present  time  is  for  an  ade- 
quate revenue  to  enable  it  to  have  an  efficient  police  force,  an 
efficient  fire  department  and  well  equipped  bureau  of  health,  an 
efficient  department  of  public  works  and  a  general  adequate 
equipment  of  its  other  departments.  This  lack  of  revenue  arises 
from  two  causes:  first,  the  limitation  upon  our  bond  issuing 
power,  and  second,  from  the  fact  that,  for  some  reason  or  other, 
much  of  our  property  escapes  taxation. 

Chicago  needs  greater  revenue  equitably  distributed  over  its 
property  owning  citizenship. 

And  yet,  while  Chicago  has  a  much  smaller  per  capita  revenue 
than  any  of  the  other  great  cities  of  the  United  States  and  while  it  is 
crippled  financially,  an  immense  amount  of  public  property  is  being 
used  by  private  persons  and  corporations  without  compensation 
to  either  the  city  or  the  State,  and  when  a  demand  is  made  by  the 
city  authorities  to  collect  for  the  use  of  such  public  property  by 
private  persons  or  corporations,  an  outcry  is  raised  by  the  parties 
interested  as  though  an  act  of  injustice  was  being  perpetrated. 

The  use  of  public  property  by  private  persons  and  corpora- 
tions without  compensation  has  gone  on  in  this  city  so  long  and 
so  extensively  that  these  private  persons  and  corporations  have 
reached  the  conclusion  that  they  have  the  right  by  prescription 
to  continue  that  abuse  forever. 

Public  property,  the  rental  value  of  which,  per  annum,  would 
reach  probably  into  the  hundred  thousands,  has  been  and  is  now 
being  used  by  private  individuals  and  corporations  without  re- 
muneration to  the  public.  Chicago  demands  that  this  inequit- 
able, unfair  and  unjust  use  of  public  property  without  compensa- 
tion shall  cease. 

There  is  another  need  of  Chicago  to  which  I  might  advert. 
If  Chicago  is  to  be  really  great,  it  must  become  morally  and 
ethically  great  as  well  as  commercially  great.  Not  only  should 
its  citizens  be  willing  to  pay  for  the  use  of  public  property  when 
they  utilize  it,  and  be  compelled  to  pay  for  it  if  they  are  unwilling 


DUNNE JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  249 

to  do  so,  but  the  will  of  the  people,  as  expressed  at  the  ballot  box, 
should  be  binding  upon  the  conscience  of  the  public.  Our  Legis- 
lature has  wisely  enacted  a  law  permitting  the  people  to  express 
their  wishes  upon  questions  of  great  public  interest  at  the  ballot 
box.  In  so  doing,  the  Legislature  recognizes  that  this  is  a  repub- 
lic and  that  the  will  of  the  people  is  supreme. 

A  true  republic  is  that  in  which  all  citizens  have  the  right  to 
be  heard  in  the  enactment  of  laws  and  the  shaping  of  the  policies 
of  the  government.  In  republics  of  small  population,  this  can' be 
done  in  general  councils  of  the  people  which  all  the  people  may 
attend  and  at  which  they  may  record  their  votes.  But  in  a  great 
republic,  such  as  ours,  it  is  a  physical  impossibility  for  all  the 
people  to  assemble  and  vote  in  person.  Our  Legislature,  therefore, 
patterning  after  the  Republic  of  Switzerland,  has  devised  a  wise 
and  honest  method  under  which  the  people  can  express  their  views, 
not  in  conventions  but  at  the  ballot  box.  And  when  the  people  have 
so  expressed  themselves  at  the  ballot  box,  it  should  be  the  duty  of 
all  good  citizens  to  bow  to  the  will  of  the  people  and  carry  out  their 
behests  in  their  city  councils. 

If  Chicago  would  become  really  great,  it  must  become  morally 
great  enough  to  recognize  that  the  will  of  the  people,  as  expressed 
at  the  ballot  box,  must  be  obeyed  until  that  will  is  changed  or  modi- 
fied. So,  I  say  to  you  gentlemen,  that,  to  make  Chicago  the  greatest 
city  in  the  land,  we  must  not  only  encourage  trade  within  its  gates, 
and  trade  towards  its  gates,  but  we  must  also  provide  for  a  revenue 
adequate  to  carry  on  its  government  efficiently  and  secure  just  and 
fair  distribution  of  taxation,  but,  in  addition,  recognize  the  binding 
force  of  the  public  will  as  expressed  at  the  ballot  box. 

All  these  things  must  and  will  come  and  it  is  our  duty,  as 
citizens  who  love  this  city  and  heartily  hope  for  its  future  continued 
development  and  prosperity,  to  wish  that  that  time  shall  come  as 
speedily  as  possible. 

That  man  or  men,  who  would  retard  the  commercial  growth  of 
Chicago  or  fail  to  forward  it,  is  a  poor  citizen.  That  man  or  men 
who  would  hamper  it  in  the  collection  of  its  honest  demands  for 
revenue  equally  distributed  is  a  bad  citizen,  and  he  who  would 
thwart  the  will  of  the  people  as  expressed  at  the  polls,  or  attempt 
to  thwart  it,  is  a  dangerous  citizen. 

Let  us  all  work  for  the  growth  of  the  city's  trade  and  com- 
merce, for  the  equal  enforcement  of  the  laws,  for  good  government, 
and  for  the  preservation  of  republican  institutions  in  our  city  by 
obedience  to  the  will  of  the  people  as  expressed  at  the  polls.  Thus 
will  Chicago  become  really  and  truly  great. 


250  DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 


HIS  OBJECTIONS  TO  PROPOSED  TRAC- 
TION MERGER. 

STATEMENT  IN  THE  RECORD-HERALD,  OCTOBER  9,  1905. 

The  proposed  ordinance  of  the  Chicago  City  Railway  Company 
is  most  objectionable  in  many  features  and  violative  of  the  people's 
rights  in  and  to  the  people's  streets. 

First.  It  is  a  bold,  bald  defiance  of  the  expressed  will  of  the 
people  as  indicated  in  the  election  of  April,  1905,  in  that  it  grants 
a  twenty-year  franchise  to  the  Chicago  City  Railway  Company. 

Second.  The  ordinance  is  vicious  in  that  it  requires  the  com- 
pany to  build  tracks  only  upon  such  streets  as  it  now  is  operating  on, 
and  in  addition  thereto,  only  three  miles  of  double  track  or  six  miles 
of  single  track  each  year  during  the  continuance  of  the  ordinance, 
irrespective  of  the  needs  of  the  people  in  the  way  of  additional 
trackage  produced  by  a  rapid  growth  of  population. 

Third.  I  can  find  no  provision  in  this  proposed  ordinance  for 
any  definite  time  in  which  the  reconstruction  of  the  road  must  be 
completed. 

Fourth.  Under  section  4,  the  company  is  empowered  to  connect 
its  conduits,  poles  and  wires  with  any  transmission  or  feeder  wires 
of  any  individual  or  corporation  in  the  city  without  any  provision 
therein  for  notification  to  the  city  as  to  where  such  wires  shall  be 
run  or  making  it  requisite  to  get  a  permit  from  the  commissioner 
of  public  works. 

Fifth.  Section  5  provides  that  the  city  shall  have  the  right  dur- 
ing the  term  of  the  ordinance  to  use  the  polls  of  the  company  to 
carry  its  signal,  telephone,  telegraph  and  electric  light  wires  and 
lamps,  but  the  ordinance  is  silent  as  to  whether  or  not  the  city  shall 
pay  any  compensation  therefor. 

Sixth.  Section  6  practically  gives  to  the  Chicago  City  Railway 
Company  a  monopoly  in  the  use  of  the  poles  in  that  it  authorizes 
the  company  to  lease  the  use  of  the  same  to  other  companies  for 
such  compensation  as  it  may  be  able  to  exact  from  such  other  com- 
panies. In  the  contract  plan,  proposed  by  myself,  the  city  has  the 
power  to  require  the  company  to  permit  the  use  of  its  poles  by 
other  companies  upon  the  payment  of  a  fair  proportion  of  the  cost 
of  the  maintenance  of  the  poles. 


DUNNE JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  251 

Seventh.  Section  15  provides  for  the  use  of  free  tickets  for  city 
detectives,  policemen  and  firemen.  But  it  does  not  include  that 
most  deserving  and  moderately  paid  class  of  men  entitled  to  sucn 
privileges,  to-wit:  the  letter-carriers  of  the  United  States  Govern- 
ment. 

Eighth.  Section  16  provides  for  the  removal  of  dead  tracks  and 
declares  that  ' '  failure  to  operate  cars  for  the  carriage  of  passengers 
at  least  once  each  day  within  every  hour  of  each  day  between  the 
hours  of  six  a.  m.  and  eight  p.  m.  over  any  street  *  *  *  shall 
be  treated  as  cessation  of  operation. ' ' 

A  reasonable  ordinance  should  provide  for  the  operation  be- 
tween five  a.  m.  and  midnight,  and  further  provide  that  the  city 
council  should  have  the  right  to  insist  upon  all-night  cars  upon 
all  streets  where  traffic  would  justify  the  operation  of  the  same. 

Ninth.  Section  17  purports  to  provide  for  the  issuance  of  trans- 
fers, but  excepts  from  its  provisions  the  lines  north  of  Twelfth 
Street.  Why  that  portion  of  the  lines  should  be  excepted  I  cannot 
understand.  The  same  exception  is  made  in  section  18. 

Tenth.  Section  20  provides  for  compensation  to  be  paid  to  the 
city,  to-wit:  for  the  first  three  years,  three  per  cent;  for  the  next 
two  years,  five  per  cent;  for  the  next  ten  years,  seven  per  cent; 
and  for  the  last  five  years,  ten  per  cent.  This  is  an  average  of 
six  and  nine-tenths  per  cent  for  the  whole  period,  but  for  the  first 
fifteen  years  of  the  grant  the  average  compensation  is  less  than  six 
per  cent.  From  this,  however,  must  be  deducted  all  taxes,  license 
fees  and  other  revenues  now  derived  by  the  city  from  the  company. 
Deducting  these  taxes,  license  fees  and  revenues  now  paid  by  the 
companies  to  the  city,  it  would  leave  the  compensation  to  be  paid 
to  the  city  of  Chicago  for  the  first  year  of  the  grant  only  about 
$40,000. 

The  grossly  inadequate  character  of  this  compensation  to  be 
paid  to  the  city  is  manifest  upon  its  face.  The  proposition  of  the 
Chicago  City  Railway  Company  to  pay  to  the  citizens  of  Chicago 
for  the  use  of  their  streets  for  the  first  fifteen  years  of  its  franchise 
less  than  six  per  cent  of  the  gross  earnings  of  the  company,  less  the 
taxes  and  license  fees,  would  probably  reduce  the  net  compensation 
to  be  paid  to  the  city  to  between  four  and  five  per  cent.  In  view 
of  the  fact  that  the  net  earnings  of  the  company  during  the  whole 
of  this  period,  based  upon  experience,  as  disclosed  in  reliable  statis- 
tics for  well  equipped  modern  roads  in  large  cities,  would  be  some- 
where between  thirty-five  per  cent  and  forty  per  cent  of  the  gross 
earnings,  this  offer  of  the  company  of  compensation  to  the  citizens 
of  Chicago  is  an  insult  to  their  intelligence. 

The  most  valuable  asset  of  a  street  railway  company  is  its 
twenty  year  franchise.  During  the  twenty  years  preceding  1903 


252  DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

the  traction  companies  of  the  city  of  Chicago,  upon  but  a  twenty 
year  franchise  granted  in  1883,  capitalized  their  bonds  and  stocks 
for  the  sum  of  $117,000,000,  or  thereabouts.  The  tangible  prop- 
erty owned  by  them,  as  shown  by  the  report  of  Bion  Arnold,  was 
worth  less  than  $27,000,000.  In  other  words,  upon  franchises 
of  twenty  years,  granted  to  the  companies  by  the  city  of  Chicago, 
with  an  addition  thereto  of  tangible  property  now  worth  less  than 
$27,000,000,  the  franchise  and  tangible  property  became  worth 
$117,000,000  or  over  four  times  the  present  value  of  the  tangible 
property.  Deducting  $27,000,000,  the  value  of  the  tangible  prop- 
erty, from  $117,000,000,  it  will  be  seen  that  the  franchise  for 
twenty  years  was  worth  $90,000,000.  And  so  the  people  of  the 
city  of  Chicago  contributed  to  the  enterprise  a  franchise  worth 
$90,000,000,  while  the  companies  only  invested  sufficient  to  pur- 
chase property  now  worth  $27,000,000. 

The  people  are  now  asked  to  give  to  the  Chicago  City  Railway 
Company  a  franchise  for  another  twenty  years,  which  franchise 
will  be  worth  certainly  much  the  greater  part  of  the  total  value 
of  the  whole  line  when  equipped.  The  Chicago  City  Railway 
Company  proposes  to  equip  the  line,  which,  judging  from  past 
experience,  will  cost  much  less  than  one-half  of  the  total  value 
of  the  property  when  completed.  The  city  of.  Chicago,  in  other 
words,  is  asked  to  enter  into  a  copartnership  with  the  Chicago 
City  Railway  Company  and  give  to  that  company  a  franchise 
worth  much  more  than  the  value  of  the  tangible  property  which 
will  be  furnished  by  the  company  and  to  receive  as  compensation 
therefor  for  the  first  fifteen  years  five  per  cent  of  the  gross  re- 
ceipts, while  the  company,  which  contributes  less  than  one-half 
of  the  capital  in  tangible  equipment,  will  take  as  its  share  of  the 
earnings  somewhere  between  thirty  per  cent  and  thirty-six  per 
cent  of  the  total  income. 

This  is  the  proposition  which  the  Chicago  City  Railway  Com- 
pany makes  to  the  representatives  of  the  people  sitting  in  the 
council  chamber,  and  which  it  has  the  temerity  to  ask  those  rep- 
resentatives of  the  people  to  accept.  That  company  must  as- 
sume that  the  mayor  and  the  city  council  are  either  bereft  of  good 
judgment  or  disloyal  and  faithless  to  the  people  who  elected  them 
to  office,  if  it  expects  such  an  inequitable  proposition  will  be  ac- 
cepted by  them  for  and  in  behalf  of  the  people. 

Eleventh.  Section  23  purports  to  provide  for  forfeiture  of  the 
company's  rights  in  case  it  shall  make  default  in  the  performance 
of  its  agreements  and  obligations  under  the  ordinance.  But  it 
is  certainly  a  most  extraordinary  method  of  forfeiture,  for  it 
provides  that,  before  any  forfeiture  can  be  made,  the  default  of 
the  company  must  continue  for  six  months  after  written  notice 


DUNNE— JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  253 

of  the  default  shall  be  given  to  the  company  by  the  city  as  well 
as  to  the  company's  trustee  or  mortgagee.  In  other  words,  under 
the  provision,  the  company  might  violate  any  and  all  of  its  obli- 
gations and  continue  to  violate  any  and  all  of  its  obligations  until 
the  city  -should  serve  written  notice  upon  it,  calling  its  attention 
to  the  same,  and  thereafter  under  this  remarkable  provision  the 
city  railway  might  continue  in  its  violation  of  obligations  and 
agreements  for  a  full  six  months  before  the  city  could  oust  it  from 
its  possession  of  the  streets. 

It  might  on  the  last  day  of  the  six  months  begin  to  again 
perform  its  obligation  to  the  city  and  continue  the  performance 
thereof  for  a  few  days,  and  then  again  make  default,  in  which 
jvent  the  city  would  be  compelled  to  serve  another  six  months' 
notice  upon  the  company  and  play  this  game  indefinitely,  so  that 
the  city  would  practically  be  without  remedy  by  way  of  forfeiture. 
Twelfth.  Section  26  provides  for  the  purchase  of  the  rights 
of  the  company  by  the  city  and  compels  the  city,  at  any  time  it 
seeks  to  take  possession  of  the  company's  property,  to  pay  a  fair 
cash  value  for  all  the  then  unexpired  rights  of  the  company  in 
the  streets  of  the  city  of  Chicago,  existing  at  and  prior  to  the 
late  of  the  passage  of  this  ordinance.  This  language  is  exceed- 
igly  ambiguous  and  upon  one  construction  of  the  same  would 
jompel  the  city,  if  it  sought  to  take  possession  of  the  company's 
>roperty  at  the  end  of  nineteen  years,  to  pay  to  the  company  the 
fair  cash  value  of  the  unexpired  rights  of  the  company  existing 
at  the  present  time.  In  other  words,  whatever  the  value  of  the 
unexpired  franchises  are  at  the  present  time,  the  city  would  be 
compelled  to  pay  at  any  time  hereafter  that  it  might  seek  to  take 
possession  of  the  property. 

This  section  also  is  objectionable  in  its  provisions  in  regard 
to  appraisers  who  shall  fix  the  value  of  the  property.  It  provides 
that  the  third  appraiser,  who  in  all  probability  would  be  the  final 
umpire  and  arbiter  to  fix  upon  values,  shall  not  be  a  resident  of 
le  State  of  Illinois.  Why  this  insult  to  and  disenfranchisement 
)f  the  citizens  of  this  great  State?  Can  it  be  possible  that  among 
the  5,000,000  people  of  Illinois  no  man  can  be  found  who  is  suf- 
iciently  intelligent,  disinterested  and  honest  to  act  in  this 
capacity  ? 

Again,  there  is  another  remarkable  provision  in  this  section 
relating  to  the  selection  of  appraisers.  If  the  parties,  in  select- 
ing the  third  appraiser  or  umpire,  cannot  agree,  then  the  third 
appraiser  or  umpire  is  to  be  chosen  by  the  chief  justice  of  the 
Supreme  Court  of  Illinois,  and  two  judges,  not  residents  of  Illinois, 
the  Circuit  Court  of  the  United  States,  of  which  the  northern 
district  of  Illinois  shall  be  a  part. 


254  DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

The  Chicago  City  Railway  Company  seems  to  have  conceived 
a  great  affection  and  preference  for  the  judges  of  the 'Circuit  Court 
of  the  United  States  for  the  circuit  of  which  the  northern  dis- 
trict of  Illinois  shall  be  a  part.  I  would  respectfully  ask  the 
adroit  attorneys  of  the  Chicago  City  Railway  Company  why  they 
have  chosen  the  Federal  judges  of  the  Circuit  Court  of  the  United 
States  of  which  the  northern  district  of  Illinois  is  a  part  as  being 
the  controlling  persons  fitted  to  make  the  selection  of  the  third 
appraiser  ?  What  are  the  exceptional  qualifications  of  these  gen- 
tlemen ? 

Thirteenth.  Section  thirty  contains  a  provision  providing  for 
an  alleged  referendum  of  the  ordinance  to  the  people.  It  is  so 
craftily  and  ingeniously  drawn,  however,  as  to  make  it  practically 
worthless.  In  the  first  place,  the  section  provides  that  the  or- 
dinance shall  take  effect  from  and  after  its  acceptance  by  the 
company  without  waiting  for  any  referendum  of  any  character. 
In  other  words,  the  ordinance  goes  into  force  at  once  without 
waiting  for  a  referendum  and  then  provides  that,  if  certain  things 
shall  happen,  the  ordinance  shall  cease  to  be  operative. 

The  ordinance  remains  in  effect  unless  the  question  as  to  the 
continuance  in  force  of  the  same  shall  be  submitted  to  a  vote  of 
the  electors  of  the  city  of  Chicago  under  the  public  policy  act  at 
the  municipal  election,  to  be  held  in  the  city  in  April,  1906,  and  a 
majority  of  all  the  electors  shall  vote  against  the  continuance  in 
force  of  this  ordinance.  In  other  words,  it  throws  the  burden 
upon  people  of  getting  up  a  petition,  of  seeing  that  all  the  names 
upon  this  petition  are  valid,  that  all  of  the  signers  are  legal  voters, 
that  they  have  complied  with  all  the  requirements  of  the  law,  that 
the  petition  is  filed  within  the  proper  time  and  that  it  is  properly 
worded  as  to  form,  that  it  is  placed  upon  the  ballot  by  the  com- 
missioners at  the  proper  time  and  in  the  proper  place  and  that  a 
majority  of  all  the  electors — not  a  majority  of  those  voting  upon 
the  proposition — shall  vote  against  the  continuance  in  force  of 
the  ordinance. 

It  throws  all  the  burden  of  mistakes,  inaccuracy  and  omission 
upon  the  people,  and  over  and  above  all,  it  is  very  questionable 
in  law  if  the  ordinance  went  into  full  force  prior  to  the  taking  of 
this  referendum,  whether  the  ordinance  could  be  invalidated  by 
any  act  of  the  electors  after  it  became  a  binding  contract  between 
the  city  and  the  company.  If  the  council  and  the  mayor  should 
permit  the  passage  of  this  ordinance,  grossly  unfair  as  it  is  to 
the  people  and  violative  of  their  rights  in  the  streets,  and  in  de- 
fiance of  their  opinion  already  expressed  at  the  polls,  and  the 
people  should  rely  upon  this  provision  of  the  ordinance,  in  my 
judgment,  they  would  be  relying  upon  a  broken  reed.  If  199,000 


DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  255 

of  the  400,000  voters  of  Chicago  should  vote  against  the  or- 
dinance and  only  10,000  vote  in  its  favor,  the  ordinance  would 
still  stand. 

The  ordinance  is  defective  and  fails  to  protect  the  interest  of 
the  public  in  many  other  particulars.  I  am  informed  by  a  me- 
chanical expert  that  section  nine  is  defective  in  not  requiring  the 
company  to  renew  worn  out  tracks,  whether  in  paved  or  unpaved 
streets  with  "  Trilby  "  .rails,  weighing  at  least  ninety-five  pounds 
to  the  yard  and  not  requiring  that  the  pavement  shall  be  of  gran- 
ite on  concrete  foundation  or  such  other  pavement  as  the  city 
shall  from  time  to  time  direct. 

From  the  same  source  I  am  advised  that  section  ten  is  de- 
fective in  not  requiring  that  pavements  shall  be  kept  not  more 
than  one-eighth  of  an  inch  below  nor  more  than  one-half  an  inch 
above  the  rails. 

The  ordinance  is  further  defective  in  that  I  fail  to  find  in  it 
any  requirement  for  schedules  or  other  reasonable  service  such  as 
the  council  might  from  time  to  time  direct.  Such  a  provision 
should  be  inserted  in  any  ordinance  giving  a  franchise  to  a  street 
railway  company.  I  can  find  no  provision  in  the  proposed  or- 
dinance relating  to  service  which  requires  the  company  to  run 
more  than  one  car  per  hour  on  any  of  its  lines.  « 

But  the  most  important  of  these  other  defects  is  that  there  is 
no  provision  whatever  in  this  ordinance,  from  beginning  to  end, 
that  the  meager  compensation  paid  by  the  company  to  the  city 
shall  be  preserved  as  a  sinking  or  purchase  fund  for  the  purchase 
of  the  property  of  the  company  by  the  city  at  any  time  hereafter 
when  it  attempts  to  exercise  its  alleged  purchase  rights  in  the  or- 
dinance. The  meager  compensation  provided  to  be  paid  it  to  be 
paid  into  the  city  treasury  without  any  restriction  as  to  its  use 
and  without  having  impressed  upon  it  a  trust  character  to  be  used 
for  purchase  purposes  only,  and  it  can  be,  and  if  this  ordinance 
is  passed,  I  predict  it  will  be,  dissipated  and  used  for  other  pur- 
poses. 

If  the  city  officials  have  the  right  to  use  this  money  for  any 
and  all  purposes,  it  is  highly  probable  that  in  the  city  of  Chicago, 
where  there  is  so  much  need  of  the  use  of  money  for  corporate 
purposes  in  the  way  of  improvements,  that  any  funds  paid  into 
the  public  treasury  without  being  impressed  with  a  trust  char- 
acter will  be  used  for  the  building  of  a  new  city  hall  or  for  other 
necessary  corporate  purposes.  And  if  the  demands  of  the  city 
for  general  corporate  purposes  do  not  bring  about  the  dissipation 
of  such  funds,  it  would  be  in  the  interests  of  the  men  owning  and 
operating  the  Chicago  City  Railway  Company  to  suggest  methods 
to  the  city  authorities  for  dissipating  this'  fund  so  that  at  no 


256  DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

time  during  the  life  of  this  ordinance  would  the  city  be  in  a  posi- 
tion to  buy.  The  city  would  have  on  hand  no  sinking  fund,  and, 
therefore,  could  not  purchase  the  company's  property  under  the 
terms  of  the  ordinance  except  by  the  sale  of  Mueller  certificates. 

The  whole  ordinance,  in  my  judgment,  is  but  a  thinly  dis- 
guised replica  of  the  so-called  tentative  ordinance  or  an  or- 
dinance more  dangerous  and  prejudicial  to  the  people  than  the 
so-called  tentative  ordinance  which  was  buried  by  the  people  by 
an'  overwhelming  vote  only  six  months  ago. 

The  people  of  Chicago  have  declared  most  emphatically 
against  the  passage,  not  only  of  the  so-called  tentative  ordinance, 
but  of  any  ordinance  extending  the  franchises  of  the  present  com- 
panies. This  ordinance  would  not  only  extend  the  franchises  of 
the  present  companies  for  the  utmost  limit  permitted  under  the 
law,  but  would  do  it  in  a  manner  so  grossly  indifferent  to  the 
people's  rights  as  to  warrant  a  most  unqualified  condemnation  of 
the  same. 


DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  257 


DENIES   HE   INTENDS   TO   RESIGN   AS 

MAYOR. 

LETTER  TO  THE  BOSTON  MAGAZINE,  NOVEMBER  10,  1905. 

DEAR  SIR:  In  answer  to  your  letter  of  November  8,  1905,  I 
would  say  that  I  am  not  at  all  surprised  that  the  Associated  Press 
is  sending  to  eastern  newspapers  many  dispatches,  declaring  that  I 
have  practically  given  up  the  idea  of  the  municipalization  of  the 
street  railways  of  Chicago  and  that  I  contemplate  resigning  my 
position  very  shortly. 

Ever  since  I  have  taken  office  my  position  has  been  misrep- 
resented by  both  the  Associated  Press  and  the  newspapers  of  this 
city.  It  is  wholly  untrue  that  1  have  abandoned  the  idea  of 
municipalizing  the  street  railways  of  Chicago,  and  the  statement 
that  I  am  about  to  resign  is  maliciously  false.  Neither  assertion 
is  warranted  by  anything  that  I  have  ever  said  or  done. 

On  the  contrary,  I  am  confident  that  the  will  of  the  people, 
as  expressed  at  the  polls,  will  be  carried  into  effect  sooner  or 
later  in  this  city. 

I  have  been  hampered  by  a  hostile  council  and  a  hostile  press. 
When  I  was  first  inducted  into  office,  I  had  to  face  one  of  the  most 
widespread  and  exasperating  strikes  that  has  ever  existed  in  this 
city.  It  lasted  105  days  and  was  in  force  two  days  before  I  was 
inaugurated. 

During  the  strike  I  appointed  special  traction  counsel  to 
inquire  into  the  legal  aspects  of  the  traction  question,  and  discov- 
ered, within  sixty  days  after  I  took  my  seat,  that  130  miles  of 
trackage  out  of  a  total  of  700  are  being  operated  after  the  expira- 
tion of  the  franchise  thereon. 

On  July  5  I  sent  a  message  to  the  council  calling  their  atten- 
tion to  that  fact,  and  to  the  further  fact  that  before  November 
1,  1908,  274  miles  of  the  total  trackage  of  the  city  would  be  lying 
upon  the  streets  upon  which  the  franchises  would  expire  by  that 
date. 

In  the  same  message  I  called  the  attention  of  the  council  to 
the  fact  that  municipal  ownership  could  be  put  into  operation  in 
only  one  of  two  ways :  first,  by  the  issuance  of  Mueller  certificates 
under  the  Mueller  law,  which  would  necessitate  the  submission 
to  the  people  of  the  question  as  to  whether  or  not  these  certificates 

—9 


258  DUNNE JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

should  be  issued,  entailing  a  delay  of  at  least  six  months  or  more, 
during  which  the  validity  of  the  Mueller  certificates  could  be 
tested  in  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  State.  These  serious  delays 
might  prevent  our  placing  municipal  ownership  in  force  until  my 
term  of  office  expired,  in  two  years. 

The  other  plan  contemplated  the  creation  of  a  construction 
company,  composed  of  five  men  of  integrity  and  business  char- 
acter, whose  views  were  favorable  to  municipal  ownership.  These 
men,  according  to  the  plan,  were  to  incorporate  a  corporation 
which  would  act  as  a  constructing  company  for  the  city.  When 
incorporated,  the  company  should  receive  a  charter  for  twenty 
years,  empowering  it  to  build,  construct  and  operate  until  it  was 
paid  the  cost  «of  construction,  the  company  to  bind  itself  to  submit 
all  plans,  specifications,  etc.,  for  the  construction  of  the  road  to 
the  city  council  and  have  the  same  approved,  and  to  issue  suffi- 
cient bonds  to  enable  it  to  build  the  road,  the  bonds  not  to  exceed 
the  cost  of  the  road  and  to  bear  five  per  cent  interest. 

All  the  profits  of  operation  over  and  above  five  per  cent 
should  be  paid  into  a  sinking  fund  to  the  credit  of  the  city  of 
Chicago ;  the  managers  and  directors  of  the  company,  those  acting 
in  the  interest  of  the  city,  to  receive  no  return  upon  their  stock 
and  no  emoluments  of  any  character  except  reasonable  compen- 
sation for  their  services,  to  be  agred  upon  by  the  company  and  the 
city  council. 

Thus  would  be  created  a  construction  company  which,  upon 
the  faith  of  a  twenty  year  franchise,  could  raise  sufficient  money 
by  the  issuance  of  bonds  to  build  a  road  immediately.  The  city 
would  obtain  the  benefit  of  all  profits  from  the 'operation  of  the 
road  at  once,  and  the  company  could  receive  no  profit  except  the 
interest  upon  the  money  invested. 

Both  of  these  plans  were  submitted  to  the  city  council  on 
July  5,  1905,  and  referred  by  the  council  to  the  committee  on 
transportation.  I  expressed  my  preference  for  the  construction 
plan,  which  I  called  the  " contract  plan",  but  the  council  has 
taken  no  action  on  either  plan. 

After  waiting  for  three  months  for  some  action,  I  sent  several 
messages  to  the  council,  calling  their  attention  to  the  vote  of  the 
people  as  expressed  at  the  polls,  and  I  respectfully  urged  them  to 
take  action  according  to  the  people's  desire.  They  have  absolutely 
refused  to  pay  any  attention  to  the  same,  and  the  transportation 
committee,  which  has  the  matter  in  charge,  upon  its  own  initiative 
has  invited  the  present  traction  companies  to  present  forms  of 
ordinances  for  the  renewal  of  their  franchises  for  twenty  years. 
They  are  hurrying  through  these  ordinances  with  the  utmost  ex- 
pedition at  the  present  time. 


DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  259 

Every  move  I  have  made  in  the  council  in  favor  of  municipal 
ownership  has  been  defeated  by  majorities  of  from  47  to  42  to 
18  to  22.  I  am  practically  powerless  so  far  as  the  council  is  con- 
cerned. The  council,  however,  has  agreed  to  pass  no  ordinance  that 
shall  not  provide  for  a  referendum  before  the  people.  I  am  very 
confident  that  when  the  extension  ordinances  are  submitted  to  the 
p%eople  they  will  vote  them  down  next  spring. 

I  have  prepared  and  presented  to  the  council  an  ordinance  in 
favor  of  municipal  ownership  on  which  the  people  will  vote  at  the 
same  time. 

In  addition  to  having  an  unfriendly  council,  I  am  further 
handicapped  by  the  fact  that  every  paper  in  the  city,  except  the 
Hearst  papers,  is  doing  all  it  can  to  thwart  municipal  ownership, 
and  all  the  banking  interests  and  capitalists  of  the  city  seem  to  be 
in  league  to  prevent  the  consummation  of  municipal  ownership  in 
this  city. 

None  the  less,  I  believe  the  people  will  insist  upon  carrying  out 
their  wishes  already  thrice  expressed  at  the  polls.  I  have  kept 
every  pledge  that  I  made  to  the  people,  and  intend  to  fight  this 
thing  out  to  the  end,  notwithstanding  all  of  the  misrepresentation, 
vilification  and  abuse  that  may  be  showered  upon  me  and  the  cause 
I  was  elected  to  further. 

Very  truly  yours, 

E.  F.  DUNNE. 
FRANK  PUTNAM,  ESQ., 

The  National  Magazine, 
Boston,  Massachusetts. 


260  DUNNE JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 


MAKES  A  DEMAND  UPON  THE  CITY 
COUNCIL. 

MESSAGE  DEMANDING  ACTION  ON  CAR  FRANCHISE,  NOVEMBER,  1905. 

To  the  Honorable,  the  City  Council: 

GENTLEMEN  :  At  the  last  municipal  election,  held  April  4,  1905, 
there  appeared  on  the  little  ballot  the  following  question  to  the- 
voters  of  the  city : 

' '  Shall  the  city  council  pass  any  ordinance  granting  a  franchise 
to  the  Chicago  City  Railway  Company?" 

Upon  this  question  151,974  voted  ' '  no  "  and  60,020  voted  ' '  yes. ' ' 
There  also  appeared  at  the  same  time  the  question : 
' '  Shall  the  city  council  pass  any  ordinance  granting  a  franchise 
to  any  street  railroad  company  ? ' ' 

Upon  this  question  152,135  voted  "no"  and  59,013  voted  "yes." 
The  local  transportation  committee  of  your  honorable  body, 
instead  of  considering  plans,  submitted  by  me  in  my  message  of 
July  5,  for  the  purpose  of  bringing  about  municipal  ownership  of 
street  railways,  is  now  engaged  in  considering  certain  proposed 
ordinances  presented  by  the  Chicago  City  Railway  Company  and 
the  Chicago  Union  Traction  Company,  contemplating  the  granting 
to  the  such  companies  of  new  franchises  for  the  period  of  twenty 
years. 

The  consideration  of  these  franchise  extension  ordinances,  in 
the  face  of  the  vote  above  referred  to,  is  in  defiance  of  the  expressed 
will  of  the  people.  For  this  reason,  I  respectfully  recommend  that 
your  honorable  body  direct  the  local  transportation  committee  to 
cease  consideration  of  the  said  proposed  franchise  extension  ordi- 
nances, and  further  to  report  to  this  council  at  its  next  meeting  the 
ordinance  submitted  by  me  and  attached  to  my  message  of  July  5, 
1905,  commonly  known  as  the  ' '  contract  plan. ' ' 

I  herewith  submit  an  order  to  that  effect  and  respectfully  urge 
your  honorable  body  to  pass  the  same  without  reference  to  a  com- 
mittee. 

Respectfully, 

EDWARD  F.  DUNNE,  Mayor. 


DUNNE — JUDGE,  MAYOR,  GOVERNOR  261 


REGARDING  THE  UNIVERSAL  GAS 

!  COMPANY. 

. 
MESSAGE  TO  THE  CHICAGO  CITY  COUNCIL,  DECEMBER  18,  1905. 

To  the  Honorable,  the  City  Council: 

GENTLEMEN  :  I  beg  to  call  the  attention  of  your  Honorable  Body 
to  the  status  of  Universal  Gas  Company  in  its  business  relationship 
.  with  the  city  of  Chicago. 

This  company  was  incorporated  under  the  laws  of  the  State  of 
Illinois  in  1894  and  on  July  23,  1894,  was  granted,  by  ordinance, 
the  right  to  manufacture  and  sell  gas  within  the  city  of  Chicago 
upon  certain  terms  therein  specified.  • 

The  following,  among  other  conditions,  were  imposed  upon  said 
company  by  said  ordinance : 

First.  So  long  as  said  company  charged  consumers  of  gas  $1.00 
per  1,000  cubic  feet,  it  should  pay  to  the  city  of  Chicago  ten  per  cent, 
of  the  gross  amount  received  from  consumers. 

Second.  When  said  company  reduced  the  price  of  gas  to  general 
consumers  to  90  cents  or  less,  said  company  should  be  released  from 
its  obligation  to  pay  any  compensation  to  the  city. 

Third.  That  the  city  of  Chicago  was  to  be  a  special  consumer 
and  gas  was  to  be  furnished  to  it  at  75  cents. 

Fourth.  If  said  company  should  either  directly  or  indirectly 
enter  into  any  combination  with  any  other  gas  company  concerning 
the  price  to  be  charged  for  gas,  its  rights  under  said  ordinance  should 
b0  forfeited  and  all  its  pipes,  mains,  plant  and  appliances  should 
become  the  property  of  the  city  of  Chicago. 

This  company  has  been  manufacturing  gas  since  the  year  1895 
and  during  all  of  this  time  it  has  been  selling  gas  to  general  con- 
sumers at  not  less  than  $1.00  without  paying  any  compensation  to 
the  city. 

The  Universal  Gas  Company  has  the  largest  single  gas  manu- 
facturing plant  in  the  city  and  manufactures,  as  I  am  informed, 
approximately  from  7,000,000  to  10,000,000  cubic  feet  of  gas  per 
day,  being  about  one-fourth  of  all  the  gas  consumed  in  the  entire 
city.  The  compensation  due  the  city  on  this  output  amounts,  as  I 
am  informed,  to  more  than  $1,000  per  day,  no  part  of  which  the 
company  has  paid. 


260  DUNNE JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 


MAKES  A  DEMAND  UPON  THE  CITY 
COUNCIL. 

MESSAGE  DEMANDING  ACTION  ON  CAR  FRANCHISE,  NOVEMBER,  1905. 

To  the  Honorable,  the  City  Council: 

GENTLEMEN  :  At  the  last  municipal  election,  held  April  4,  1905, 
there  appeared  on  the  little  ballot  the  following  question  to  the  • 
voters  of  the  city : 

' '  Shall  the  city  council  pass  any  ordinance  granting  a  franchise 
to  the  Chicago  City  Railway  Company?" 

Upon  this  question  151,974  voted  " no"  and  60,020  voted  "yes." 
There  also  appeared  at  the  same  time  the  question : 
' '  Shall  the  city  council  pass  any  ordinance  granting  a  franchise 
to  any  street  railroad  company  ? ' ' 

Upon  this  question  152,135  voted  "no"  and  59,013  voted  "yes." 
The  local  transportation  committee  of  your  honorable  body, 
instead  of  considering  plans,  submitted  by  me  in  my  message  of 
July  5,  for  the  purpose  of  bringing  about  municipal  ownership  of 
street  railways,  is  now  engaged  in  considering  certain  proposed 
ordinances  presented  by  the  Chicago  City  Railway  Company  and 
the  Chicago  Union  Traction  Company,  contemplating  the  granting 
to  the  such  companies  of  new  franchises  for  the  period  of  twenty 
years. 

The  consideration  of  these  franchise  extension  ordinances,  in 
the  face  of  the  vote  above  referred  to,  is  in  defiance  of  the  expressed 
will  of  the  people.  For  this  reason,  I  respectfully  recommend  that 
your  honorable  body  direct  the  local  transportation  committee  to 
cease  consideration  of  the  said  proposed  franchise  extension  ordi- 
nances, and  further  to  report  to  this  council  at  its  next  meeting  the 
ordinance  submitted  by  me  and  attached  to  my  message  of  July  5, 
1905,  commonly  known  as  the  ' '  contract  plan. ' ' 

I  herewith  submit  an  order  to  that  effect  and  respectfully  urge 
your  honorable  body  to  pass  the  same  without  reference  to  a  com- 
mittee. 

Respectfully, 

EDWARD  F.  DUNNE,  Mayor. 


DUNNE — JUDGE,  MAYOR,  GOVERNOR  261 


REGARDING  THE  UNIVERSAL  GAS 
COMPANY. 

MESSAGE  TO  THE  CHICAGO  CITY  COUNCIL,  DECEMBER  18,  1905. 

To  the  Honorable,  the  City  Council: 

GENTLEMEN  :  I  beg  to  call  the  attention  of  your  Honorable  Body 
to  the  status  of  Universal  Gas  Company  in  its  business  relationship 
with  the  city  of  Chicago. 

This  company  was  incorporated  under  the  laws  of  the  State  of 
Illinois  in  1894  and  on  July  23,  1894,  was  granted,  by  ordinance, 
the  right  to  manufacture  and  sell  gas  within  the  city  of  Chicago 
upon  certain  terms  therein  specified.  - 

The  following,  among  other  conditions,  were  imposed  upon  said 
company  by  said  ordinance: 

First.  So  long  as  said  company  charged  consumers  of  gas  $1.00 
per  1,000  cubic  feet,  it  should  pay  to  the  city  of  Chicago  ten  per  cent, 
of  the  gross  amount  received  from  consumers. 

Second.  When  said  company  reduced  the  price  of  gas  to  general 
consumers  to  90  cents  or  less,  said  company  should  be  released  from 
its  obligation  to  pay  any  compensation  to  the  city. 

Third.  That  the  city  of  Chicago  was  to  be  a  special  consumer 
and  gas  was  to  be  furnished  to  it  at  75  cents. 

Fourth.  If  said  company  should  either  directly  or  indirectly 
enter  into  any  combination  with  any  other  gas  company  concerning 
the  price  to  be  charged  for  gas,  its  rights  under  said  ordinance  should 
h0  forfeited  and  all  its  pipes,  mains,  plant  and  appliances  should 
become  the  property  of  the  city  of  Chicago. 

This  company  has  been  manufacturing  gas  since  the  year  1895 
and  during  all  of  this  time  it  has  been  selling  gas  to  general  con- 
sumers at  not  less  than  $1.00  without  paying  any  compensation  to 
the  city. 

The  Universal  Gas  Company  has  the  largest  single  gas  manu- 
facturing plant  in  the  city  and  manufactures,  as  I  am  informed, 
approximately  from  7,000*000  to  10,000,000  cubic  feet  of  gas  per 
day,  being  about  one-fourth  of  all  the  gas  consumed  in  the  entire 
city.  The  compensation  due  the  city  on  this  output  amounts,  as  I 
am  informed,  to  more  than  $1,000  per  day,  no  part  of  which  the 
company  has  paid. 


262  DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

I  am  advised  by  counsel  that  for  the  purpose  of  depriving  the 
city  of  these  large  sums,  the  Universal  Gas  Company  has  entered 
into  an  agreement  with  the  Peoples  Gas  Light  and  Coke  Company, 
by  the  terms  of  which  the  Universal  Company  sells  practically  all 
its  gas  to  the  Peoples  Company  for  less  than  90  cents  and  the 
Peoples  Company  in  turn  sells  its  gas  to  consumers -at  $1.00.  The 
Universal  Company  claims  that  having  sold  its  gas  at  less  than  90 
cents,  it  is  not  obliged,  under  the  terms  of  said  ordinance,  to  pay 
anything  to  the  city. 

The  fact  that  the  Peoples  Company  is  now  practically  the  owner 
of  the  Universal  Company  shows  that  the  above  arrangement  is  a 
mere  subterfuge  for  the  purpose  of  evading  the  payment  of  the 
compensation  to  the  city  under  the  terms  of  the  Universal  Com- 
pany's ordinance. 

The  Investor's  Manual  for  the  years  1898,  1899,  and  1900  shows 
that  all  the  stock  of  the  Universal  Company  was  purchased  in  the 
fall  of  1897  by  a  New  York  syndicate  acting  for  the  Peoples  Gas 
Light  and  Coke  Company. 

In  view  of  the  above  information  that  has. come  to  my  notice, 
I  am  advised  by  counsel  that  the  Universal  Company  has  entered 
into  a  combination  with  the  Peoples  Company  to  fix  the  price  of 
gas  in  violation  of  the  terms  of  the  above  ordinance. 

I,  therefore,  recommend  that  the  accompanying  ordinance  be 
passed,  directing  the  Corporation  Counsel  to  institute  suits  for  the 
purpose  of  forfeiting  the  rights  granted  to  the  Universal  Gas  Com- 
pany by  said  ordinance  and  for  an  accounting  against  said  company 
and  for  recovering  for  the  benefit  of  the  city  the  entire  plant  of  said 
Universal  Gas  Company. 

Respectfully, 

E.  F.  DUNNE,  Mayor. 


DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  263 


THE  MILITANT  CHIEF  OF  THE  SAL- 
VATION ARMY. 

ADDRESS  ON  GEN.  BOOTH'S  DEATH. 

Mr.  Chairman,  Ladies  and  Gentlemen: 

We  meet  today  to  do  honor  to  the  memory  of  a  great,  good 
man  who  has  just  passed  to  his  reward  beyond  the  shores  of  time, 
a  man  who  has  left  a  lasting  impress  upon  the  humanity  of  two 
continents. 

The  story  of  his  life  is  one  of  the  marvels  of  the  age. 

Born  poor  and  compelled,  when  a  boy,  to  support  himself 
by  daily  labor,  he  early  in  life  developed  an  ardent  religious 
temperament,  and  after  his  daily  toil  devoted  his  nights  to  preach- 
ing Christ  crucified  on  the  street  corners  of  his  native  city.  From 
choice  he  sought  those  portions  of  the  city  where  the  poor,  the 
wretched  and  the  wicked  mostly  congregated  and  assembled. 
He  was  a  militant  professor  of  Christ  from  the  start.  Where  men 
and  women  seemed  most  irretrievably  lost  to  decency  and  society, 
there  he  raised  his  strident  and  militant  voice,  warning  of  dam- 
nation to  the  unregenerate  and  promising  salvation  to  the  con- 
trite. 

He  fought  the  forces  of  hell  in  the  hell  holes  of  the  city,  soon 
transferring  his  militant  energy  to  the  metropolis  of  the  world. 
Then  he  entered  the  ministry  of  the  Methodist  Church.  Soon  he 
finds  the  rules,  regulations  and  ritual  of  the  church  to  be  a  barrier 
to  his  restless,  boundless  energy  and  zeal  for  conversion. 

The  church  invited  sinners  to  repent.  The  church  invited 
men  and  women  to  enter  its  portals.  He  found  in  the  purlieus  of 
the  great  cities  that  there  were  men  and  women,  so  wedded  to 
vice  and  so  indifferent  to  virtue,  that  they  would  not  repent  and 
would  not  respond  to  these  invitations;  that  would  not  enter 
churches  and  listen  to  the  word  of  God. 

Such  as  these,  he  declared,  must  be  reached,  not  by  invita- 
tion and  moral  suasion,  but  by  force  of  moral  duress. 

If  they  would  not  come  to  the  church,  the  church  must  go 
to  them.  Vice  and  degradation  must  be  assailed  and  assaulted 
in  their  citadels.  He  sought  out  these  citadels.  He  camped  be- 
neath their  ramparts.  He  fired  the  word  of  God  through  its  port- 
holes and  embrasures.  He  sang  the  songs  of  Christian  faith  and 


266  DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

of  determination  and  courage,  pressing  on  toward  final  consum- 
mation. 

I  regret  to  state  that  progress  made  towards  the  solution  of 
the  traction  question  and  the  carrying  into  effect  of  the  mandate 
of  the  people,  as  expressed  at  the  election  of  last  spring,  has  not 
been  satisfactory  either  to  myself  or  to  the  people  of  this  commu- 
nity. The  people  declared  at  the  spring  election  against  the  grant- 
ing of  any  franchise  to  the  Chicago  City  Railway-  Company,  or  to 
any  other  street  railway  company,  by  a  vote  of  approximately  152,- 

000  to  60,000.     This  expression  of  the  public  will  no  right-minded 
citizen  can  misunderstand. 

Believing  firmly  that  this  emphatic  expression  of  the  people's 
will  should  be  obeyed  by  the  city's  executive  and  the  city  council, 

1  have  done  all  in  my  power,  as  mayor  of  this  city,  to  impress  upon 
the  city  council  that  no  extension  franchises  should  be  granted  to 
the  Chicago  City  Railway  Company,  the  Union  Traction  Company, 
or  any  of  their  constituent  or  underlying  companies. 

On  July  5  last,  I  called  the  attention  of  the  city  council  to 
the  fact  that  130  miles  of  the  total  trackage  of  the  street  railway 
companies  of  Chicago  were  available  to  the  city  for  the  building 
of  a  municipal  street  car  system,  by  reason  of  the  franchises  thereon 
having  expired.  I  further  called  attention  to  the  fact  that  about 
270  miles  of  said  trackage  would  be  in  like  manner  at  the  disposal 
of  the  city  on  or  before  the  first  day  of  January,  1908.  I  further 
called  attention  to  the  fact  that  this  270  miles  of  trackage  would 
furnish  transportation,  by  reason  of  the  location  of  these  tracks  in 
the  most  populous  portion  of  the  city,  to  about  1,100,000  people  of 
the  total  2,000,000  population  of  Chicago. 

In  this  same  message,  I  formulated  to  the  council  two  plans 
for  the  construction  of  such  a  municipal  railway  system  on  these 
streets  upon  which  the  franchises  had  expired  or  were  just  gasping 
expiration.  Neither  of  these  plans,  apparently,  has  commended 
itself  to  the  city  council,  although  either  or  both,  in  my  judgment, 
are  entirely  feasible  and  practicable  both  from  a  legal  and  financial 
standpoint.  Contrary  to  my  views  and  to  the  expressed  will  of  the 
people,  the  committee  on  local  transportation  of  the  city  council, 
has  been  industriously  engaged  in  framing  ordinances  proposing 
to  grant  extensions  of  franchises  to  the  Chicago  City  Railway  Com- 
pany and  the  underlying  lines  of  the  Chicago  Union  Traction 
Company. 

As  a  protest  against  such  action  I  have  sent  repeated  messages 
to  the  city  council,  calling  the  attention  of  that  body  to  the  popular 
vote  registered  overwhelmingly  against  such  course  of  procedure. 
I  have  repeatedly  requested  the  council  to  instruct  its  committee 
to  cease  consideration  of  the  proposed  franchise  extension  ordinances 


DUNNE JUDGE,    MAYOR,    GOVERNOR  267 

and  to  take  steps  to  put  into  force  a  plan  for  the  creation  of  a 
municipal  street  car  system.  Unfortunately,  the  city  council,  up  to 
the  present  time,  has  seen  fit  to  sustain  the  committee  in  its  formu- 
lation of  these  proposed  franchise  extension  ordinances,  and  the 
executive  department  and  the  legislative  department  of  the  city, 
represented  by  the  mayor  and  city  council  respectively,  are  at  pres- 
ent in  a  deadlock. 

While  this  state  of  conflict  exists  it  will,  of  course,  be  difficult 
to  advance  the  cause  of  municipal  ownership  of  street  cars  of  this 
city,  as  demanded  by  the  people  at  the  ballot-box. 

So  far  as  I  am  concerned,  as  mayor  of  this  city,  this  deadlock 
must  continue  until  the  council,  in  its  wisdom,  sees  fit  to  change 
its  present  attitude.  I  was  elected  mayor  of  this  city  upon  a  solemn 
pledge  to  oppose  the  granting  of  any  franchise  extension  ordinances 
to  the  companies,  now  operating  in  Chicago's  streets,  and  to  bring 
about  at  the  earliest  possible  day  the  municipalization  of  the  street 
car  lines  of  this  city.  That  pledge  I  purpose  to  keep. 

Fortunatey,  the  council  has  been  pledged  to  submit  all  or- 
dinances relating  to  the  franchise  question  to  the  people  next 
spring.  This  submission  should  be  in  such  manner  as  to  put 
an  end  to  the  traction  controversy  for  all  time.  The  only  way 
this  can  be  done  effectively  is  for  the  council  to  pass  the  Mueller 
ordinance,  providing  for  the  municipalization  of  the  street  car 
lines  of  this  city  pursuant  to  the  terms  of  the  Mueller  law,  and 
to  place  the  proposed  franchise  extension  ordinances  before  the 
people  under  the  public  policy  act  of  this  State.  This  method, 
in  my  judgment,  is  the  only  honest  and  effective  way  of  forever 
disposing  of  this  matter  at  the  spring  election.  If  this  be  done, 
the  people  can  vote  in  favor  of  the  Mueller  certificate  ordinance 
and  against  the  franchise  ordinances,  or  in  favor  of  the  fran- 
chise ordinances  and  against  the  Mueller  certificate  ordinance, 
and  in  either  event  the  traction  question  will  be  settled  forever. 

If  they  vote  in  favor  of  the  Mueller  certificate  ordinance, 
which  I  presented  to  the  council  some  weeks  ago,  no  further  vote 
of  the  people  will  be  necessary  to  enable  the  citizens  of  this  city 
to  acquire  a  municipal  street  car  system. 

I  am  confident  that  the  people  will  vote  this  April  as  de- 
cisively in  favor  of  municipalization  of  the  street  car  lines  as  they 
did  last  April. 

I  have  done  everything  in  my  power  to  carry  out  the  will 
of  the  people  of  Chicago  in  the  way  of  bringing  about  municipal 
ownership  of  the  city's  traction  lines,  but  the  members  of  the 
city  council,  in  the  face  of  the  expression  of  the  people's  will, 
have  voted  by  an  overwhelming  majority  against  any  move  in 
that  direction  that  I  have  made.  As  a  consequence,  the  wheels 


268  DUNNE JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

of  legislation  for  the  time  being  are  effectively  blocked.  It  is 
for  the  people  to  determine  whether  my  course  or  that  of  the 
council  shall  be  approved  and  sustained.  This  question  the 
people  will  face  at  the  polls  next  April.  Their  will  must  stand 
supreme  and  I  am  not  doubtful  of  what  will  be  their  verdict. 

With  other  citizens,  who  believe  that  the  existing  gas  com- 
panies of  Chicago  have  been  charging  exorbitant  rates  for  gas, 
I  went  to  Springfield  shortly  after  my  election  and  urged  upon 
the  General  Assembly  the  passage  of  an  act  enabling  the  city 
council  of  the  city  of  Chicago  to  fix  reasonable  rates  for  gas  and 
electric  light.  The  State  Legislature  passed  such  an  act  in  re- 
sponse to  this  demand  and  the  same  has  been  adopted  by  the 
citizens  of  Chicago  upon  a  referendum  vote. 

Immediately  upon  the  adoption  of  this  act  by  referendum 
last  November,  I  addressed  a  message  to  the  city  council  calling 
the  attention  of  that  body  to  this  fact  and  urging  the  council 
to  pass  an  ordinance,  which  I  submitted,  fixing  the  price  to  be 
charged  for  gas  at  75  cents  per  1,000  cubic  feet.  This  price,  in 
my  judgment,  is  a  reasonable  one,  in  view  of  tfre  fact  that  gas 
has  been  sold  within  recent  years  in  the  city  of  Chicago  by  one 
of  the  present  constituent  corporate  members  of  the  People's 
Gas  Light  &  Coke  Company  for  72  cents  per  1,000  cubic  feet,  and 
in  view  of  the  further  fact  that  gas  now  is  sold  in  several  Amer- 
ican cities  for  75  cents  and  less.  The  matter  of  my  message 
has  been  referred  to  the  council  committee  on  gas,  oil  and  electric 
light.  I  jearnestly  hope  that  that  committee  soon  will  recom- 
mend to  the  city  council  for  passage  an  ordinance  fixing  the 
price  of  gas  in  this  city  at  75  cents  per  1,000  cubic  feet. 

It  is  my  intention,  at  an  early  date,  as  soon  as  I  procure  suf- 
ficient reliable  data,  to  recommend  to  the  city  council  the  passage 
of  an  ordinance  materially  reducing  the  price  of  electric  light 
in  this  city,  as  I  am  confident  that  the  present  rates,  charged  by 
private  companies,  are  both  exorbitant  and  unjustly  discrim- 
inative between  different  classes  of  citizens. 

I  have  communicated  and  held  several  interviews  with  the 
officials  of  the  Chicago  Telephone  Company,  and  have  urged  upon 
this  corporation  the  adoption  of  a  more  reasonable  schedule  of 
rates  for  telephone  service.  In  response  to  these  suggestions 
the  company  has  addressed  a  communication  to  the  mayor  and 
the  city  council  requesting  the  opening  of  negotiations  with 
reference  to  the  future  dealings  of  this  company  and  the  city  and 
citizens  of  Chicago.  This  communication,  too,  has  been  referred 
to  the  council  committee  on  gas,  oil  and  electric  light,  where  the 
matter  now  is  pending.  I  am  pleased  to  state  that  the  officers 
of  the  telephone  company  have  informed  me  that  they  are  pre- 
pared to  consider : 


DUNNE JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  269 

First.    A  reduction  of  charges  to  telephone  users. 

Second.  The  incorporation  in  any  agreement  that  may  be  made 
with  the  municipality  of  a  provision  under  which  the  city  of 
Chicago  shall  be  empowered  to  take  over  and  operate  the  tele- 
phone plant  of  this  company  as  a  municipal  plant  when  the  State 
Legislature  enacts  a  law  enabling  the  city  so  to  do. 

For  years  the  city  has  been  denied  by  the  smoke  emitted 
from  its  chimneys.  All  attempts  to  abate  this  nuisance  have  been 
ineffective  owing  to  the  cumbersome  and  complicated  provisions 
of  the  existing  smoke  ordinance,  which  I  can  honestly  describe 
as  an  ordinance  devised  to  protect  smoke  producers  rather  than 
to  punish  offenders.  I  have  called  the  attention  of  the  council, 
in  a  message,  to  the  defects  of  the  existing  smoke  ordinance  and 
this  now  has  been  amended  and,  I  believe,  will  be  further  amend- 
ed in  a  few  days  so  as  to  make  a  future  continuance  of  the  smoke 
nuisance  difficult,  if  not  impossible. 

The  extension  of  Chicago's  charter  powers  is  a  work  that 
now  is  on  the  ways.  The  charter  convention  has  been  assem- 
bled and  has  entered  upon  the  task  which  has  for  its  object  the 
removal  of  those  obstacles  which  have  cramped  Chicago's  efforts 
and  hampered  civic  development  and  municipal  betterment  in 
many  ways.  The  work  of  the  convention,  I  am  pleased  to  say, 
will  be  submitted  to  the  people  upon  referendum  for  their  ap- 
proval. 

In  the  department  work  of  the  municipal  government,  many 
important  changes  have  taken  place  within  recent  months.  The 
water  system  of  the  city  has  been  completely  reorganized.  Here, 
too,  justice  for  all  is  aimed  at.  For  years  past  the  city  of  Chi- 
cago, by  reason  of  an  unfair  and  discriminating  water  ordinance, 
has  been  put  in  the  unjust  and  reprehensible  position  of  charging 
its  water  consumers  differing  and  discriminating  rates,  varying 
from  4  cents  per  1,000  gallons  to  10  cents  per  1,000  gallons.  The 
ordinary,  small  consumer  has  been  charged  10  cents,  while  the 
powerful  and  wealthy  corporations  of  the  city  are  supplied  with 
water  at  4  cents  per  1,000  gallons. 

In  a  message  to  the  city  council  I  have  called  the  attention  of 
that  body  to  the  injustice  of  the  existing  ordinance  and  have  recom- 
mended the  establishing  of  a  flat  rate  of  8  cents  per  1,000  gallons 
to  all  consumers  alike.  I  regret  to  state  that  no  favorable  action  as 
yet  has  been  taken  by  the  council  on  this  recommendation,  the 
matter  having  been  referred  to  a  committee  where  the  same  now  is 
lying  undisposed  of. 

I  am  pleased  to  state  that  the  ' '  fee  system, ' '  by  which  the  water 
consumer  was  required  to  pay  for  meter  and  service  pipes,  has 
been  abolished.  Hereafter  all  meter  pipes  and  all  service  pipes 


270  DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

leading  from  street  mains  to  houses  will  be  installed  at  the  ex- 
peuse  of  the  city.  This  will  conduce  to  simplicity  and  will  re- 
move a  burden  from  citizens  who  become  patrons  of  the  water 
service.  The  principle  has  been  to  relieve  the  consumer  of  all 
possible  payments  except  for  water  actually  consumed.  The  ad- 
ministration of  the  water  bureau,  too,  has  been  so  altered  as  to 
make  for  increased  efficiency  and  better  service. 

Rapid  advance  is  being  made  toward  the  effective  purifica- 
tion of  Chicago's  water  supply.  Practically  every  link  of  the 
city's  planned  intercepting  sewer  system  has  been  placed  under 
contract.  This  means  an  expenditure  of  approximately 
$1,800,000  and  the  approaching  completion  of  the  intercepting 
sewer  system  which,  when  finished,  will  divert  all  sewage  from 
the  lake  between  the  city  limits  on  the  north  and  Eighty-seventh 
Street  on  the  south.  Work  on  the  great  Lawrence  Avenue  con- 
duit, which  was  stopped  for  several  years,  has  been  energetically 
set  under  way,  together  with  the  erection  of  the  pumping  station 
that  will  serve  as  an  adjunct  to  this  big  bore  in  flushing  the  north 
branch  of  the  Chicago  river. 

Greater  efficiency  in  the  cleaning  of  the  streets  and  alleys 
and  the  removal  of  garbage  is  being  attained.  Plans  are  under 
way  for  the  institution  of  a  new  system  of  garbage  removal  dur- 
ing the  coming  vear,  which  will  eliminate  the  city  dumps  and 
obtain  the  disposal  of  garbage  by  a  sanitary  and  more  effective 
process. 

A  bureau  of  compensation  has  been  established.  This  bureau 
has  collected  more  than  $40,000  during  the  months  it  has  been 
in  existence,  about  half  of  this  sum  having  been  received  in 
payment  for  the  use  of  sub-sidewalk  space.  This  bureau's  re- 
ceipts stand  as  a  net  addition  secured  to  the  municipal  revenue. 
A  policy  has  been  pursued  of  collecting  compensation  not  only 
for  sub-sidewalk  space  but  also  for  any  and  all  public  property 
temporarily  taken  over  for  private  use. 

Through  a  special  engineering  commission,  a  complete  report 
has  been  secured  as  to  the  history  and  present  condition  of  the 
tunnels  of  the  Illinois  Telephone  and  Telegraph  Company,  now 
called  the  Chicago  Subway  Company.  Thus,  a  complete  system 
of  inspection  has  been  installed  and  provision  has  been  made 
for  enforcing  rigid  compliance  with  the  ordinance  under  which 
this  work  is  being  built. 

Throughout  the  department  of  public  works  constant  con- 
solidation and  simplification  of  governmental  control  and  execu- 
tion has  been  the  rule. 

In  the  department  of  electricity  the  year  has  been  a  record 
breaking  one  in  the  extension  of  the  municipal  street  lighting 


DUNNE JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  271 

system.  A  total  of  1,580  electric  lights  of  2,000  candlepower  each 
have  been  added  during  1905,  making  an  aggregate  of  6,687 
lamps  now  in  service.  This  stands  as  the  greatest  number  of 
arc  lamps  added  to  the  system  in -any  one  year  since  the  incep- 
tion of  the  municipal  plant  in  1887.  During  the  year  the  munici- 
pal system  was  extended  into  Austin  and  displaced  130  rented 
lights  for  which  the  city  was  paying  $103  per  lamp  per  year.  An 
average  number  of  5,700  arc  lamps,  each  of  2,000  candlepower, 
has  been  maintained  and  operated  from  the  four  power  stations 
of  the  city.  The  average  cost  per  lamp,  including  its  proportion 
of  office  charges,  but  not  including  interest,  depreciation,  taxes 
or  insurance,  has  been  $52.14.  These  figures  as  to  cost  per  lamp 
under  municipal  ownership  and  under  private  operation  are 
worthy  of  close  study  by  Chicago's  citizens. 

To  place  the  1,580  additional  lights  in  service  during  the  year 
thirty  miles  of  underground  cable  and  250  miles  of  aerial  wire 
have  been  placed,  also  198,435  duct  feet  of  conduit  have  been  laid 
and  1,830  poles  set. 

Additions  to  the  police  and  fire  alarm  telegraph  required  the 
placing  of  173  miles  of  underground  wire,  while  500  poles  and 
seven  miles  of  electric  light  wire  were  removed  on  account  of 
street  improvements.  New  equipment  is  being  placed  at  the 
municipal  power  stations  which  will  practically  double  the  output 
of  a  couple  of  these  plants  and  reduce  the  cost  of  repairs.  During 
the  coming  year  large  extensions  to  this  municipally  owned  sys- 
tem will  be  made. 

Notable  work  has  been  done  in  the  department  of  police.  I 
believe  that  I  can  say  without  contradiction  that  Chicago  is 
morally  cleaner  today  than  at  any  time  in  many  years.  Open 
gambling  has  been  suppressed.  For  this  offense  alone  a  total 
of  2,200  arrests  have  been  made  within  the  last  five  months — 
a  greater  number  than  ever  before  within  a  similar  period. 

Now  an  energetic  warfare  is  being  waged  with  effectiveness 
against  the  criminal  element — an  element  that  besets  any  great 
city.  Flying  squadrons  of  officers  known  as  "thief  catchers" 
have  been  formed  and  are  working  in  all  divisions  of  the  city. 

Under  the  present  administration,  vicious  dance  halls  and 
dive  saloons  have  been  closed.  Scores  of  "get-rich-quick"  con- 
cerns have  been  driven  out  of  existence.  In  the  department 
itself  the  new  United  States  Army  drill  regulations  have  been 
established  and  have  increased  the  effectiveness  of  the  service, 
though  the  city  is  hampered  through  lack  of  revenue  from  secur- 
ing the  proper  number  of  policemen  needed  to  fully  safeguard  life 
and  property.  An  addition  to  the  police  force  is  absolutely 
necessary. 


272  DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

The  splendid  work  of  the  fire  department  has  resulted  in  a 
reduction  of  $400,000  in  the  fire  losses  of  the  city,  as  compared 
with  the  previous  year.  Eleven  new  engine  houses  have  been 
erected  during  the  year  and  much  new  equipment  added.  The 
so-called  two  platoon  system  has  been  given  a  trial  with  the  result 
that  a  favorable  report  has  been  received  thereon. 

In  the  way  of  public  improvements,  ninety-three  miles  of 
streets  have  been  paved  during  the  year  at  a  cost  of  about 
$3,600,000.  More  than  518  miles  of  new  sidewalks  have  been 
constructed  at  an  approximate  cost  of  $1,618,119.  One  important 
fact,  I  am  pleased  to  state,  is  that,  at  the  rate  cement,  stone  and 
cinder  sidewalks  are  being  constructed,  it  will  be  but  a  few  years 
before  Chicago  entirely  frees  itself  of  the  wooden  sidewalk 
nuisance,  the  chief  cause  for  many  years  of  the  flood  of  personal 
injury  cases  in  which  claims  for  millions  and  millions  of  dollars 
have  been  filed  against  the  city. 

Further,  more  than  24  miles  of  sewers  have  been  constructed 
during  the  year  at  a  cost  of  $641,900.  In  addition  to  this  sum, 
$75,000  has  been  expended  on  the  large  Jackson  Park  sewer  sys- 
tem and  pumping  station,  while  work  is  to  commence  at  once 
on  the  so-called  Eighty-fifth  Street  sewer  system,  which  is  de- 
signed to  drain  all  the  territory  extending  from  Eighty-third 
Street  to  the  southern  limits  of  the  city  and  from  Lake  Michigan 
on  the  east  to  Ashland  Avenue  on  the  west. 

The  health  department  has  been  especially  vigilant  in  safe- 
guarding the  city's  health.  Under  the  present  administration  the 
work  of  food  inspection  has  been  enormously  developed.  This  is 
shown  by  the  fact  that  during  the  last  five  months  of  1905  an 
aggregate  of  4,050,000  pounds  of  diseased  food  supplies  of  all  kinds 
have  been  condemned  and  destroyed  by  the  department  inspectors. 
During  the  corresponding  period  of  1904  the  total  amount  con- 
demned and  destroyed  totaled  but  151,470  pounds,  or  less  than  4 
per  cent  of  this  year's  figures. 

Report  is  made  that,  on  final  computation,  the  death  rate  in 
Chicago  for  1905  probably  will  not  exceed  13.34  per  1,000  of  popu- 
lation— the  record  year  of  lowest  mortality,  not  for  Chicago  only, 
but  for  any  city  in  the  world  of  more  than  a  half  million  popula- 
tion. There  has  been  no  serious  prevalence  of  any  of  the  epidemic 
diseases,  the  deaths  from  typhoid  fever  being  fewer  than  in  any 
year  since  1880,  when  Chicago's  population  was  barely  one-fourth 
as  large  as  now. 

Within  the  last  six  months  the  law  department  of  the  city  has 
had  a  larger  number  of  cases,  involving  greater  amounts  and  a 
greater  burden  of  business  than  ever  has  fallen  to  any  preceding 
administration  in  the  history  of  Chicago.  Notwithstanding  this, 


DUNNE JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  273 

the  litigation  has  been  pressed  with  unusual  rapidity.  Cases  ad- 
vanced to  the  Appellate  Court  and  disposed  of  within  the  last  six 
months  exceeding  in  number  about  twenty-five  per  cent  more  than 
were  disposed  of  in  a  similar  period  of  time  in  any  of  the  last  ten 
years.  The  traction  cases  involving  many  millions  of  dollars  and 
the  great  fundamental  rights  of  the  people,  have  now  advanced  to 
the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States.  The  law  department  has 
taken  up  and  pursued  vigorously  the  matter  of  contests  against  the 
gas  companies  to  insure  the  enforcement  of  a  75-cent  gas  rate. 
Suits  have  been  instituted  to  compel  the  street  car  companies  to 
give  the  people  better  service,  avoid  crowding  of  cars  and  to  compel 
the  heating  of  the  same. 

In  the  enforcement  of  the  civil  service  law,  the  city  has  been 
victorious  in  nine  out  of  twelve  appeals,  taken  either  by  the  city 
or  where  the  city  was  seeking  to  sustain  the  appeals,  resulting  in 
a  larger  era  of  civil  service  and  its  application. 

Prompt  measures  have  been  taken  by  the  department  against 
different  public  institutions  which  have  been  recreant  in  the  pay- 
ment of  their  taxes.  In  the  instance  of  the  Illinois  Tunnel  Com- 
pany alone  the  city  has  brought  about  a  just  increase  of  taxation 
which  will  net  $40,000  to  the  tax  fund.  The  amount  of  recoveries 
which  this  department  now  is  enforcing  will  equal  a  sum  far  in 
in  excess  of  every  dollar  required  to  maintain  it. 

In  the  matter  of  building  erection  and  inspection,  marked  im- 
provement has  been  shown  since  the  enactment  of  the  new  building 
ordinance.  Constant  attention  has  been  given  the  great  number 
of  old  buildings  which  do  not  comply  with  the  present  ordinance, 
and  to  the  safety  and  protection  against  fire  in  all  buildings  where 
large  numbers  of  people  are  employed  or  congregate.  From  a  build- 
ing standpoint,  the  year  1905  has  been  the  most  prosperous  the  city 
has  enjoyed,  exceeding  that  of  the  preceding  year  by  about  40 
per  cent.  During  the  year  permits  were  issued  for  the  erection  of 
8,660  buildings,  covering  a  total  frontage  of  253,026  feet  and  cost- 
ing $63,136,700.  Increased  efficiency  has  been  shown  among  the 
building  inspectors,  though  the  department  still  is  hampered  with 
too  small  a  force. 

The  youth  of  the  city  have  shared  bountifully  in  Chicago's 
advancement.  Under  the  direction  of  the  board  of  education,  the 
new  course  of  study  in  the  elementary  schools  has  been  given  a 
more  thorough  trial.  Manual  training  has  been  greatly  developed. 
Sewing,  cooking,  and  physical  culture  have  received  increasing  at- 
tention. During  the  year  the  board  decided  to  erect  two  separate 
schools  for  crippled  children,  one  on  the  west  side  and  the  other 
on  the  south  side. 

The  task  of  providing  all  the  school  children  of  Chicago  with 
proper  accommodations  is  nearer  fulfillment  now  than  at  any  other 


274  DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

time  in  the  city's  history.  Six  new  school  buildings  and  forty -five 
portable  one-room  buildings  were  completed  during  the  year,  con- 
taining 145  rooms,  seating  7,110  pupils  and  costing  $1,077,000. 
Four  additions  to  old  buildings  have  been  completed,  adding  43 
rooms,  seating  2,070  pupils  and  costing  $522,000. 

There  are  under  construction  at  this  date  9  new  buildings  and 
11  additions  to  old  buildings  which  will  contain  262  rooms,  seat 
8,116  pupils  and  cost  $2,226,000.  In  addition  19  new  buildings 
have  been  ordered,  with  19  additions  to  old  buildings.  These  will 
be  put  under  contract  within  six  months  and  will  provide  558  addi- 
tional rooms,  afford  accommodation  to  25,700  pupils  and  require 
an  outlay  of  $4,844,000.  Truly,  this  speaks  well  for  the  future 
manhood  and  womanhood  of  Chicago. 

A  vigorous  campaign  has  been  conducted  by  the  department  of 
weights  and  measures  against  violation  of  ordinances  pertaining  to 
the  sale  of  commodities.  A  flying  squadron  of  inspectors  has  been 
organized  and  sent  into  all  sections  of  the  city.  The  amount  of 
fines  imposed  for  short-weights  and  short-measure  during  the  year 
totaled  more  than  $3,350  as  against  $1,112  for  the  preceding  year. 

In  the  task  of  track  elevation  a  larger  amount  of  work  has  been 
done  in  1905  than  at  any  similar  period  since  the  start  was  made 
in  abolishing  grade  crossings.  Fifteen  miles  of  roadbeds  and  tracks 
of  railway  companies  have  been  elevated  above  the  established  street 
grades,  this  work  carrying  with  it  the  elevation  of  more  than  129 
miles  of  yard,  switch  and  other  tracks.  Fifty-six  grade  crossings 
thus  have  been  eliminated.  This  work  during  the  year  now  closed 
has  cost  $5,800,000  without  the  expense  of  one  penny  to  the  city, 
and  has  given  employment,  directly  and  indirectly,  to  50,000  men. 
The  work  must  go  on  until  all  grade  crossings  within  the  corporate 
limits  of  Chicago  are  eliminated. 

At  the  House  of  Correction  extensive  improvements  have 
been  undertaken.  The  erection  of  the  new  women's  building 
has  been  begun.  Here  the  most  sanitary  and  humane  ideas  will 
be  introduced  with  regard  to  the  safety  and  care  of  female  in- 
mates. New  industries  are  being  established. 

And  as  Chicago  turns  into  the  new  year,  it  takes  up  the 
march  toward  a  future  that  ever  must  grow  more  glorious. 
Chicago,  in  my  judgment,  is  the  greatest  city  in  America,  not  in 
\vealth  nor  in  population,  but  in  activity,  energy,  ambition  and 
high  ideals.  It  is  the  nerve  center  of  America  from  which 
pulsates  the  advanced  thought  and  energy  of  an  American  peo- 
ple. It  is  the  theater  of  political  action.  It  is  the  center  of 
political  economic  thought. 

We  all  love  Chicago  and  hope  for  its  increased  growth  and 
prosperity  and  greatness.  But,  if  Chicago  is  to  maintain  its 
greatness,  it  must  continue  to  be  morally  and  ethically  great,  as 


DUNNE JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  275 

well  as  commercially  great.  The  will  of  the  people  as  expressed 
at  the  ballot  box  must  be  binding  upon  the  conscience  of  the 
public  and  upon  the  hands  and  hearts  of  its  servants.  For  a 
true  republic  is  that  in  which  all  citizens  have  the  right  to  be 
heard  in  the  enactment  of  laws  and  the  shaping  of  public  policies. 

Chicago  suffers  much  from  an  economic  standpoint  in  many 
vital  particulars.  We  suffer  from  lack  of  adequate  revenue  to 
properly  police  our  city,  to  provide  needed  fire  and  sanitary 
precautions,  to  improve  the  streets,  and,  in  general,  to  properly 
run  the  government.  Yet,  while  Chicago  has  a  smaller  revenue 
than  the  other  great  cities  of  the  United  States  and  limps  a 
financial  cripple,  much  public  property  has  been  used  by  private 
persons  and  corporations  without  compensation  to  the  city. 
Chicago  demands  that  inequitable,  unfair  and  unjust  use  of  public 
property  without  compensation  must  cease  and  that  a  fair  and 
just  distribution  of  taxation  must  be  secured.  The  man  who 
would  hamper  Chicago  in  the  collection  of  honest  demands  for 
revenue,  equitably  distributed,  is  a  bad  citizen. 

Let  us  all,  therefore,  resolve  to  give  our  best  efforts  this 
new  year  and  in  future  years  not  only  toward  the  material 
growth  of  Chicago,  but  also  for  the  equal  enforcement  of  the 
law,  for  good  government,  for  good  citizenship  and  for  the 
preservation  of  republican  institutions  in  our  beloved  city  by 
obedience  to  the  will  of  its  people  as  expressed  at  the  ballot-box. 
Chicago,  truly  great,  must  not  rest,  but  must  ever  aspire  to  still 
higher  and  nobler  attainments. 


276  DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 


HIS  1906  NEW  YEAR'S  WISH. 

A  MAYOR'S  GREETING  TO  CHICAGO,  JANUARY  1,  1906. 

Militant  Chicago  during  the  year  1905  has  been  struggling 
against  the  most  powerful  aggregation  of  vested  interests  and 
enormous  wealth  that  public  utility  corporations  have  ever  con- 
centrated in  America.  Her  onward  march  toward  the  ownership 
of  her  own  utilities  has  been  retarded  but  not  defeated. 

Chicago  suffering  in  1904,  militant  in  1905,  let  us  hope  will 
be  triumphant  in  1906. 


DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  277 


EIGHTY-FIVE  CENT  GAS  TOO  HIGH  IN 

CHICAGO. 

MESSAGE  VETOING  GAS  ORDINANCE,  FEBRUARY  14,  1906. 

To  the  Honorable,  the  City  Council: 

GENTLEMEN  :  I  return  herewith,  without  my  approval,  an  ordi- 
nance passed  at  the  last  regular  meeting  of  your  honorable  body, 
and  published  at  pages  2624  to  2633,  inclusive,  of  the  current 
printed  council  proceedings,  fixing  the  price  at  which  gas  is  to  be 
sold  in  the  city  of  Chicago  during  the  next  five  years  at  85  cents. 

There  are  several  objectionable  features  in  this  ordinance.  Sec- 
tion 2  gives  to  the  gas  companies  the  right  to  remove  meters  without 
replacing  the  same  for  twenty-four  hours.  There  is  no  good  reason 
why  the  companies,  when  they  take  out  a  meter  for  repair  or  any 
other  purpose,  should  not  be  compelled  to  replace  the  meter  removed 
by  another  meter  within  one  hour.  The  person  removing  a  meter 
should  have  another  meter  ready  for  substitution  immediately. 

Under  section  6,  any  of  the  gas  companies  of  the  city  of  Chi- 
cago may  ''lease  and  demise  to  any  other  company,"  whether  that 
company  is  a  foreign  or  domestic  corporation,  "the  mains,  pipes, 
meters,  works,  plant  and  appliances,  or  any  part  thereof  of  such 
company  or  companies  on  such  terms  as"  the  Chicago  gas  com- 
panies "may  agree  upon"  with1  such  other  companies,  and  the 
corporation,  leasing  and  acquiring  such  plants,  may  "take  and 
acquire  the  mains,  pipes,  meters,  works,  plant  and  appliances  or 
any  part  thereof"  and  "operate  the  same  and  manufacture  and 
distribute  gas"  through  said  plants  so  acquired. 

Under  this  provision  the  Standard  Oil  Company  or  any  com- 
pany organized  under  the  liberal  laws  of  New  Jersey,  Delaware  or 
any  other  state,  would  be  empowered  to  take  possession  of  the  gas 
plants,  now  being  operated  in  the  city  of  Chicago,  and  conduct 
them  without  limitation  as  to  time  in  the  same  manner  that  domestic 
corporations  of  this  city  could  conduct  them,  but,  in  so  doing,  they 
would  have  the  right  to  have  all  questions  arising  between  the  city 
of  Chicago  and  themselves  determined  exclusively  in  the  Federal 
Courts,  instead  of  in  our  local  State  Courts.  The  public  utility 
corporations  of  the  city  of  Chicago,  for  some  reason,  have  always 
evidenced  a  remarkable  partiality  for  the  Federal  Courts,  which 
partiality  is  not  shared  by  the  people  of  this  community. 


278  DUNNE JUDGE,  MAYOR,  GOVERNOR 

On  the  contrary,  the  people  of  Chicago  seem  to  be  entirely  con- 
tent to  have  issues  that  arise  between  the  city  and  these  corpo- 
rations determined  and  passed  upon  by  our  local  State  Courts.  I 
can  discover  no  good  reason  why  the  public  utilities  of  this  city, 
as  long  as  they  are  allowed  to  remain  in  the  hands  of  private  com- 
panies, should  not  be  administered  by  corporations  which  are  sub- 
ject to  the  exclusive  jurisdiction  of  the  State  Courts. 

Under  the  last  sentence  of  this  section,  the  Peoples  Gas  Light 
and  Coke  Company,  the  Ogden  Gas  Company  and  the  Universal  Gas 
Company  reserve  to  themselves  the  right  to  question,  after  five  years, 
the  authority  of  the  city  of  Chicago  to  regulate  the  price  and  qual- 
ity of  gas  furnished  by  them  to  the  citizens  of  Chicago.  In  view 
of  the  fact  that  this  ordinance  purports  to  be  a  contract  ordinance 
which,  in  return  for  the  sale  of  gas  for  85  cents  for  five  years  only, 
is  granting  valuable  concessions  in  the  way  of  leasing  and  consoli- 
dation to  the  present  companies,  and  which  purports  to  settle  all 
controversies  between  the  city  of  Chicago  and  these  companies, 
there  should  be  no  reservation,  made  by  the  companies,  which 
would  enable  them  to  question  the  validity  of  the  gas  regulation 
acts  of  this  State.  This  ordinance  is  either  a  contract  ordinance 
which  should  settle  all  controversies  between  the  present  companies 
and  the  city,  in  which  event  the  companies  should  be  compelled  to 
acknowledge  the  right  of  the  city  to  regulate  the  price  and  quality 
of  gas,  or  it  is  not  a  contract  but  a  regulating  ordinance  in  which 
the  city  should,  under  the  law,  affirm  its  right  to  fix  the  price  and 
quality  of  gas  and  compel  the  companies  to  accede  to  its  terms 
without  conceding  to  the  companies  the  right  to  question  its  validity. 

The  ordinance  is  further  objectionable  in  that  in  section  9,  it 
concedes,  by  the  language  therein  used,  that  there  is  upwards  of 
$1,300,000  due  from  the  city  of  Chicago  to  the  Peoples  Gas  Light 
and  Coke  Company.  This  amount  is  claimed  by  the  Peoples  Gas 
Light  and  Coke  Company  to  be  due  from  the  city,  on  the  assumption 
that  the  city  is  liable  to  pay  this  company  for  gas  consumed  at  the 
rate  of  $1.00  per  thousand  cubic  feet,  although  the  city  of  Chicago 
in  1900  passed  an  ordinance  fixing  the  price  of  gas  at  75  cents  per 
thousand  cubic  feet.  The  ordinance,  under  consideration,  purports, 
in  section  5  thereof,  to  preserve  the  rights  of  the  city  and  the  citi- 
zens of  Chicago  to  recover  back  all  sums,  paid  in  excess  of  75  cents, 
since  the  passage  of  said  ordinance  of  1900.  In  other  words,  sec- 
tion 5  purports  to  reserve  the  right  of  the  city  and  the  citizens  of 
Chicago  to  maintain  in  court  that  the  legal  price  of  gas  for  the  last 
five  years  and  upwards  is  75  cents,  and  yet,  in  section  9  of  the 
ordinance,  there  is  an  admission  that  $1,300,000  is  due  from  the 
city  to  the  Peoples  Gas  Light  and  Coke  Company  for  gas  at  the  rate 
of  $1.00  per  thousand  cubic  feet.  If  the  city  of  Chicago  and  the 


DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  279 

citizens  of  Chicago,  in  the  assertion  of  the  rights  and  prices  given 
them  under  the  ordinance  of  1900,  appear  in  court  for  the  assertion 
of  such  rights,  they  will  be  met  with  the  proof  that,  in  section  9  of 
this  ordinance,  they  concede  the  claims  of  the  company  that  the  city 
is  liable  for  gas  consumed  at  the  rate  of  $1.00  per  thousand  cubic 
feet. 

The  objections  to  the  ordinance  hereinbefore  mentioned 
would  be  sufficient  of  themselves  to  justify  me,  as  mayor  of  the 
city  of  Chicago,  in  vetoing  this  ordinance,  but  there  still  remains 
another  and  greater  objection.  The  price  fixed  under  this  or- 
dinance for  gas,  in  my  judgment,  is  unfair  to  the  people  and  the 
city  of  Chicago  and  excessive. 

The  Mutual  Fuel  Gas  Company  and  the  Hyde  Park  Gas  Com- 
pany, for  years,  sold  illuminating  gas  in  the  city  of  Chicago, 
under  the  provisions  of  its  charter,  for  72  cents,  and  only  ceased 
so  doing  when  it  was  sought  in  court  to  compel  the  other  con- 
stituent companies,  which  had  been  consolidated  in  the  Peoples 
Gas  Light  and  Coke  Company,  to  sell  gas  at  the  same  figure.  The 
undeniable  fact  is  that  illuminating  gas  was  sold  by  the  Mutual 
Fuel  Gas  Company  and  the  Hyde  Park  Gas  Company  to  the  people 
of  Chicago  for  72  cents  per  thousand  cubic  feet  in  recent  years. 

Further,  it  is  an  undisputed  fact  that  the  citizens  of  Cleve- 
land, Ohio,  are  purchasing  gas  from  private  companies  in  that 
city  for  75  cents  per  thousand  cubic  feet,  and  the  companies 
which  sell  gas  at  that  figure  are  paying  such  a  percentage  of  their 
gross  receipts  to  the  city  for  the  privilege  of  selling  gas  at  that 
figure  that  it  reduces  the  net  price  of  gas  to  the  people  of  Cleve- 
land to  70  cents.  It  is  also  an  undeniable  fact  that  the  citizens 
of  Cincinnati  are  obtaining  gas  for  75  cents  per  thousand  cubic 
feet,  and  1hat  the  same  is  true  of  Duluth,  Minn.,  and  Alexandria, 
W.  Va. 

It  is  possible  that  there  are  certain  good  reasons  arising  out 
of  the  price  of  coal,  oil,  labor  and  the  other  constituents  which 
enter  into  the  manufacture  of  gas,  that  might  make  the  manu- 
facture of  gas  in  Chicago  more  costly  than  in  these  other  cities. 
The  only  way  to  determine  this  question  is  to  examine  into  the 
actual  price  of  gas  as  manufactured  in  Chicago.  The  companies 
that  are  manufacturing  gas  within  the  city  of  Chicago  have 
peculiarly  within  their  knowledge  the  actual  cost  of  the  manu- 
facture and  distribution  of  gas  in  the  city,  and  this  cost  can  be 
ascertained  accurately  and  reliably  from  the  books  of  the  com- 
panies, if  the  books  are  correctly  and  honestly  kept.  For  the 
purpose  of  getting  the  actual  cost  of  gas  in  Chicago.  I  reouested 
these  companies  to  permit  their  books  to  be  examined  by  the. 
representatives  of  the  city.  This  request  was  met  with  a  re- 


280  DUNNE JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

fusal.  A  firm  of  accountants  was  permitted  to  examine  certain 
books  and  papers,  which  were  selected  by  the  Peoples  Gas  Light 
and  Coke  Company  and  the  Ogden  Gas  Company  and  submitted  to 
these  accountants.  In  making  their  report  to  the  committee  on 
gas,  oil  and  electric  light,  this  firm  of  accountants  declares :  ' '  We 
should  have  been  accorded  an  opportunity  of  more  fully  examin- 
ing several  of  the  distributing  and  other  accounts  in  the  ledgers 
that  bear  directly  on  this  investigation,  but  this  was  denied  us. 
Had  we  had  access  to  these  accounts  the  cost  of  manufacturing 
and  distributing  might  have  been  somewhat  modified." 

From  this  report  of  these  accountants,  it  is  apparent  that  the 
actual  cost  of  gas  manufactured  in  Chicago,  within  recent  years, 
has  not  been  ascertained,  although  that  actual  cost  must  be  and 
is  known  to  the  Peoples  Gas  Light  and  Coke  Company  and  the 
Ogden  Gas  Company.  It  is  true  that  representatives  of  these 
companies  have  made  statements  before  the  committee  on  gas, 
oil  and  electric  light  as  to  the  cost  of  gas,  but  these  statements 
were  based  upon  figures  obtained  from  the  books  of  these  com- 
panies, and  until  these  books  are  thoroughly  examined,  the  accu- 
racy and  truth  of  these  figures  will  never  be  known.  Until  these 
companies  will  permit  a  thorough  and  exhaustive  examination 
of  their  books  for  the  purpose  of  enabling  the  city  of  Chicago 
to  ascertain  the  actual  cost  of  gas,  as  manufactured  by  them  dur- 
ing recent  years,  I  cannot  be  convinced  that  the  city  of  Chicago 
and  its  citizens  ought  not  be  furnished  with  gas  as  cheaply  as 
the  gas  sold  in  Cleveland,  Cincinnati  and  other  cities  in  the 
United  States,  irrespective  of  the  valuable  privileges  of  consolida- 
tion given  to  these  companies  in  this  ordinance. 

When  I  addressed  your  honorable  body  in  a  message  on 
November  13,  1905,  requesting  the  passage  of  an  ordinance,  fixing 
the  price  of  gas  at  75  cents,  I  was  honestly  of  the  opinion  that 
gas  could  be  manufactured  and  sold  by  the  gas  companies,  now 
doing  business  in  the  city  of  Chicago,  for  75  cents,  with  a  reason- 
able profit  to  themselves.  I  am  still  of  the  same  opinion.  No 
sworn  evidence  has  been  adduced  to  the  contrary,  and  no  exam- 
ination of  the  books  of  these  companies  has  been  allowed  to  the 
committee  on  gas,  oil  and  electric  light. 

The  refusal  of  the  companies  to  permit  an  examination  of 
their  books  leads  to  the  irresistible  conclusion  that,  had  the  books 
desired  by  the  accountants  been  submitted,  they  would  have 
shown  that  a  lower  rate  than  85  cents  was  reasonable  and  should 
have  been  established. 

That  75  cents  is  a  reasonable  rate  for  gas  in  Chicago  has 
been  already,  prima  facie,  established  in  so  far  as  any  act  of  this 
council  can  establish  the  fact  by  an  ordinance  which  received  the 


DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  281 

unanimous  approval  of  the  city  council  and  the  then  executive  of 
the  city.  The  fact  that  the  reasonableness  of  that  figure  has 
not  been  questioned  in  any  of  the  litigation  now  pending  between 
the  city  and  the  present  companies  is  significant. 

With  a  75-cent  rate  previously  established  in  an  ordinance 
passed  by  the  unanimous  vote  of  this  council  and  litigation  pend- 
ing thereon,  in  which  the  reasonableness  of  that  rate  has  never 
been  questioned,  it  seems  a  most  manifest  public  duty  not  to  fix 
a  higher  rate  until  such  necessity  has  been  established  by  satis- 
factory testimony. 

Aside  from  the  valuable  privilege  of  consolidation,  given  in 
this  ordinance,  the  proposed  ordinance  forces  the  city  of  Chicago 
to  assume  the  payment  from  general  funds  for  the  gas  used  in 
lighting  the  city's  streets.  The  claims  of  the  city  for  compen- 
sation against  the  gas  company,  which  in  the  past  have  been 
an  offset  against  the  claims  of  the  company  for  lighting  the  city's 
streets,  are  wiped  out  by  the  terms  of  this  ordinance. 

In  future,  under  the  terms  of  this  ordinance,  Chicago  would  be 
charged  several  hundred  thousand  dollars  annually  for  gas  used  in 
lighting  the  city's  streets.  When  the  condition  of  the  city's  treas- 
ury and  the  needs  of  the  city's  police  force  are  considered  on  the 
one  hand,  and  the  great  benefits  conferred  by  this  ordinance  on  the 
gas  companies  on  the  other,  this  seems  to  impose  an  unnecessary 
hardship  upon  the  city. 

It  is  further  to  be  noted  that  there  is  no  provision  in  this  ordi- 
nance for  the  regulation  and  inspection  of  meters  at  the  expense  of 
the  companies,  which  has  been  the  cause  of  very  serious  complaint 
against  the  companies  in  recent  years. 

Because  of  the  foregoing  facts,  in  the  exercise  of  my  duty  as 
mayor  of  this  city,  I  feel  that  I  am  bound  to,  and  I  do  hereby,  veto 
this  ordinance,  and  respectfully  recommend  that  the  subject  matter 
of  fixing  the  price  and  quality  of  gas,  to  be  furnished  by  the  gas 
companies  of  this  city  to  the  city  and  the  gas  consumers  of  this 
city,  be  recommitted  to  the  committee  on  gas,  oil  and  electric  light, 
with  instructions  that  that  committee  demand  from  the  gas  com- 
panies of  Chicago  an  opportunity  to  fully  and  thoroughly  examine 
the  books  of  said  companies  to  ascertain  the  true  and  actual  cost  of 
the  manufacture  and  distribution  of  gas  in  the  city  of  Chicago,  and, 
in  default  of  that  opportunity  being  given  to  it  within  30  days,  that 
it  fix  the  price  of  gas  at  75  cents  per  thousand  cubic  feet  for  the 
next  ensuing  five  years. 


282  DUNNE JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 


WISHES  SUCCESS  TO  SEATTLE. 

TELEGRAM  TO  SEATTLE  NEWSPAPERS,  MARCH  2,  1906. 

To  J.  D.  Flenner,  The  Seattle  Mail  and  Herald,  Seattle,  Wash. : 

Chicago  in  its  fight  for  municipalization  of  street  cars  has  won 
three  great  battles  at  the  ballot  box,  one  in  the  Legislature  and 
recently  two  in  the  city  council  after  a  determined  fight  of  six 
months.  It  will  win  again  on  the  first  Tuesday  of  April,  election 
day.  Municipal  ownership  winning  throughout  the  world.  One 
hundred  forty-two  great  cities  in  Great  Britain  now  operating  their 
own  street  cars.  So  are  Berlin,  Cologne,  Munich,  Vienna,  Budapest, 
Switzerland  and  Austria.  Municipal  ownership  accomplishes  these 
things.  Greater  efficiency,  reduction  of  rates,  lower  hours  of  work- 
ing men,  increased  wages,  abolishes  strikes,  boodle  and  corruption. 
Success  to  the  cause  in  Seattle. 

EDWARD  F.  DUNNE, 

Mayor  of  Chicago. 


DUNNE JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  283 


ST.  PATRICK'S  DAY. 

ADDRESS  TO  THE  IRISH  FELLOWSHIP  CLUB,  CHICAGO,  MARCH  17,  1906. 

Mr.  Chairman  and  Gentlemen: 

I  am  pleased  to  avail  myself  of  your  kind  invitation  to  be 
present  with  you  this  evening.  I  am  proud  to  say  that  the  same 
blood  that  courses  in  most  of  your  veins,  courses  in  my  own,  and 
that  the  race  to  which  you  belong  is  the  race  from  which  I  am 
descended. 

It  is  a  race  of  which  we  are  both  proud — proud  of  its  past 
and  hopeful  of  its  future.  It  is  a  race  that  has  ever  produced 
brave  men  and  virtuous  women.  It  is  a  race  proud  of  its  litera- 
ture, its  music  and  its  ancient  traditions.  It  is  a  race  that  has 
withstood  the  waste  of  famine  and  invasion  and  the  shock  of 
•  insurrection  and  disintegration.  It  is  a  race  which  was  one  of 
the  earliest  in  western  Europe  to  embrace  the  teachings  of  Chris- 
tianity, and  a  race  which  has  preserved  the  teachings  of  that  re- 
ligion down  through  all  the  centuries  unimpaired.  It  is  a  race 
which,  through  the  dark  ages,  established  schools  and  universi- 
ties, the  ruins  of  which  excite  the  wonder  of  the  traveler  today. 
It  is  a  race  which  sent  its  missionaries  and  teachers  throughout 
Europe  to  spread  the  light  of  Christianity  in  the  blackest  night 
of  the  dark  ages,  a  race  which,  has  been  often  beaten  but  never  yet 
conquered.  It  is  a  race  which  has  been  without  a  flag,  a  nation- 
hood, an  army  or  a  navy  for  over  seven  centuries,  but  which  still 
preserves,  in  all  its  strength  and  vigor,  its  aspirations  for  inde- 
pendence and  nationality.  It  is  a  race  whose  love  of  liberty  has 
never  been  extinguished  by  the  sword  of  the  Plantagenet,  the 
torch  of  the  Tudor,  or  the  bludgeon  of  the  Cromwellians.  It  is 
a  race  which,  in  spite  of  persecution,  outlawry,  famine  and  trans- 
portation, still  exists  and  leaves  its  impress  upon  the  four  quarters 
of  the  globe. 

It  is  a  race  which  retains  tenacious  hold  upon  its  native  land 
and  yet  has  sent  its  sons  and  daughters  to  people  and  develop 
lands  in  all  parts  of  the  world  and  a  race  which  has  left  and  is 
still  leaving  its  imprint  upon  the  history  of  many  nations.  It  is 
a  race  that  has  given  an  O'Donnell  to  Spain,  a  McMahon  to 
France,  a  Taafe  to  Austria-Hungary,  a  Gavan  Duffy  to  Australia, 


284  DUNNE JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

a  Jackson,  a  Sheridan,  a  Shields  and  a  Meagher  to  the  United 
States. 

I  greet  you  tonight  as  the  expatriated  sons  of  the  green 
old  isle  and  their  descendants  living  upon  American  soil.  1  con- 
gratulate you  upon  the  fact  that  you  have  kept  alive  the  old  love 
of  liberty  and  your  desire  for  independence.  I  congratulate  you 
upon  being  prosperous  citizens  of  the  great  American  Republic, 
filled  with  sentimental  love  for  the  old  land  and  loyalty  to  the 
new. 

Love  of  the  old  and  love  for  the  new  are  not  inconsistent  or 
antagonistic.  They  go  hand  in  hand — a  tribute  to  your  senti- 
ment and  common  sense.  You  have  the  same  affection  for  the 
old  land  that  a  son  has  for  his  dear  old  mother.  You  have  the 
same  love  and  loyalty  for  the  land  you  live  in  that  you  have  for 
the  wife  of  your  bosom.  Was  there  ever  yet  a  good  husband 
who  was  forgetful  of  his  dear  old  mother?  You  have  affection 
for  both — the  attributes  of  good  sous  and  good  husbands.  And, 
if  ever  the  time  comes,  and  I  hope  it  will,  when  you  may  be 
able  to  assist  the  land  of  your  birth  or  of  your  forefathers  to 
reclaim  the  freedom  and  independence  that  is  due  her,  I  confi- 
dently predict  that  you,  with  millions  of  others  of  your  birth  and 
lineage,  will  respond  to  that  call. 

While  you  love  and  revere  the  land  of  your  birth  or  of  your 
parents'  Hrth,  your  first  love  and  your  first  loyalty  is  due  to  the 
land  you  live  in.  That  land  has  extended  to  you  her  open  arms 
and  a  welcoming  heart.  She  has  furnished  you  a  home  and  a, 
place  where  you  can  raise  your  children  in  the  love  of  God  and 
country,  untrammeled  and  unrestricted  by  unjust  laws  and  vicious 
legislation.  Your  loyalty  to  her  has  never  been  questioned. 
It  has  been  evinced  upon  the  battlefield  and  in  the  Senate  Cham- 
.ber — in  peace  and  in  war.  Whenever  the  American  Republic 
has  been  imperiled,  its  Irish-American  sons  have  been  among 
the  first  to  attest  their  loyalty  and  patriotism. 

In  the  days  of  the  Revolution  she  furnished  a  Sullivan,  a 
Montgomery,  a  mad  Anthony  Wayne  and  a  Jack  Barry.  A  Jack- 
son commanded  at  New  Orleans  and  a  Shields  fought  at  Chur- 
ubusco.  In  the  War  of  the  Rebellion  thousands  of  Irish-Ameri- 
cans fought  under  the  leadership  of  a  Meagher,  a  Mulligan,  a 
Shields,  and  a  Sheridan. 

In  times  of  peace  her  sons  have  filled  every  position  of  honor 
in  the  American  Republic,  from  the  Senate  of  the  United  States 
down  to  the  Legislatures  of  the  State.  And  in  the  years  to 
come,  when  the  bugle  call  of  patriotism  shall  be  heard  upon  the 
blast,  I  predict  that  the  Irish-American  citizens  will  cheerfully 
and  generously  respond  to  the  demands  of  their  country. 


DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  285 

in  times  of  peace  let  me  exhort  you  to  be  equally  patriotic 
and  solicitous  for  your  country's  welfare.  You  will  belong,  as 
you  have  always  done,  to  all  political  parties.  But  let  me  urge 
you  at  all  times  to  place  patriotism  before  party,  principles  before 
men,  and  men  before  mammon.  So  guide  your  conduct  in  Ameri- 
can life  as  to  vote  and  act  for  the  best  interests  of  your  adopted 
country.  Place  not  expediency  or  personal  profit  before  princi- 
ple. Be  guided  only  by  the  right.  Vote  for  no  party  that  advo- 
cates that  which  is  detrimental  to  the  best  interests  of  the  whole 
community.  Vote  for  no  man  whose  character  is  not  clean  and 
whose  motives  are  not  pure,  and  vote  for  no  man  nor  party  whose 
interests  are  selfish  or  prejudicial  to  the  great  mass  of  the  com- 
munity. 

Stand  for  justice  and  the  right.  Stand  for  the  preservation 
of  those  bulwarks  of  human  liberty,  the  jury  trial  and  the  habeas 
corpus  act.  Stand  for  equal  representation  before  the  law. 
Stand  against  the  aggressions  of  the  great  combinations  and 
corporations  which  are  becoming  a  menace  to  public  safety. 
Stand  against  corruption  and  graft.  Stand  for  equal  rights  to 
all.  Thus  will  you  maintain  your  power  and  influence  in  this 
community.  Thus  will  you  secure  the  respect  and  confidence  of 
your  fellow  citizens.  Thus  will  you  make  your  influence  foi 
good  felt  in  the  community  and  transmit  to  your  children  the 
heritage  of  good  citizenship. 


DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOll 


THE  WERNO  LETTER. 

MESSAGE  TO  THE  LOCAL  TRANSPORTATION  COMMITTEE,  CHICAGO 
CITY  COUNCIL,  APRIL  27,  1906. 

Alderman  Ch\arles  Werno,  Chairman  of  Committee  on  Local  Trans- 
portation, City  Council,  Chicago: 

DEAR  SIR:  In  response  to  your  request,  I  submit  the  follow- 
ing informal  suggestions  as  to  the  important  work  which  lies 
immediately  before  your  committee. 

It  is  my  profound  conviction  that  the  most  important  thing  to 
be  accomplished  at  the  outset  of  this  work  is  the  establishment 
of  cordial  and  efficient  cooperation  between  the  two  great  de- 
partments of  our  municipal  government.  I  recognize  fully  the 
functions  of  the  City  Council  in  any  disposition  of  the  traction 
question.  In  it,  under  our  system  of  government,  is  vested  the 
power  of  legislation.  Any  additional  legislation  which  may  be 
required  in  connection  with  traction  matters  must  be  enacted  by 
the  City  Council.  Nevertheless  the  law  has  imposed  upon  me,  as 
the  chief  executive  of  the  city,  the  responsible  leadership  in  the 
field  of  administration,  in  which  are  embraced  many  of  the  most 
important  phases  of  the  street  railway  problem,  and  I  am  charged 
directly  with  the  duty  of  approving  or  disapproving  the  legis- 
lation which  may  be  enacted  by  the  City  Council.  It  is,  there- 
fore, of  the  first  importance  that  the  City  Council  and  the  Mayor 
should,  if  possible,  cooperate  heartily  and  efficiently  in  carrying 
out  the  will  of  the  people  as  already  expressed,  and  in  devising 
such  additional  measures  as  may  seem  to  be  for  the  public  welfare. 
I  believe  the  time  has  come  when,  without  regard  to  differences 
of  opinion  upon  many  matters,  this  cooperation  can  and  should 
be  brought  about.  The  first  step  toward  this  end  is  to  arrive, 
if  possible,  at  a  clear  understanding  of  the  existing  situation. 

The  work  of  your  committee  naturally  divides  itself  into  two 
great  parts: 

First.  The  accomplishment  of  municipal  ownership  of  the 
street  railway  system,  and 

Second.  The  improvement  of  our  street  railway  service 
while  municipal  ownership  is  being  established. 

The  people  of  Chicago  have  repeatedly  expressed  their  opin- 
ion in  favor  of  municipal  ownership  of  the  street  railway  system, 


DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  287 

and  at  the  last  election  they  definitely  voted  in  favor  of  the  or- 
dinance which  has  been  passed  by  the  City  Council  for  the  pur- 
pose of  providing  the  financial  means  by  which  municipal  own- 
ership may  be  accomplished.  I  assume  that  all  of  the  members 
of  your  committee  will  fully  accept  the  result  of  this  election  in 
good  faith,  and  will  cooperate,  in  all  proper  and  reasonable  ways, 
to  carry  into  effect  the  will  of  the  people. 

At  its  last  session,  the  City  Council  passed  a  resolution  of- 
fered by  Alderman  Milton  J.  Foreman  directing  this  committee 
to  take  up  and  consider  the  immediate  improvement  of  the  street 
railway  service.  With  the  purpose  of  this  resolution  I  am  in 
hearty  accord.  In  my  last  message  to  the  City  Council  I  said : 
"Because  of  the  condition  of  our  traction  lines,  reduced  to  the 
lowest  level  of  bad  service  under  the  system  of  private  owner- 
ship which  has  prevailed,  every  element  of  delay  in  rehabilitation 
should  be  avoided  as  far  as  possible,  with  due  regard  for  the 
street  railway  policy  which  the  people  have  demanded  and  the 
enabling  terms  of  the  Mueller  law."  I  assume  that  whatever 
measures  may  be  devised  to  this  end  will  be  so  framed  as  to  pro- 
vide for  and  protect,  to  the  fullest  extent,  the  right  of  the  city 
to  acquire  the  street  railway  system  just  as  soon  as  the  necessary 
means  can  be  provided  for  this  purpose.  It  is  my  firm  con- 
viction that  the  prompt  and  thorough  improvement  of  our  entire 
street  railway  service  can  be  brought  about  by'  measures  which 
will  recognize  and  preserve  this  right.  The  only  possible  thing 
which  may  stand  in  the  way  of  this  result  is  the  petition  for  re- 
hearing which  the  street  railway  companies  have  filed  in  the 
ninety-nine-year  litigation  in  the  United  States  Supreme  Court. 
This  application,  however,  must,  in  the  nature  of  things,  be  dis- 
posed of  in  a  very  short  time,  and  need  not  delay  the  work  of 
your  committee  in  preparing  at  once  for  the  steps  which  can  be 
taken  as  soon  as  the  rehearing  has  been  denied.  I  think  your 
committee  can  safely  proceed  upon  the  confident  assumption  that 
the  decision  already  rendered  by  the  Federal  Supreme  Court  will 
stand  as  the  definite  determination  of  the  rights  of  the  companies 
under  the  ninety-nine-year  act.  Assuming  this,  the  question 
for  us  to  consider  is,  What  practical  measures  can  be  taken,  both 
in  the  direction  of  municipalization  and  improved  service? 

First,  as  to  municipal  ownership :  The  people  of  Chicago 
have,  on  several  occasions  during  the  past  few  years,  voted  over- 
whelmingly in  favor  of  municipal  ownership  of  the  street  railway 
system.  Naturally  the  advocates  of  municipal  ownership  have 
not  been  entirely  agreed  as  to  the  precise  form  in  which  this 
should  be  brought  about.  The  statute  under  which  it  must  be 
attained  has  not  yet  been  passed  upon  by  the  courts,  and  the 


288  DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

precise  steps  which  must  be  taken  under  that  law  cannot  be  de- 
termined with  absolute  assurance  in  the  absence  of  a  judicial 
construction.  It  is  in  some  respects  a  new  field  of  legislation, 
and  the  precise  form  of  the  ordinance  or  ordinances  which  can 
be  passed  under  the  law  can  be  determined  only  by  actual  test 
in  the  courts. 

The  City  Council  and  the  people  having  already  enacted  an 
'ordinance  authorizing  the  issuance  of  special  certificates  under 
the  so-called  Mueller  law,  it  is  to  the  interest  of  the  entire  public 
to  have  this  ordinance  fairly  and  fully  tested  just  as  speedily  as 
the  proper  steps  to  this  end  can  be  determined  upon  and  carried 
into  effect.  The  test  should  be  one  which  will  not  merely  de- 
termine the  validity  of  the  ordinance,  but  will  also  pass  upon  the 
validity  and  construction  of  the  statute  under  which  the  ordinance 
is  passed.  It  should  be  such  a  test  as  will  satisfy  future  pur- 
chasers of  these  certificates  as  to  their  validity,  and  every  ques- 
tion which  can  fairly  be  raised,  which  may  affect  the  character  of 
the  certificates,  should  be  included  in  the  litigation,  so  far  as  it  i? 
practicable  to  bring  this  about.  If  the  ordinance  is  held  valid 
as  I  confidently  expect,  I  assume  that  your  committee  will  co- 
operate heartily  in  devising  and  recommending  to  the  Council  the 
further  steps  which  may  be  necessary  to  carry  it  into  practical 
operation  and  effect.  If  the  ordinance  should  be  defective,  either 
in  whole  or  in  any  essential  particular,  it  is  desirable  to  have  this 
fact  determined  by  the  court,  and  to  obtain  from  the  court  as 
clear  an  indication  as  possible  as  to  how  any  such  defect  can  be 
remedied.  I  assume  that  your  committee  will  cooperate  cor- 
dially in  devising  and  carrying  into  effect  the  necessary  measures 
to  remedy  any  such  defect.  I  assume,  in  other  words,  that  the 
members  of  the  City  Council  will  accept  in  good  faith  the  verdict 
of  the  people  at  the  last  election,  and  will  do  all  in  their  power 
to  carry  out  the  will  of  the  people  as  then  expressed. 

Fortunately,  the  decision  of  the  Supreme  Court  in  the  ninety- 
nine-year  litigation  has  thoroughly  cleared  the  ground  for  muni- 
cipal ownership.  The  Supreme  Court  has  held,  in  effect,  that 
the  rights  of  the  existing  companies  in  the  .streets  of  Chicago  are 
of  three  kinds : 

A.  The  right  to  maintain  and  operate  certain  lines  until  the 
city  shall-  acquire  the  same  by  purchasing    the    tangible  prop- 
erty at  its  appraised  value.     The  city  now  has  the  established 
legal  right  to  purchase  these  lines  at  any  time. 

B.  The  right  to  operate  certain  lines,  chiefly  in  the  outlying 
portions  of  the  city,  under  definite  term  grants,  which  expire  at 
different  periods  during  the  next  few  years.    Most  of  these  grants 
terminate  within  a  very  short  time.       They  can  all  be  acquired 


DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  289 

earlier  by  condemnation  proceedings,  if  necessary  or  expedient. 

C.  The  right  to  operate  the  remainder  of  the  system  at  the 
sufferance  of  the  city,  subject  to  its  order  to  cease  operation  at 
any  time  and  without  any  obligation  whatever  on  the  part  of 
the  city  to  purchase  the  tangible  property.  The  court  has  not 
determined  what  right,  if  any,  the  companies  have  to  remove 
the  physical  property  constituting  the  last  mentioned  lines  and 
which  is  permanently  attached  to  the  streets  in  which  it  is  located. 

The  situation  created  by  this  decision  of  the  Supreme  Court 
is  as  favorable  to  the  city  as  could  well  be  expected.  Outside  of 
the  few  term  grants,  the  most  favorable  right  which  the  present 
companies  now  can  claim  is  the  right  to  operate  certain  of  their 
lines  until  the  city  is  able  to  purchase  the  physical  property.  It 
is  absolutely  essential  that  nothing  shall  be  done  to  enlarge  these 
present  rights  of  the  existing  companies,  or  to  deprive  the  city 
of  its  option  of  purchase  at  any  time.  This  must  be  conceded 
by  those  who  favor  and  those  who  oppose  municipal  ownership. 

I  believe  in  the  public  ownership  and  operation  of  all  public 
utilities;  and  have  no  confidence  in  the  theory  of  public  regula- 
tion ;  but  even  those  who  disagree  with  me  must  concede  that 
public  regulation  can  be  efficient  only,  if  at  all,  when  coupled 
with  the  right  of  the  public  to  terminate  the  privilege  at  any  time 
upon  fair  terms  and  reasonable  notice.  The  so-called  Massa- 
chusetts system  of  the  Charles  Francis  Adams  report,  which  was 
once  so  strenuously  urged  as  a  substitute  for  public  ownership, 
was  based  upon  this  theory.  This  is  now  the  settled  policy  of 
the  Federal  Government,  where  it  is  the  franchise-granting  power, 
as  in  Washington  City,  Porto  Rico  and  the  Philippines.  It 
has  been  upon  this  theory  that  in  our  own  City  Council  even 
avowed  opponents  of  immediate  municipalization  have  agreed 
upon  the  necessity  and  entire  propriety  of  inserting  in  any  grant 
to  a  private  company  the  reserved  right  of  the  city  to  take  over 
the  property  if  and  when  it  may  become  desirable  to  exercise  the 
option.  The  postponement  of  this  right  for  a  definite  period  in 
the  various  street  railway  ordinances  prepared  during  recent 
years  by  the  advocates  of  franchise  extension  has  been  defended 
only  as  a  concession  to  the  supposed  necessity  of  compromising 
the  ninety -nine-year  claims.  These  claims  will  no  doubt  speedily 
be  beyond  the  necessity  for  compromise.  The  city  should  there- 
fore be  given  the  right  of  purchase  at  any  time,  as  a  matter  of 
correct  theory,  even  if  it  did  not  possess  this  right  by  the  decision 
of  the  Supreme  Court.  It  does  possess  the  right  without  being 
given  it  by  any  further  act  of  the  companies.  This  right  should 
be  jealously  preserved  until  municipal  ownership  has  been  ac- 
tually obtained.  I  may  hereafter  make  some  suggestions  as  to 

—10 


290  DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

municipal  operation,  for  which  a  substantial  majority  of  the  peo- 
ple voted  at  the  last  election,  but  which  on  the  face  of  the  re- 
turns did  not  receive  the  necessary  sixty  per  cent. 

Second,  as  to  the  prompt  and  thorough  improvement  of  the 
street  railway  service.  The  important  question  in  this  con- 
nection is  whether  the  existing  street  railway  service  can  be  thor- 
oughly and  promptly  improved  without  impairing  the  present 
rights  of  the  city,  as  denned  by  the  Supreme  Court.  I  think  this 
can  be  done.  The  controlling  consideration  must  be  that  nothing 
shall  be  done  which  will  impair  the  right  of  the  city  to  acquire 
the  street  railway  system  as  soon  as  it  has  established  its  financial 
ability  to  do  so. 

The  first  practical  step  to  be  taken,  then,  appears  to  me  to  be 
to  request  the  existing  companies  at  once  to  indicate  to  your 
committee  whether  or  not  they  are  able  and  willing  to  enter  into 
an  agreement  to  sell  to  the  city  all  their  tangible  property  and 
unexpired  rights  at  a  price  to  be  now  fixed,  and  to  undertake  the 
improvement  of  their  service  immediately,  upon  the  refusal  of 
their  application  for  a  rehearing  in  the  United  States  Supreme 
Court,  the  city  to  have  the  right  to  take  over  this  property  at 
any  time,  upon  reasonable  notice.  If  they  will  join,  if  possible 
as  one  company,  in  the  reconstruction  of  their  entire  system 
upon  plans  to  be  adopted  by  the  city,  with  their  concurrence, 
which  shall  provide  for  unified  service,  through  routes,  universal 
transfers  and  operation  under  revocable  license,  then  they  should 
be  adequately  assured  of  the  payment  of  the  value  of  their  pres- 
ent property  (to  be  now  fixed,  before  rehabilitation)  and  addi- 
tional investment  when  the  city  does  take  over  the  lines,  and  they 
should  receive  a  fair  return  upon  this  present  and  future  invest- 
ment and  some  share  of  the  remaining  net  profits  while  they  con- 
tinue to  operate.  Subject  to  these  provisions,  the  profits  of  opera- 
tion should  go  to  the  city  as  a  sinking  fund  for  the  purchase 
of  the  property.  The  details  of  any  such  arrangement  can  all  be 
worked  out  in  conference,  if  the  companies  promptly  indicate 
their  acceptance  of  the  fundamental  principles  involved.  These 
conferences  can  and  should  proceed  without  waiting  for  the  dis- 
position of  the  rehearing  application,  so  that  action  may  be  taken 
at  once  when  it  has  been  decided.  The  time  has  come  for  action ; 
and  if  the  present  companies  are  either  unable  or  unwilling  to 
act  within  the  lines  indicated  in  the  immediate  future,  the  city 
should  arid  must  definitely  turn  to  other  sources  for  relief  from 
conditions  which  are  no  longer  to  be  endured. 

In  this  later  event,  I  suggest  that  arrangements  be  made  at 
once  with  a  construction  company,  along  the  general  lines  of 
the  "contract  plan,"  or  otherwise,  providing  that  such  company 


DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  291 

shall  at  once,  upon  the  denial  of  the  application  for  rehearing, 
proceed  to  take  possession  of  the  streets  and  parts  of  streets  now 
occupied  by  the  present  companies,  to  which  the  city  will  then 
be  entitled,  and  construct  and  equip  in  them  the  best  possible 
street  railway  system  upon  agreed  terms  which  shall  include  a 
fair  construction  profit.  This  arrangement  need  not  take  the 
form  of  a  contract  but  of  a  license  to  operate  such  a  system,  under 
proper  limitations,  until  the  city  shall  pay  the  agreed  price,  the 
profits  of  operation  to  be  applied  first,  to  a  fair  interest  return 
upon  this  price,  and  second,  to  the  reduction  of  the  principal 
amount.  The  city  will  be  able  to  turn  over  to  such  a  company 
the  greater  portion  of  the  North  Division  and  of  the  Chicago 
Passenger  system  and  many  other  valuable  streets.  These  can 
be  taken  possession  of  in  such  order  as  may  be  most  desirable. 
On  North  Clark  Street,  for  example,  much  of  the  work  of  in- 
stalling an  electrical  equipment  could  proceed  without  interfer- 
ence with  the  present  cable  until  the  equipment  is  completed.  As 
the  term  grants  in  the  various  parts  of  the  city  expire,  they  could 
be  turned  into  the  new  system.  If  the  right  of  the  city  to  pur- 
chase the  remaining  lines  upon  appraisal  of  the  physical  prop- 
erty, under  the  Supreme  Court  decision  and  as  provided  in  the 
original  ordinances  of  1858  and  1859,  can  be  exercised  with  funds 
which  may  be  furnished  by  this  company  or  otherwise,  we  need 
not  wait  for  the  judicial  construction  of  the  Mueller  law  and  the 
$75,000,000  ordinance  to  have  the  proposed  company  acquire  pos- 
session and  commence  the  reconstruction  of  the  entire  system 
throughout  the  city.  The  proposed  construction  company  can 
be  given  such  financial  terms  as  may  supply  the  necessary  induce- 
ment for  the  capital  required.  It  may  be  feasible  to  provide  that 
much,  if  not  all,  of  the  investment  can  be  permitted  to  run  for  a 
definite  period  as  a  lien  upon  the  property;  the  city  having  the 
right  to  take  over  and  continue  to  own,  subject  to  this  lien.  At 
all  events,  the  city  can  be  given  the  right  to  acquire  municipal 
ownership  just  as  soon  as  it  can  obtain  the  necessary  funds. 

Municipal  ownership  cannot  be  acquired  until  we  do  this. 
There  may  be  delay,  but  the  final  result  will  inevitably  be  the 
adoption  of  municipalization.  I  have  no  doubt  whatever  that 
when  or  before  municipal  ownership  has  been  actually  reached, 
municipal  operation  will  receive  the  necessary  majority  of  votes 
to  comply  with  the  statutory  requirement.  Meanwhile,  under 
the  plan  suggested,  the  amount  which  the  city  will  be  required 
to  pay  will  be  continually  reduced  out  of  the  profits  of  operation, 
and  municipal  purchase  will  be  made  that  much  easier  of  early 
realization. 


292  DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

Nor  is  the  city  dependent  upon  this  method  of  securing 
prompt  improvement  of  service.  The  present  right  of  the  com- 
panies is  to  operate  in  certain  streets  until  the  city  elects  to  pur- 
chase. This  right  of  operation,  in  the  aspect  most  favorable  to 
the  companies,  is  subject  to  the  police  power,  and  the  city  has 
the  undoubted  right  to  compel  any  reasonable  improvement  which 
it  may  prescribe  in  the  service.  Any  investment  which  the  com- 
panies may  make  to  improve  their  equipment  will  add  to  the  value 
of  their  physical  property,  and  this  added  value  will  be  paid  by 
the  city  when  it  seeks  to  take  over  the  lines.  Of  course,  the 
existing  companies  may  attempt  to  resist  any  requirement  which 
the  city  may  make  for  the  improvement  of  their  service,  and  may 
force  the  matter  into  the  courts;  but  such  action  can  only  delay 
for  a  little  the  inevitable  result  and  provoke  retaliatory  meas- 
ures, which  will  be  to  the  serious  disadvantage  of  the  companies. 
I  believe  that  the  companies  should  be  fairly  treated  in  these 
matters  so  long  as  they  themselves  act  with  fairness  toward  the 
city.  I  have  no  desire  whatever  to  confiscate  one  dollar  of  their 
property,  even  if  I  could  do  so.  They  should  be  given  all  that 
they  are  legitimately  entitled  to  receive  under  the  decision  of  the 
Supreme  Court.  It  must  be  obvious  to  them,  however,  that  any 
attempt  upon  their  part  t.o  obtain  more  than  this,  by  dilatory 
tactics  or  obstruction,  can  only  result  to  their  serious  dis- 
advantage. 

Broadly  speaking,  the  city  is  under  no  legal  obligation  to 
purchase  any  of  their  tangible  property  in  the  North  Division  of 
the  city  or  in  the  Chicago  Passenger  Railway  system,  or  in  many 
other  lines.  If  the  companies  insist  upon  war,  they  must  expect 
treatment  upon  a  war  basis.  If  this  means  the  relegation  of 
much  of  their  property  to  the  scrap-heap,  the  responsibility  will 
rest  exclusively  upon  them.  It  has  a  certain  value  to  the  city 
of  Chicago,  to  be  used  as  part  of  a  reconstructed  system.  That 
value  the  city  should  be  willing  to  pay,  providing  the  companies 
will  immediately  recognize  the  real  situation  in  which  they  are 
placed  by  the  decision  of  the  Supreme  Court,  to  which  they  them- 
selves have  appealed,  and  will  agree  to  start  at  once  upon  the 
reconstruction  of  their  entire  system,  so  that  the  people  of  Chi- 
cago may  have  immediate  improvement  of  service,  while  munici- 
pal ownership  is  being  established.  There  would  seem  to  be 
no  serious  difficulty  hi  adequately  protecting  all  of  the  money 
actually  expended  for  this  purpose,  while  preserving  at  the  same 
time  the  rig'ht  of  the  city  to  acquire  the  property  at  any  time.  If 
the  companies  are  compelled  to  make  this  improvement  under  the 
police  power,  it  is  obvious  that  this  will  be  subject  to  the  city's 
right  of  purchase  at  any  time.  If  the  rehabilitation  is  to  be 


DUNNE JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  293 

accomplished  by  agreement  with  the  companies,  the  city's  right 
of  purchase  at  any  time  should  be  equally  protected. 

If  it  should  be  urged  that  the  investors  might  be  unwilling  to 
expend  so  large  an  amount  of  money  as  would  be  required  for 
complete  rehabilitation,  under  an  arrangement  by  which  the 
city  would  have  the  right  to  pay  it  back  at  any  time  on  demand, 
with  definitely  fixed  reasonable  notice,  it  may  be  well  to  consider 
whether  this  objection  can  be  met  by  permitting  the  new  invest- 
ment to  be  secured  by  a  lien  upon  the  property,  running  for  a 
definite  period,  of  sufficient  length  to  satisfy  the  investor.  Of 
course,  in  this  event  the  investor  would  not  expect  and  would 
not  be  entitled  to  receive  as  large  a  return  upon  his  investment 
as  if  the  city  were  given  the  right  to  return  the  investment  at 
any  time.  The  city  should,  in  such  case,  have  the  right  to  pur- 
chase at  any  time,  upon  payment  of  the  agreed  value  of  the  pres- 
ent property,  subject  to  the  lien  of  the  new  investment.  The 
companies  should  have  a  license  to  operate,  and  not  a  franchise 
for  any  definite  term.  They  cannot  well  object  to  this  arrange- 
ment, because  the  present  property  is  held  by  them  precisely  upon 
this  tenure.  In  other  words,  the  companies  hold  their  present 
property  subject  to  the  right  of  the  city  to  take  it  over  at  any 
time.  They  can  invest  the  new  money  upon  the  same  terms, 
or  the  new  investment  can  perhaps  be  made  a  lien  upon  the  prop- 
erty, running  for  a  definite  period,  which,  of  course,  should  have 
such  provisions  as  to  sinking  fund  and  earlier  payment  as  are 
consistent  with  approved  methods  of  modern  finance.  The  im- 
portant thing  is  to  make  sure  that  this  arrangement  shall  not 
impair  the  right  of  the  city  to  proceed  under  the  Mueller  law. 

As  between  these  various  methods  of  obtaining  improved 
service,  there  are  certain  obvious  advantages,  both  to  the  city  and 
to  the  companies,  in  favor  of  proceeding  by  amicable  agreement 
with  the  present  companies,  always  preserving  the  right  of 
municipalization.  The  city  could  probably  secure  in  this  way  a 
more  immediately  complete  reconstruction  of  the  system  and  a 
greater  immediate  improvement  of  service.  The  price  which  the 
city  would  have  to  pay  for  the  present  property  and  future  im- 
provements would  be  definitely  fixed  at  the  present  time,  so  that 
it  would  be  known  exactly  how  much  money  it  is  necessary  to 
raise  for  municipal  purchase.  The  work  of  reconstruction  would 
proceed  under  plans  and  specifications  prepared  by  the  city  and 
under  efficient  public  audit  and  account.  The  city  would  avoid 
a  further  period  of  controversy  and  strife  with  the  companies.  It 
might  obtain  a  larger  percentage  of  the  profits  of  operation  than 
could  be  obtained  by/ a  system  of  car  licenses  or  reduction  of 
fares  under  the  police  power. 


294  DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

Upon  the  other  hand,  the  companies  would  equally  gain. 
They  could  immediately  reconstruct  and  reequip  their  system  in 
a  manner  which  would  undoubtedly  very  greatly  increase  the 
gross  receipts,  through  the  improved  service  and  added  facilities 
furnished  the  public.  Their  securities  would  be  placed  upon  a 
stable  basis,  and  they  would  be  assured  that  the  city  would 
pay  them  for  the  actual  value  of  their  physical  property,  instead 
of  compelling  them  to  remove  much  of  it  from  the  streets.  That 
this  last  mentioned  consideration  has  very  substantial  value  will 
be  seen  when  it  is  recalled  that  their  entire  system  in  the  North 
Division  and  many  other  lines  are  subject  to  no  such  requirement, 
and  that  the  Chicago  Passenger  Railway  Company  is,  by  many  of 
its  original  ordinances,  required  to  remove  its  rails  and  restore 
the  roadbed,  at  the  end  of  its  twenty-year  grant,  which  has  now 
expired.  In  pursuing  a  policy  of  procrastination  or  obstruction, 
the  companies  might  harass  the  city  for  a  time,  but  in  the  end 
they  must  face  a  far  greater  loss  than  would  be  involved  in  such 
reasonable  concessions  as  the  city  would  now  demand. 

In  a  word,  subject  only  to  the  disposition  of  the  petition  for  a 
rehearing  in  the  United  States  Supreme  Court,  the  city  of  Chi- 
cago is  now  in  position  to  secure  first-class  street  railway  service, 
while  proceeding  with  all  practicable  speed  to  bring  about  that 
municipal  ownership  for  which  the  citizens  have  voted.  It  re- 
mains only  for  the  two  great  coordinate  branches  of  the  city 
government  to  cooperate  along  practical  lines,  for  the  accom- 
plishment of  the  result  for  which  the  people  have  so  long  con- 
tended.' 

Sincerely  yours, 

E.  F.  DUNNE. 


DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  295 


OBJECTS  TO  ELECTRICITY  RATES 
FIXED  BY  CITY  COUNCIL. 

MESSAGE  VETOING  AN  ORDINANCE,  JUNE  18,  1906. 

To  the  Honorable,  the  City  Council: 

GENTLEMEN:  I  return  herewith,  without  my  approval,  an 
ordinance  passed  at  the  last  regular  meeting  of  your  honorable 
body,  and  published  at  pages  816  et.  seq.,  of  the  current  printed 
council  proceedings,  providing  for  a  reduction  by  the  Chicago 
Edison  and  Commonwealth  Electric  Companies  of  the  rates 
charged  by  said  companies  for  supplying  electricity,  fixing  the 
maximum  rates  to  be  charged  by  said  companies  during  a  period 
of  five  years,  and  prohibiting  transfers  to  and  consolidation  with 
foreign  corporations,  for  the  following  reasons: 

First.  This  ordinance  permits,  but  does  not  require,  a  con- 
solidation of  the  Chicago  Edison  Company  and  the  Commonwealth 
Electric  Company.  The  Chicago  Edison  Company  has  an  un- 
expired  franchise  which  will  terminate  in  1912,  or  about  six 
years  from  date.  The  Commonwealth  Electric  Company's  fran- 
chise does  not  expire  until  1947,  or  forty-one  years  from  date. 

Under  its  ordinance  the  Commonwealth  Electric  Company 
pays  to  the  city  three  per  cent  of  its  gross  receipts.  Under  the 
Chicago  Edison  Company's  ordinance,  no  compensation  is  paid  to 
the  city.  Over  three-fourths  of  all  the  electric  light  sold  in  the 
city  of  Chicago  by  these  companies  is  furnished  by  the  Edison 
Company  without  compensation  to  the  city. 

The  permission  to  consolidate  is  a  highly  valuable  concession 
as  it  will  enable  the  consolidated  company  to  issue  stocks  and 
bonds  upon  a  forty-one  year  franchise  which  is  a  very  valuable 
concession  from  the  city  to  these  companies.  To  give  these  com- 
panies the  right  to  consolidate  without  compelling  them  to  con- 
solidate immediately  places  them  in  the  position  of  being  able 
to  issue  stocks  and  bonds  upon  the  faith  of  the  proposed  fran- 
chise without  compelling  them  to  pay  any  compensation  to  the 
city  for  three-fourths  of  all  the  electric  light  sold  by  them  in  the 
city  of  Chicago  for  the  next  six  years.  The  gross  injustice  of 
this  provision  is  apparent  upon  its  face. 

Under  its  existing  franchise  the  Commonwealth  Company  is 
not  authorized  to  assign  its  interest  to  any  other  company,  thus 


296  DUNNE — JUDGE,  MAYOR,  GOVERNOR 

making  it  difficult  for  that  company  to  issue  stocks  and  bonds. 
The  ordinance  under  consideration  gives  the  right  to  the  Com- 
monweatlh  Company  to  assign,  transfer  and  set  over  all  its  rights 
and  privileges  to  any  corporation  organized  under  the  laws  of  the 
State  of  Illinois.  This  valuable  concession  is  also  given  without 
consideration. 

Second.  Permission  is  given  in  the  ordinance,  now  under 
consideration,  to  both  the  Commonwealth  Electric  and  the  Chi- 
cago Edison  Companies  to  purchase  electricity  for  light  and 
power  from  any  and  all  other  companies,  and  the  provision  for 
compensation  is  so  involved  and  obscure  as  to  make  it  very 
doubtful  if  the  city  of  Chicago  could  recover  on  the  gross  sales 
of  electricity  so  purchased. 

Third.  There  is  no  provision  in  the  proposed  ordinance,  secur- 
ing the  publicity  of  the  books  and  accounts,  showing  the  acts 
and  doings  of  said  corporations,  so  as  to  enable  the  city  of  Chicago 
to  accurately  ascertain  what  they  may  do  in  the  future  and  what 
compensation  the  city  is  entitled  to  upon  the  gross  sales  of  the 
companies.  An  amendment  offered  in  the  city  council  securing 
this  right  of  publicity  was  voted  down  by  your  honorable  body. 

Fourth.  There  is  no  provision  whatever  in  this  ordinance  as  to 
the  kind  of  meters  the  companies  are  to  use,  nor  is  any  power 
reserved  to  the  city  to  select  meters  or  to  supervise  their  selection. 

Fifth.  Section  2  of  the  proposed  ordinance  professes  to  con- 
tain a  waiver  on  the  part  of  the  companies  of  all  their  rights 
under  the  ordinances  of  the  city  of  Chicago  or  other  municipali- 
ties which  have  been  annexed  to  the  city  since  the  adoption  of 
such  ordinances.  An  examination  of  the  language  of  section  2 
shows  that  only  those  privileges  are  waived  which  might  accrue 
after  the  acceptance  of  the  proposed  ordinance,  leaving  the  rights 
accrued  prior  to  the  passage  of  the  proposed  ordinance  un- 
affected. 

Sixth.  I  am  advised  by  assistant  corporation  counsel  Hoyne 
that  he  advised  the  committee  on  gas,  oil  and  electric  light  that, 
under  the  decisions  of  our  Supreme  Court,  the  Commonwealth 
ordinance  of  June  28,  1897,  was  not  assignable,  and  that  there 
was  a  possible  doubt  as  to  the  validity  of  the  whole  ordinance  in 
so  far  as  it  granted  a  privilege  to  endure  for  fifty  years.  If  Mr. 
Hoyne 's  legal  opinion  is  good  law,  the  proposed  ordinance  would 
amount  to  a  ratification  by  the  city  council  of  an  ordinance  of 
doubtful  validity  and  would  certainly  make  a  nonassignable 
ordinance  assignable  and  negotiable  which  is  of  immense  value 
to  the  Commonwealth  Company. 

Seventh.  In  addition  to  the  right  of  consolidation  and  the 
right  to  assign  and  transfer  its  rights  and  priAdleges  to  other 


DUNNE — JUDGE,  MAYOR,  GOVERNOR  297 

companies,  given  to  the  Commonwealth  Company,  the  Common- 
wealth Company  is  also  empowered,  by  the  proposed  ordinance, 
to  string  overhead  wires  upon  poles  throughout  the  whole  of 
Hyde  Park,  a  right  it  is  not  now  entitled  to. 

For  all  these  concessions  and  privileges  given  the  Chicago 
Edison  Company  and  the  Commonwealth  Electric  Company,  not 
a  single  dollar's  worth  of  additional  compensation  is  exacted  in 
this  ordinance  for  the  city. 

Eighth.  The  reduction  of  rates,  provided  for  in  the  proposed 
ordinance,  in  my  judgment,  is  inadequate  in  the  present  state  of 
the  manufacture  of  electricity  for  light  and  power,  and  unfair 
and  unjust  to  the  consumers  of  this  city.  The  maximum  rates 
provided  for  in  this  ordinance  are  fifteen  cents  a  kilowatt  hour 
for  the  first  two  years  for  the  first  thirty  hours'  consumption 
upon  each  light  used  during  the  mouth ;  thirteen  cents  a  kilowatt 
hour  for  the  same  consumption  for  the  last  three  years  of  the 
five-year  term.  All  light  consumed  in  excess  of  thirty  hours 
per  month  for  each  light  used  for  the  first  year  shall  be  paid  for 
at  the  rate  of  ten  cents  per  kilowatt  hour,  nine  cents  for  the  sec- 
ond year,  eight  cents  for  the  third  year,  and  seven  cents  for  the 
fourth  and  fifth  years.  From  these  prices  a  discount  of  one 
cent  a  kilowatt  hour  is  allowed,  if  bill  is  paid  within  ten  days 
after  its  date.  These  prices,  I  believe,  in  the  present  state  of 
progress  in  the  manufacture  of  electricity  are  unreasonable  and 
unjustly  high,  particularly  for  the  first  two  or  three  years  of  said 
period. 

At  the  present  time,  electric  light  is  being  sold  in  the  city 
of  New  York  for  lOc  to  5c  per  kw. ;  the  maximum  allowed  by  law 
being  lOc;  in  the  city  of  Cleveland,  the  same  light  is  being  sold 
for  6*40  per  kwh. ;  in  Buffalo,  from  4c  to  12c  per  kw. ;  in  one  plant 
in  San  Francisco,  for  3c  per  kw. ;  in  Washington,  D.  C.,  for  lOe 
to  5c  per  kw.,  lOc  being  the  maximum  allowed  by  law;  in  Roches- 
ter for  lOc  per  kw.,  less  ten  per  cent  discount ;  in  Denver,  for 
lOc  per  kw. ;  in  Los  Angeles,  from  4c  to  lie  per  kw. ;  in  Syracuse, 
from  5c  to  8c  per  kw. ;  in  Memphis,  for  lOc  per  kw. ;  in  St.  Joseph, 
Mo.,  for  5i/>c  to  lOc  per  kw. ;  in  Lowell,  from  3c  to  8c  per  kw., 
with  20  per  cent  discount ;  in  Grand  Rapids,  for  lOc  for  the  first 
hour,  8c  the  second  hour  and  all  over  for  6c  per  kw. ;  in  Richmond, 
Va.,  lOc  per  kw.,  with  discounts. 

I  can  find  no  valid  reason  why,  in  a  great  populous  city  like 
Chicago,  electric  light  cannot  be  manufactured  and  sold  as 
cheaply  as  it  can  be  in  Cleveland,  Syracuse,  or  Lowell,  Mass. 
Indeed,  Mr.  Beale,  the  attorney  for  the  companies,  in  his  written 
argument  before  the  committee  on  gas,  oil  and  electric  light,  dated 
March  26,  1906,  admitted  that  the  average  rate  received  by  the 


298  DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

companies  from  sales  during  the  last  fiscal  year,  excluding  the 
amount  of  electricity  sold  for  power  to  the  street  railway  com- 
panies, was  7.24  c  per  kwh. 

Upon  this  average  charge  for  electric  light  sold  by  the  com- 
panies, they  have  been  in  the  past  enabled  to  pay  eight  per  cent 
interest  upon  their  entire  capitalization,  set  aside  a  sinking  fund 
for  repairs  and  lay  by  a  large  surplus  for  improvements  and 
betterments.  If  this  has  been  the  history  of  the  financial  suc- 
cess of  the  companies,  upon  an  average  rate  of  7.24c  per  kwh., 
how  can  it  be  contended  that  the  prices  fixed  in  the  proposed 
ordinance  are  reasonable  to  the  public  ?  It  is  contended  that  the 
average  rate  for  the  five  years  provided  for  in  the  ordinance,  with 
discount  of  Ic  per  kwh.  allowed,  will  be  about  9c.  But  upon 
the  rates  established  in  this  ordinance  the  average  rate  for  the 
first  two  years  will  be  over  lOc  per  kwh.  net.  And  yet  at  the 
present  time  New  York  City,  Cleveland,  Washington,  D.  C., 
Rochester,  Denver,  Syracuse,  Memphis,  St.  Joseph,  Mo.,  Lowell, 
Grand  Rapids  and  other  American  cities  are  getting  their  electric 
light  at  lOc  per  kw.  and  less — in  some  cases  running  down  as 
low  as  3c  per  kwh.  for  large  consumers. 

The  Legislature  have  given  the  city  council  the  right,  inde- 
pendent of  any  agreement  or  contract  it  may  make  with  these 
corporations,  to  fix  a  reasonable  rate  to  be  charged  to  consumers 
for  electric  light.  Such  being  the  fact,  unless  valuable  conces- 
sions in  the  way  of  reduction  of  rates  are  made  by  the  com- 
panies to  the  public  in  consideration  of  a  contract  ordinance 
giving  them  the  right  of  consolidation,  the  right  of  transfer,  and 
assignment  and  the  right  to  operate  in  Hyde  Park  upon  overhead 
wires,  which  rights  are  of  inestimable  value  to  these  companies, 
no  contract  ordinance  giving  such  privileges  should  be  passed. 

The  rates  established  in  the  proposed  ordinance,  in  my  judg- 
ment, are  not  just  to  the  public,  and  such  being  the  case,  I  would 
respectfully  advise  your  honorable  body  that,  unless  you  can 
obtain  much  more  material  concessions  in  the  way  of  reduced 
prices  for  electric  light  given  to  consumers  in  the  city  of  Chicago, 
you  should  decline  to  enter  into  any  contract  ordinance  with  these 
companies,  but  enact  a  police  power  ordinance,  such  as  is  author- 
ized by  the  statute  of  the  State,  fixing  the  rates  to  consumers  for 
all  companies  furnishing  electric  light  in  the  city  of  Chicago, 
giving  no  concessions  of  any  character  to  these  companies. 

In  my  judgment  such  an  ordinance  can  be  passed,  fixing  rates 
considerably  lower  than  those  fixed  by  the  proposed  ordinance, 
without  at  the  same  time  giving  valuable  concessions  to  the 
present  companies. 


DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  299 

For  the  foregoing  reasons,  I  withhold  my  approval  of  this 
ordinance  and  respectfully  suggest  that  your  honorable  body  pass 
a  simple  ordinance,  under  the  statute  of  the  State,  fixing  maxi- 
mum rates  for  the  sale  of  electricity  in  the  city  of  Chicago  which 
will  apply  to  these  and  all  other  companies  selling  electric  light 
in  this  city. 


300  DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 


PRAISE  FOR  BUILDERS  OF  A  PUBLIC 
BUILDING. 

ADDRESS  AT  THE  CORNER  STONE  LAYING  OF  THE  COOK  COUNTY 
COURTHOUSE,  SEPTEMBER  21,  1906. 

Mr.  Chairman,  Ladies  and  Gentlemen: 

It  gives  me  great  pleasure  to  say  a  few  words  of  congratula- 
tion to  the  citizens  of  Chicago  and  Cook  County  upon  the  laying 
of  the  corner  stone  of  what  will  probably  be  one  of  the  largest 
courthouses  in  the  United  States,  and  to  congratulate  our  citizens 
upon  the  rapid  progress  toward  the  completion  of  this  building. 

It  gives  me  great  pleasure  to  say  a  few  words  of  commenda- 
tion and  praise  of  the  public  officials  who  have  been  charged  with 
this  important  undertaking.  They  have  shown  from  the  start 
great  business  capacity,  energy  and  honesty  in  the  removal  of 
the  old  courthouse  and  in  the  rapid  erection  of  the  new. 

In  these  days  of  rapid  building,  when  buildings  are  demol- 
ished and  rebuilt  with  extraordinary  celerity,  the  removal  of  the 
old  courthouse  that  occupied  this  site  last  year  and  the  erection 
to  its  present  stage  of  this  building  has  been  unparalleled  as  far 
as  public  structures  are  concerned.  No  private  person  or  cor- 
poration could  have  acted  with  greater  energy,  earnestness  and 
diligence  than  have  the  president  of  the  county  board,  Mr. 
Brundage,  and  the  county  commissioners  of  this  county.  And  I 
am  pleased,  on  behalf  of  the  citizens  of  this  community,  to  extend 
to  them  our  thanks  for  the  energy  they  have  displayed  and  our 
congratulations  upon  the  approaching  culmination  of  their  labors. 

I  also  congratulate  the  community,  and  say  to  you,  Mr.  Vice 
President,  that  when  you  lay  the  corner  stone  of  this  building,  it 
is  the  consensus  of  opinion  of  all  classes  of  people  in  this  com- 
munity that  you  will  lay  honest  mortar  upon  an  honest  block 
of  granite,  and  that  in  this  building  there  will  be  found  no  trace 
of  boodle,  graft  or  corruption. 

The  erection  of  this  building  at  this  time  is  typical  of  the 
wonderful  progress  of  the  city  of  Chicago.  In  1880,  about  the 
time  our  last  courthouse  was  erected,  there  were  only  about 
500,000  people  in  this  city.  At  the  time  the  old  courthouse  was 
erected  it  was  regarded  as  a  monumental  structure  and  one  that 


DUNNE — JUDGE,  MAYOR,  GOVERNOR  301 

would  satisfy  the  public  needs  of  our  citizens  for  a  century  to 
come.  And  yet  in  about  a  quarter  of  a  century  this  city,  grown 
to  two  million  people,  finds  that  it  is  necessary  to  raze  this  old 
structure  to  the  ground  and  replace  it  with  a  building  commen- 
surate with  the  rapid  growth  of  the  city.  The  old  courthouse 
was  removed,  not  because  it  was  antiquated  or  out  of  date,  al- 
though it  was  antiquated  and  out  of  date,  but  because  it  had  not 
sufficient  capacity  to  accommodate  the  courts  and  the  public  of- 
ficials of  this  community. 

It  was  my  idea,  before  this  building  was  started,  that  the 
needs  of  this  great  and  growing  community  required  the  whole 
of  the  block  on  which  we  stand  and  that  a  courthouse  or  munici- 
pal building  should  cover  the  entire  block.  Unfortunately,  the 
financial  situation  of  the  city  was  such  that  the  city  could  not 
cooperate  with  the  county  in  such  a  way  as  to  permit  either  one 
of  them  to  occupy  the  whole  of  the  courthouse  square,  but  I  am 
confident  that  our  city  will  continue  to  grow  as  rapidly  in  the 
future  as  in  the  past  and  that  my  views  that  the  whole  of  this 
square  is  needed  for  public  use  as  a  courthouse  will  be  vindicated 
within  a  short  time,  and  that  it  will  become  necessary  to  erect 
a  building  of  like  character  upon  the  other  half  of  this  square 
which  will  be  devoted  solely  and  exclusively  to  county  uses  in 
less  than  a  quarter  of  a  century. 

Let  me  hope  that  the  erection  of  this  building,  by  honest 
public  officials,  in  an  honest  manner,  will  be  typical  of  the  future 
life  of  this  city  and  this  Nation.  Let  me  thank  you,  Mr.  Vice 
President,  on  behalf  of  the  citizens  of  Chicago,  for  your  courtesy 
and  kindly  consideration  in  leaving  your  many  important  public- 
duties  and  coming  to  our  city  for  the  purpose  of  assisting  us  in 
laying  this  corner  stone. 

We  are  a  busy  community.  It  is  frequently  said  that  we 
are  constantly  engaged  in  racing  for  the  "Almighty  Dollar," 
and  that  we  are  constantly  on  the  go.  But  whenever  the  Presi- 
dent of  the  United  States  or  the  Vice  President  of  this  great 
country  honors  this  city  with  his  presence,  as  you  have  done,  we 
cease  our  business,  throw  down  our  tools  and  extend  to  him  a 
hearty  and  cordial  welcome. 

Again  I  thank  you,  Mr.  Vice  President,  for  your  courtesy, 
and  again  I  congratulate  Mr.  Brundage  and  the  board  of  county 
commissioners  upon  the  efficient,  energetic  and  honest  way  in 
which  they  have  carried  on  this  great  public  undertaking. 


302  DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 


PRIVATE  MONOPOLIES  FOR  PRIVATE 

GAIN. 

ADDRESS  DELIVERED  IN  DENVER,  SEPTEMBER,  1906. 

Mr.  Chairman  and  Gentlemen: 

In  the  year  1900,  while  on  a  visit  to  Europe,  I  sent  a  telegram 
from  Interlaken  to  Lucerne  in  Switzerland.  It  cost  me  somewhere 
about  eight  cents  in  American  money.  I  was  astounded  at  the 
smallness  of  the  charge  and,  upon  making  inquiry,  discovered  that 
the  telegraph  system  of  Switzerland  was  in  the  hands  of  the  gov- 
ernment and  operated  by  it.  This  started  me  upon  a  train  of 
thought  and  investigation.  If  a  publicly  owned  telegraph  system 
in  Switzerland  could  be  operated  at  such  prices,  why  should  not  the 
United  States  be  able  to  do  likewise  ? 

Upon  pursuing  my  investigation,  I  discovered  that  every  civil- 
ized country  upon  earth  except  three,  Honduras,  Costa  Rico — if  my 
memory  serves  me  right — and  the  United  States,  owned  and  oper- 
ated their  own  telegraph  systems.  I  further  discovered  that  not 
only  were  the  telegraph  systems  of  the  world  being  operated  as 
public  utilities  in  public  hands  but  that,  in  many  countries,  the 
railroads,  street  car  systems,  electric  light  systems,  gas  systems, 
water  systems,  and  telephone  systems  were  being  operated  by  the 
public,  and  I  found  that  there  was  reason  why  such  utilities  should 
be  in  public  instead  of  private  hands. 

When  one  seeks  to  do  business  with  his  butcher,  his  grocer,  his 
dry-goods  merchant,  his  doctor,  his  lawyer,  or  his  plumber,  he 
stands  at  arm's  length  and  has  the  right  to  make  a  free  and  volun- 
tary contract.  If  the  character  of  the  goods  that  he  seeks  to  pur- 
chase is  not  satisfactory  or  the  price  is  unreasonable,  he  may  go 
elsewhere.  He  is  not  bound  to  deal  with  any  one  person  or  corpo- 
ration in  the  purchase  of  such  necessities  of  life.  But  when  he 
comes  to  utilize  the  telegraph,  the  telephone,  the  street  car,  the 
steam  railway  car,  to  purchase  gas  or  electric  light,  he  finds  himself 
deprived  of  the  right  of  free  contract.  He  must  take  such  service 
as  is  offered  him  and  pay  the  price  demanded,  or  go  without. 

If  his  gas  is  of  deficient  quality  or  the  price  is  too  high,  he 
must  either  pay  the  bill  or  have  his  meter  jerked  out.  If  his  tele- 
phone service  is  unsatisfactory  or  the  price  unreasonable,  he  must 
stand  and  deliver  or  have  his  telephone  wires  cut.  If  he  objects 


DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  303 

to  the  service,  given  him  upon  a  street  car  or  the  price  charged,  he 
must  either  pay  or  be  thrown  off.  In  other  words,  in  dealing  with 
public  utility  companies  and  in  purchasing  from  them  these  latter 
day  necessaries  of  life,  he  is  deprived  of  the  right  of  free  contract 
and  must  take  such  service  as  is  offered  and  pay  the  price  demanded. 
He  is  face  to  face  with  a  monopoly,  and  individual  protest  or  ob- 
jection as  against  such  a  monopoly  is  absolutely  unavailing. 

These  monopolies  in  private  hands — as  most  of  them  are  in  this 
country — are  conducted  for  the  private  gain  of  the  stockholders. 
The  aim  of  the  management  is  to  make  money — to  give  as  little 
service  for  as  high  a  price  as  can  be  exacted  from  the  community. 
The  very  fact  that  in  this  country  public  utilities  have  been  and 
still  are  in  private  hands  has  given  rise  to  serious  abuses — over- 
crowded street  cars,  unclean  street  cars,  irregular  schedules,  defi- 
cient service.  In  the  case  of  gas,  telephone,  and  electric  light  com- 
panies, we  have  excessive  charges,  unsatisfactory  service  and  inso- 
lence on  the  part  of  the  officers  and  agents  of  the  companies,  when 
complaint  is  made  either  as  to  price  or  the  character  of  service. 

This  state  of  affairs  has  brought  about,  in  many  cities  of  the 
United  States,  a  growing  dissatisfaction  on  the  part  of  the  public, 
and  this  dissatisfaction  has  developed  into  an  agitation  in  favor  of 
the  ownership  and  operation  of  these  utilities  by  the  public.  This 
agitation  has  grown  with  tremendous  strength  within  the  last  few 
years,  and  today,  throughout  the  cities  of  the  United  States,  we 
are  face  to  face  with  the  question  as  to  whether  municipal  owner- 
ship of  public  utilities  must  be  put  into  force  to  remedy  the  evils 
of  private  management. 

Strange  to  say,  this  country,  which  has  been  in  the  vanguard 
of  progress  in  all  other  matters,  has  been  among  the  last  among 
the  civilized  countries  of  the  world  to  take  up  and  seriously  discuss 
this  question. 

In  1894,  the  dissatisfaction,  arising  out  of  the  mismanagement 
and  rapacity  of  private  utility  corporations,  brought  about  a  revolt 
in  the  British  empire,  and  commencing  in  the  city  of  Glasgow,  that 
protest  has  worked  a  wondrous  change  in  the  operation  of  public 
utilities.  Up  to  1894,  the  ownership  and  operation  by  private  com- 
panies of  public  utilities,  such  as  street  cars,  electric  light  plants, 
gas  plants,  and  telephone  systems,  was  almost  universal  throughout 
the  world.  But  within  the  last  ten  years,  city  after  city  and  nation 
after  nation  has  turned  from  the  operation  of  public  utilities  by 
private  companies  to  the  operation  of  these  same  utilities  by  the 
public. 

On  February  18,  1904,  as  is  shown  by  the  report  of  the  Ameri- 
can consul,  142  cities  of  Great  Britain  owned  and  operated  their 
own  street  car  systems.  That  number  has  been  largely  increased 


304  DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

since  then,  and  today  there  are  24  more  cities  now  constructing 
municipal  street  railways.  In  Great  Britain  and  Ireland,  282  cities 
now  own  and  operate  their  own  gas  works.  In  the  same  counties, 
334  cities  and  towns  are  operating  their  own  electric  light  systems, 
leaving  only  174  in  that  kingdom  which  are  privately  owned. 

A  great  number  of  British  cities  are  owning  and  operating 
their  own  telephone  systems  and,  within  the  last  few  months,  the 
government  of  Great  Britain  made  a  large  appropriation  for  the 
taking  over  by  the  general  government  of  the  telephone  systems  of 
the  kingdom. 

This  same  movement  towards  the  public  ownership  of  these 
utilities  has  also  proceeded  with  giant  strides  throughout  Europe 
and  Australia.  Mr.  Charles  E.  Russel,  in  the  last  number  of  Every- 
body 's  Magazine,  in  commenting  upon  this  fact,  remarks : 

"All  over  Europe,  private  corporations  have  been  dispossessed 
of  the  ownership  and  operation  of  street  car  lines,  gas,  water,  and 
electricity  supplies,  railroads,  telegraphs,  telephone,  and  even 
mines.  So  far  has  this  gone  in  Europe,  and  particularly  in  Eng- 
land, municipal  government  is  now  accepted  and  understood  to 
include  definite  functions  of  trade  and  transportation  on  behalf  of 
the  people.  The  constant  tendency  everywhere  is  to  extend  the 
scope  of  such  functions.  The  theory  of  public  ownership  may  be 
good  or  bad;  I  shall  not  try  to  establish  either  side  of  a  question 
with  which  I  have  here  nothing  to  do ;  but  it  is  an  interesting  fact 
that  I  have  yet  to  find  or  to  hear  of  more  than  one  community  that, 
having  tried  any  phase  of  it,  would  be  willing  to  return  its  utilities 
to  private  hands.  Hardly  shall  any  one  study  the  subject  on  the 
ground  and  escape  the  conclusion  that  in  Europe,  public  ownership 
is  regarded  as  something  beyond  experiment  and  has  become  a 
demonstrated  success. ' ' 

Continuing,  this  same  writer  declares : 

"Private  ownership  of  public  utilities  seems  doomed  in 
Europe.  The  practical  demonstrations  are  all  against  it.  The 
most  obvious  trend  of  thought  is  surely  destructive  of  it.  Orig- 
inally in  the  cities  private  ownership  was  the  rule ;  in  a  few  years 
it  will  be  a  rarely  found  exception.  In  European  cities,  at  least, 
the  people  have  fully  satisfied  themselves  that  they  can  do  many 
things  they  formerly  had  done  for  them  and  do  them  better  and 
more  cheaply.  That  settles  the  fate  of  private  ownership." 

This  wonderful  change  that  has  taken  place  practically  with- 
in the  last  ten  years  in  Europe  has  resulted  from  the  fact  that 
wherever  any  city  has  taken  over  a  street  car  line,  a  gas  works, 
an  electric  light  plant,  a  waterworks,  a  telephone  system,  or 
other  public  utility  of  that  character,  it  has  found  that  almost 
invariably  the  change  has  been  accompanied  by  tremendous  ad- 
vantages to  the  public. 


DUNNE— JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  305 

It  has  produced  in  almost  every  case  the  following  extra- 
ordinary results : 

First.    It  has  reduced  the  cost  of  the  utility  to  the  public. 

Second.  It  has  increased  the  efficiency  of  the  service.  Lines 
and  plants  have  been  reequipped  according  to  modern  methods, 
the  service  has  been  more  regular,  the  schedules  more  frequent 
and  in  the  case  of  street  cars,  there  has  been  less  overcrowding 
and  better  accommodation  given  to  the  public.  In  Australia, 
under  public  management,  I  am  credibly  informed,  there  has  not 
been  a  railroad  collision  in  many  years. 

Third.  In  almost  every  case  the  wages  of  the  men  who  operate 
these  utilities  have  been  increased. 

Fourth.  In  nearly  all  of  these  cases  the  hours  of  the  men 
employed  in  operating  these  utilities  have  been  reduced. 

Fifth.  It  has  been  found  that,  wherever  the  public  has  taken 
over  such  a  utility  and  operated  the  same,  strikes  were  a  thing 
of  the  past. 

Sixth.  The  last  and  probably  most  important  of  all  is  that 
by  the  taking  over  and  operation  of  these  utilities  by  the  public, 
graft  and  corruption  have  been  eliminated. 

Such  has  been  the  record  of  the  municipalization  of  these 
utilities  in  Europe.  The  people,  where  the  change  has  taken 
place,  are  thoroughly  satisfied  with  municipal  management,  and, 
as  Mr.  Russell  says,  there  is  but  one  case  in  all  Europe  where  the 
public,  having  taken  over  any  public  utility,  has  reverted  to 
private  ownership. 

This  one  case  is  so  obscure  and  peculiar  that  it  would  be  well 
to  refer  to  it.  Turnbridge  Wells,  England,  is  the  only  city  that 
has  tried  public  ownership  and  abandoned  it.  For  three  years  it 
operated  a  telephone  system  of  its  own  in  opposition  to  the  Na- 
tional Telephone  Company's  exchange.  The  company's  rate  was 
$40  a  year  and  two  cents  a  call.  The  municipality  cut  this  to 
$29.37  a  year  for  an  unlimited  service,  or  $17.50  and  one  cent  a 
call.  The  first  year's  operations  left  a  net  surplus  of  $650.00. 
The  National  Telephone  Company  organized  a  body  called  the 
Rate  Payers'  League  and  carried  on  a  skillful  campaign  by  which 
it  won  a  majority  in  the  town  council.  Whereupon  an  ordi- 
nance was  passed  leasing  the  public  lines  to  the  company.  This 
was  simply  a  case  where  a  private  corporation  obtained  control 
of  the  members  of  the  city  council,  a  thing  which  is  quite  com- 
mon in  the  United  States.  The  single,  obscure  exception  in 
Europe  merely  proves  the  rule  that  the  public  operates  public 
utilities  more  to  the  satisfaction  of  the  people  than  any  private 
interest. 


306  DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

I  have  stated  briefly  the  advantages  resulting  from  public 
ownership  throughout  Europe.  It  would  be  well  for  me  to  sub- 
stantiate these  general  statements  by  facts  and  figures. 

Early  in  1905,  before  I  was  nominated  for  mayor  of  the 
city  of  Chicago,  I  addressed  a  circular  letter  to  the  managers  of 
the  street  railway  system  in  Liverpool,  Glasgow,  Leeds,  Sheffield, 
Hull,  Salford,  Aberdeen,  Cardiff,  Sunderland,  Dundee  and  other 
British  cities. 

In  this  circular  letter  I  asked  what  were  the  results  of  the 
municipalization  of  their  plants.  From  not  one  of  the  cities 
did  I  receive  an  adverse  report.  v  The  reports  were  uniformly 
favorable  to  municipal  ownership  and  operation. 

In  Liverpool,  I  was  informed,  fares  were  reduced  50  per  cent 
and  passengers  carried  four  times  as  far ;  electricity  replaced  the 
horse;  cars  run  at  intervals  of  two  to  four  minutes;  forty  miles 
of  new  tracks  laid ;  wages  increased  10  to  15  cents  per  day ; 
hours  reduced  from  fourteen  under  private  companies  to  ten 
hours  per  day;  six-day  week  instituted;  uniforms  furnished 
free;  medical  attendance  and  sick  benefits,  with  death  benefits 
to  widows ;  mileage  increased  102.33  per  cent ;  passengers  in- 
creased 203.68  per  cent;  receipts  increased  86.05  per  cent;  net 
revenue  under  company  per  car  mile,  5  7-10  cents,  under  city,  8 
cents.  Public  fully  satisfied;  has  forced  neighboring  roads  to 
improve  their  systems. 

In  Glasgow,  fares  were  reduced  over  50  per  cent;  service 
improved ;  electricity  replaced  the  horse ;  cars  more  frequent  and 
comfortable ;  wages  increased  in  all  grades  25  per  cent ;  hours 
reduced  from  twelve  to  nine  or  less;  six-day  week  instituted; 
uniforms  furnished  free ;  five  holidays  per  year  with  pay ;  bonuses 
to  employes  for  freedom  from  accidents ;  traffic  increased  from 
54,000,000  to  188,962,610  in  ten  years. 

In  Leeds,  fares  were  reduced  62  per  cent;  electricity  re- 
placed the  horse  and  steam;  wages  raised  four  cents  per  hour 
for  drivers,  5%  cents  per  hour  for  conductors;  hours  reduced 
17  and  26  hours  per  week ;  uniforms  furnished  free ;  1  cent  extra 
per  hour  to  employes  for  freedom  from  accidents ;  26  per  cent 
of  employes  get  bonuses  for  working  holidays ;  in  three  years 
increased  from  8,218,858  passengers  per  year  to  60,739,234  per 
year ;  cost  of  operation,  11  cents  per  mile ;  people  completely 
satisfied. 

In  Sheffield,  fares  were  reduced  50  per  cent;  service  im- 
proved ;  lines  extended ;  cars  run  more  frequently ;  wages  in- 
creased 8  cents  per  hour ;  hours  reduced  about  45  per  cent ;  uni- 
forms furnished  free;  annual  holidays  with  pay;  conditions  of 
labor  much  improved;  income  increased  from  $175,000  to 


DUNNE — JUDGE,  MAYOR,  GOVERNOR  307 

$1,200,000  per  year;  cost  of  operation,  13  cents  per  car  mile;  pub- 
lic thoroughly  satisfied. 

In  Hull,  fares  were  reduced  fifty  per  cent ;  electricity  re- 
placed horse;  cars  run  at  three-minute  intervals,  formerly  ten 
minutes ;  wages  increased  15  to  50  per  cent ;  hours  reduced  from 
80  to  54  hours  per  week;  one  day  off  per  week;  uniforms  fur- 
nished free;  traffic  increased  628  per  cent;  cost  of  operation,  12 
cents  per  mile,  excluding  sinking  fund;  people  fully  satisfied. 

Practically  the  same  report  was  made  to  me  from  Salford, 
Aberdeen,  Dundee  and  other  cities.  In  no  single  case  was  there 
any  report  of  the  failure  of  municipal  ownership  and  operation, 
or  that  the  people  were  dissatisfied  with  the  change.  Recently 
gathered  statistics  show  that  of  46  British  cities,  operating  muni- 
cipal street  cars,  35  earned  $3,823,865,  net  profits,  per  annum, 
while  the  aggregate  losses  of  the  other  eleven  operating  at  re- 
duced fares  were  only  $142,000  per  annum  in  the  aggregate. 
Such  has  been  almost  invariably  the  history  of  the  effect  of  mu- 
nicipal ownership  and  operation  of  public  utilities,  not  only  in 
England  but  throughout  entire  Europe  and  in  Australia.  If  it  has 
had  that  effect  in  Europe  and  Australia,  why  should  it  not  have 
the  same  effect  here  ? 

Municipal  ownership  and  operation  is  no  new  principle  in 
Anlerican  cities.  It  is  true  that  it  has  never  been  extended,  ex- 
cept in  the  case  of  the  Brooklyn  bridge,  which  by  the  way  was 
a  success,  to  the  operation  of  street  cars  by  a  municipality.  But 
American  cities  for  years  have  been  operating  other  public  utili- 
ties with  the  invariable  result  that  they  have  been  efficiently  and 
economically  managed  to  the  entire  satisfaction  of  the  people. 

Thousands  of  American  cities  operate  their  own  waterworks. 
Hundreds  of  them  operate  their  own  electric  light  plants.  Many 
of  them  operate  their  own  gas  plants.  Nearly  all  of  them  operate 
their  police  departments,  fire  departments,  park  and  sewerage 
systems.  Have  you  ever  heard  of  a  city  in  America  operating 
its  own  police  department,  fire  department,  water  department 
or  sewerage  system,  that  would  be  willing  to  go  back  to  private 
ownership?  Municipal  ownership  of  these  utilities  by  America?i 
cities  has  produced  exactly  the  same- results  that  have  followed 
the  municipal  ownership  and  operation  of  street  cars,  electric 
light  systems,  and  gas  works  in  Europe  and  Australia. 

The  American  cities  that  operate  their  own  waterworks, 
electric  light  plants,  and  gas  plants,  have  invariably  reduced  the 
price  of  these  utilities  to  the  public.  They  have  given  as  good, 
if  not  better,  service  than  the  private  companies  engaged  in 
the  same  line  of  business.  As  a  rule,  they  pay  better  wages. 
As  a  rule,  the  hours  of  the  men  are  shorter.  Have  you  ever 


308  DUNNE — JUDGE,  MAYOR,  GOVERNOR 

heard  of  a  strike  upon  a  police  or  a  fire  department  or  a  water 
department  in  any  city  that  has  managed  these  utilities?  Once 
an  American  city  has  taken  over  its  waterworks,  electric  light 
plant  or  any  other  public  utility,  have  you  ever  heard  of  any 
corruption  in  and  about  the  procurement  of  an  improvement  or 
enlargement  of  these  utilities? 

I  know  not  what  public  utilities  you  manage  in  your  city, 
but  in  the  city  of  Chicago  I  can  cite  you  the  instance  of  our  water- 
works and  our  electric  light  plant. 

The  city  of  Chicago  has  been  operating  its  own  waterworks 
for  over  half  a  century.  It  is  today  selling  water  to  its  citizens 
as  cheaply  as  any  city  of  its  size  in  the  country.  We  have 
within  the  limits  of  our  city  a  splendid  opportunity  to  test  the 
efficiency  and  economy  of  a  publicly  and  privately  owned  water 
plant.  By  annexation  to  the  city  within  recent  years  we  have 
acquired  certain  territory  in  which  private  companies  are  operat- 
ing water  plants. 

To  the  west  of  the  city,  and  now  within  the  city  limits,  the 
former  village  of  Austin  was,  until  within  the  last  three  months, 
supplied  by  a  private  company.  That  company  charged  three 
and  four  times  the  rate  charged  by  the  city  waterworks  to  other 
citizens  of  the  same  community.  In  the  village  of  Rogers  Park, 
now  within  the  city  limits,  a  private  company  has  been  and  now 
is  furnishing  water  to  the  citizens  of  that  portion  of  the  city. 
The  private  company  charges  twenty  cents  per  thousand  gallons 
and  charges  citizens  in  addition  thereto  for  all  connections  made 
between  the  house  and  the  main  in  the  streets.  The  city  of 
Chicago,  in  the  same  neighborhood,  is  selling  water  to  its  citizens 
for  ten  cents  per  thousand  gallons  and  makes  all  connections  free 
of  cost  to  the  citizens. 

The  city  of  Chicago  owns  and  operates  its  own  municipal 
electric  light  plant.  It  has  gone  very  extensively  into  this 
business  within  the  last  eight  years.  We  are  not  empowered 
to  sell  electric  light  to  citizens,  but  are  simply  authorized  to 
light  our  own  streets.  Chicago  has  now  probably  the  largest 
municipal  electric  light  plant  in  the  world.  It  has  extended  its 
electric  light  system  very  rapidly  throughout  the  streets  of  the 
city  and  is  today  manufacturing  electric  lights  for  about  one-half 
the  cost  of  electric  light  which  was  charged  by  private  companies 
when  the  system  was  instituted.  The  citizens  of  Chicago  have 
reached  the  conclusion  that  they  are  just  as  capable  of  operating 
a  street  car  system  as  they  are  of  operating  an  electric  light 
plant  or  a  waterworks. 

Under  private  management  we  have  in  Chicago  today  proba- 
bly the  worst  managed  and  most  scandalously  conducted  street 


DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,  GOVERNOR  309 

car  system  in  the  world.  There  is  no  pretense  of  giving  decent 
accommodation  to  the  public.  Our  cars  are  dirty  and  insufficient 
in  number.  Our  citizens  are  crowded  like  herrings  in  a  box. 
Our  schedules  are  irregular  and  our  service  at  night  is  either 
scandalously  insufficient  or  nonexistent.  The  owners  of  these 
companies,  in  defiance  of  public  sentiment  and  every  rule  of 
decency  and  justice,  have  been  managing  these  systems  so  as  to 
mulct  the  public  of  their  nickels  without  any  attempt  to  give  a 
decent  return  therefor. 

The  citizens  of  Chicago  have  cried  out  against  this  sort  of 
treatment.  They  have  protested  and  protested  in  vain.  At 
last  they  have  declared  by  a  most  emphatic  vote  that  they  will 
have  no  more  of  it  and  that  the  municipality  must  take  over  and 
operate  its  street  car  systems. 

Thrice  has  the  voice  of  the  people  been  heard  at  the  ballot 
box.  In  April,  1902,  they  declared  for  ownership  by  the  city  of 
Chicago  by  a  majority  of  142,000  as  against  28,000.  In  April, 
1904,  they  declared  for  the  adoption  of  the  Mueller  law,  which 
was  a  law  enabling  cities  of  the  State  to  own  street  car  systems, 
by  a  vote  of  122,000  to  50,000.  Again  in  April,  1905,  they  de- 
clared emphatically  against  the  extension  of  the  franchises  to  the 
present  companies  by  a  vote  of  152,000  to  59,000.  At  the  same 
time  they  elected  a  mayor  upon  a  platform  which  declared  for 
municipal  ownership  at  the  earliest  possible  date.  And  yet,  al- 
though this  election  occurred  in  April,  1905,  the  will  of  the  people 
is  still  set  at  defiance  by  the  tremendous  influences  that  are  behind 
these  traction  companies  and  other  utility  corporations. 

The  companies,  which  procured  the  passage  of  the  infamous 
Allen  and  Humphrey  bills  by  wholesale  bribery  and  corrup- 
tion, are  still  exerting  their  malign  influences  against  the  carry- 
ing out  of  the  will  of  the  people.  By  influences,  known  only  to 
themselves,  they  have  succeeded  in  getting  almost  two-thirds 
of  the  city  council  to  vote  in  defiance  and  contempt  of  the  public 
demand. 

The  committee  on  local  transportation,  backed  up  by  almost 
two-thirds  of  the  city  council,  have  been  industriously  engaged 
for  the  past  two  or  three  months  in  framing  ordinances  extending 
franchises  of  the  present  companies  for  the  next  twenty  years. 
The  aldermen  who  are  engaged  in  this  work  seem  to  have  behind 
them  all  the  capitalistic  influences  of  the  city.  They  have 
amassed  behind  them  nearly  all  the  papers  of  the  city,  and  all 
the  influences  of  the  banking  and  financial  circles.  Their  leaders 
in  the  council  are  the  welcome  guests  of  the  swell  clubs  of  the 
city  and  every  influence  that  combined  and  intrenched  capital 
can  exert  is  being  vigorously  asserted  against  the  carrying  out 
of  the  will  of  the  people. 


310  DUNNE JUDGE,  MAYOR,  GOVERNOR 

In  response  to  the  popular  mandate,  I  have  sent  message  after 
message  to  the  city  council,  calling  its  attention  to  the  vote  of  the 
people  and  asking  it,  in  respectful  language,  to  give  heed  to  the 
popular  voice  as  expressed  at  the  polls.  All  such  messages 
have  been  treated  with  contumely  and  disdain.  The  Chicago 
papers,  I  might  say,  have  a  standing  headline,  which  becomes 
useful  every  Tuesday  morning  after  the  council  meeting  of  Mon- 
day night.  It  reads  in  big,  black  letters :  ' '  The  Mayor  Snubbed 
Again. ' ' 

I  appreciate  now,  as  I  appreciated  when  I  became  a  candidate 
for  mayor,  the  tremendous  opposition  that  would  be  exerted  in  the 
city  of  Chicago  against  the  municipalization  of  the  street  cars  of 
the  city. 

The  public  utility  corporations  of  Chicago,  including  the  trac- 
tion companies,  the  tunnel  companies,  the  gas,  telephone  and  electric 
light  and  power  companies  of  the  city  are  stocked  and  bonded  for 
about  $395,000,000,  $170,000,000  of  this  tremendous  aggregate  being 
bonds,  the  remaining  $225,000,000  being  stocks.  There  are  2,000,000 
people  in  the  city  of  Chicago.  Dividing  this  $225,000,000  worth  of 
stocks  among  those  two  million  people  would  give  $112.50  worth  of 
stock  to  each  man,  woman  and  child  iji  the  city.  If  this  same  pro- 
portion were  carried  out  among  the  80,000,000  of  the  United  States, 
there  would  be  at  least  $9,000,000,000  worth  of  stocks  now  held  by- 
stockholders  of  public  utility  corporations  in  the  United  States.  If 
the  municipal  ownership  movement  wins — as  it  will  win — in  the 
city  of  Chicago,  it  will  win  throughout  the  United  States,  and  that 
means  the  extinguishment  of  this  $9,000,000,000  worth  of  stocks 
from  the  stock  markets  of  this  country. 

Is  it  to  be  wondered  at  that  the  traction  companies  and  other 
public  utility  corporations  would  meet  in  convention,  as  they  re- 
cently did  in  Philadelphia,  and  pledge  themselves  to  oppose  with 
all  the  forces  at  their  disposal  the  spread  of  the  municipal  owner- 
ship sentiment  throughout  the  United  States? 

Is  it  to  be  wondered  at  that,  after  three  tremendous  public 
votes  in  the  city  of  Chicago,  we  find  these  powerful  and  malign  influ- 
ences still  exerting  themselves  in  every  possible  way  to  prevent 
the  realization  of  the  people's  demand  in  that  city?  Every  man 
and  corporation  in  the  United  States  who  holds  stock  in  the  trac- 
tion companies  and  other  public  utility  corporations  is  interested  in 
making  this  a  life  and  death  struggle  in  Chicago  for  the  preserva- 
tion of  his  properties. 

They  have  influence  in  the  banks,  in  the  counting  houses,  among 
the  merchant  princes,  in  the  newspaper  offices  and  with  some  of 
the  members  of  the  city  council,  and  all  this  influence  is  being 
exerted  and  will  be  exerted  steadfastly,  persistently  and  defiantly 


DUNNE — JUDGE,  MAYOR,  GOVERNOR  311 

to  check  the  popular  demand  for  municipal  ownership.    But  it  will 
not  avail. 

The  American  public  is  a  reading  public.  The  American  public 
is  an  intelligent  public.  They  know  that  what  has  been  accom- 
plished in  Europe  and  Australia  can  be  and  will  be  accomplished 
in  the  United  States.  The  electorate  of  America  is  just  as  honest 
and  intelligent,  aye — in  my  judgment — as  honest  and  more  intelli- 
gent than  in  many  of  the  countries  that  have  already  established 
the  ownership  and  operation  of  public  utilities. 

The  financial  powers  of  New  York,  Philadelphia,  Boston,  and 
Chicago  may  be  amassed  in  a  solid  phalanx  to  stop  the  onward 
march  of  municipal  ownership,  but  they  might  as  well  be  allied  for 
the  purpose  of  sweeping  back  the  waves  upon  the  ocean.  The  trend 
of  public  thought  and  public  desire  is  towards  the  ownership  and 
operation  by  the  public,  because  public  ownership  will  put  a  stop 
to  rapacity,  corruption  and  graft. 

The  issue  has  arisen  in  many  cities  since  the  Chicago  election. 
Wherever  it  has  arisen — in  New  York,  in  Cleveland,  in  Toledo  and 
other  American  cities — it  has  beeen  decided  by  a  vote  in  favor  of 
the  people's  desire  for  municipal  ownership. 

Mayor  Johnson  was  elected  in  Cleveland  on  that  issue.  Brand 
Whitlock  was  elected  mayor  of  Toledo  on  that  issue.  And  upon  an 
honest  count,  William  R.  Hearst  was  elected  upon  that  issue  in  New 
York,  despite  the  fact  that  he  had  to  fight  a  corrupt  combination 
of  the  two  political  machines  of  that  city  and  was  without  any 
organization  or  political  body  behind  him. 

Municipal  ownership  has  come  to  this  country  as  it  has  come 
to  Great  Britain,  Germany,  Austria-Hungary,  Norway,  Sweden, 
Switzerland  and  France,  and  it  has  come  to  stay.  The  machina- 
tions and  tremendous  influences  exerted  by  private  interests  may 
retard  for  awhile  in  this  country,  as  it  retarded  in  other  countries, 
the  onward  progress  of  this  movement.  But  the  outcome  is  in- 
evitable. 

The  operation  of  public  utilities  must,  in  its  nature,  be  a  mo- 
nopoly, and  therefore  either  a  private  or  public  monopoly.  A  pri- 
vate monopoly  in  its  very  nature  must  be  rapacious.  It  is  conducted 
for  the  financial  benefit  of  the  men  who  hold  the  stock  in  the  com- 
pany. A  public  monopoly  is  not  conducted  for  the  financial  benefit 
of  any  individual  but  for  the  benefit  of  the  community  as  a  whole. 
The  aim  of  a  private  monopoly  being  to  make  money,  it  is  conducted 
upon  the  plan  of  giving  the  least  service  for  the  largest  return.  A 
public  monopoly  being  conducted  for  the  public  good,  promptly 
aims  to  give  the  best  service  at  the  lowest  possible  price.  A  public 
monopoly  is  benevolent.  A  private  monopoly  is  rapacious  and  inde- 
fensible. I  know  of  no  circumstances  under  which  a  private  mo- 


312  DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

nopoly  should  be  tolerated  in  a  republic,  where  the  aim  of  the 
government  is  to  benefit  the  whole  community  alike. 

You  may  have  observed  the  effect  of  private  monopoly  during 
the  years  that  have  passed.  The  people  of  America,  as  well  as  the 
people  of  Europe  and  Australia,  have  at  last  called  a  halt.  The 
demands  of  the  people  to  put  an  end  forever  to  graft  and  corrup- 
tion, reduce  the  rapacity  of  private  corporations,  give  fair  treat- 
ment to  the  working  men  who  operate  these  utilities,  both  in  the 
way  of  decent  wages  and  decent  hours,  to  abolish  strikes,  to  abolish 
bribery  in  common  councils  and  legislatures,  by  putting  into  force 
the  principle  of  municipal  ownership,  at  first  feeble,  has  swelled 
into  a  roar  whose  reverberations  are  heard  in  the  council  chambers 
of  the  land  as  well  as  in  the  temples  of  finance." 

In  my  judgment,  the  people  are  in  a  condition  to  be  no  longer 
trifled  with.  No  longer  will  they  be  despoiled  and  ill  treated  as 
they  have  been  in  the  past  by  private  utility  corporations  and  the 
sooner  men  in  public  life  give  heed  to  the  demands  of  the  people  for 
the  taking  over  of  public  utilities,  the  longer  will  be  their  official 
life  as  the  people's  representatives.  If  they  continue  to  stand  in 
defiance  of  the  people's  will,  in  my  judgment,  they  may  as  well 
compose  their  political  obituaries,  and  prepare  for  their  extinction 
in  the  political  life  of  this  country. 


DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  313 


ADVISES  CITY  FIXING  PHONE  AND 
ELECTRIC  RATES. 

; 

MESSAGE  TO  THE  CHICAGO  CITY  COUNCIL,  SEPTEMBER  24,  1906. 

To  the  Honorable,  the  City  Council: 

GENTLEMEN  :  Shortly  prior  to  the  adjournment  of  your  honor- 
able body  for  the  summer  vacation,  it  had  under  consideration  the 
passage  of  an  ordinance  regulating  the  charges  for  electric  light 
and  power  in  this  city. 

Your  honorable  body  passed  an  ordinance  in  the  nature  of  a 
contract  ordinance,  fixing  certain  rates  and  giving  certain  conces- 
sions to  the  Chicago  Edison  Company  and  to  the  Commonwealth 
Electric  Company.  In  the  exercise  of  my  official  duty,  I  was  not 
able  to  approve  this  ordinance,  and  the  same  failed  of  passage  over 
my  veto. 

I  would  respectfully  suggest  that,  as  the  matter  of  fixing  just 
and  reasonable  rates  for  electric  light  and  power  is  of  great  public 
interest  and  involves  a  great  many  citizens  of  this  city,  your  honor- 
able body  pass  an  ordinance,  not  in  the  nature  of  a  contract  ordi- 
nance but  one  framed  pursuant  to  the  terms  of  the  act  of  the  Legis- 
lature, empowering  the  city  to  regulate  the  price  of  electric  light 
and  power,  after  your  honorable  body  has  made  full  investigation 
into  the  question  as  to  what  are  reasonable  rates  for  the  same. 

I  would  further  recommend  that  your  committee  on  gas,  oil 
and  electric  light  at  once  proceed  to  ascertain  and  determine  what 
are  just  and  reasonable  rates,  and  prepare  an  ordinance  establish- 
ing these  rates  for  all  electric  light  and  power  companies  in  the  city 
of  Chicago. 

Respectfully, 

E.  F.  DUNNE,  Mayor. 


September  24,  1906. 
To  the  Honorable,  the  City  Council: 

GENTLEMEN  :  For  some  years  past  the  citizens  of  Chicago  have 
been  complaining,  in  my  judgment  justly,  of  excessive  telephone 
charges  made  against  them  by  the  telephone  companies  of  this  city. 
These  complaints  have  been  principally  directed  against  the  Chi- 
cago Telephone  Company. 


314  DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

Recently  this  company,  in  obedience  to  the  mandate  of  the 
Supreme  Court  of  this  State,  has  reduced  the  rates  hitherto  charged 
by  said  company,  and  I  am  informed  has  reduced  other  charges 
not  covered  by  the  Supreme  Court  decision.  I  am  further  informed 
that  this  company  is  ready  to  consider  a  further  reduction  of  tele- 
phone rates.  To  what  extent  it  is  willing  to  reduce  such  rates,  I 
am  not  fully  informed. 

Another  company,  recently  incorporated,  has  evinced  its  will- 
ingness to  construct  and  operate  a  telephone  system  covering  the 
whole  of  the  city  of  Chicago  at  rates  very  much  lower  than  those 
charged  by  the  Chicago  Telephone  Company,  and  to  give  the  city 
of  Chicago  free  telephone  service  and -one-fourth  of  the  net  profits 
earned  by  said  company. 

This  latter  company  claims  that  it  is  financially  able  to  con- 
struct and  maintain  a  telephone  system,  covering  the  entire  city, 
and  to  operate  the  same  successfully.  The  time  is  ripe,  in  my  judg- 
ment, for  action  by  your  honorable  body  in  the  matter  of  determin- 
ing what  are  just  and  reasonable  rates  for  telephone  service  in  the 
city  of  Chicago,  and  to  bring  about  a  telephone  service  in  this  city 
which  will  give  to  the  public  efficient  service  at  reasonable  rates, 
and  at  the  same  time  secure  to  the  operating  company  a  fair  return 
upon  the  capital  invested  in  the  enterprise.  In  my  judgment,  the 
telephone  service  of  a  city  is  essentially  a  monopoly,  and  until  the 
city  is  empowered  by  law  to  undertake  the  giving  of  telephone  serv- 
ice to  its  citizens,  it  should  be  performed  by  one  company,  and  that 
company  should  be  compelled  to  give  efficient  modern  up-to-date 
service  at  just  and  reasonable  rates,  which  rates  should  be  much 
below  the  rates  hitherto  imposed  upon  the  citizens  of  this  city. 

I  would,  therefore,  respectfully  recommend  to  your  honorable 
body  that  the  matter  of  determining  what  are  just  and  reasonable 
rates  to  be  charged  the  city  of  Chicago  for  telephone  service  should 
be  referred  to  some  appropriate  committee  or  to  a  special  committee, 
constituted  for  that  purpose,  and  that  the  said  committee  be  em- 
powered at  once  to  secure  the  assistance  of  competent  telephone 
engineers  to  ascertain  and  determine  what  are  just  and  reasonable 
rates  for  telephone  service  in  this  city,  and  having  ascertained  what 
these  rates  should  be,  to  formulate  a  policy  which  will  secure  effi- 
cient modern  service  at  just  and  reasonable  rates,  which  policy 
should  reserve  to  the  city  the  right  to  operate  a  municipal  telephone 
plant  when  empowered  so  to  do  by  the  Legislature  of  this  State. 


DUNNE — JUDGE,  MAYOR,  GOVERNOR  315 


THE  CIVIC  PROGRESS  OF  CHICAGO. 

ADDRESS  BEFORE  THE  CHICAGO  COMMERCIAL  ASSOCIATION,  ' 
OCTOBER  6,  1906. 

Mr.  Chairman  -and  Gentlemen: 

When  last  we  met  at  your  banquet  board,  we  interchanged 
views  as  to  the  civic  administration  of  our  great  and  much  beloved 
city.  Again  you  have,  asked  me,  on  this  occasion,  to  address  you 
briefly  and  I  will  avail  myself  of  the  opportunity  to  give  you,  my 
fellow  citizens,  a  record  of  the  civic  progress  of  the  city  during  the 
year  that  has  ceased. 

Upon  occasions  of  this  kind,  it  is  well  that  we  should  turn  to 
the  year  that  has  passed  to  ascertain  what  has  been  its  civic  history, 
and  in  doing  so  tonight,  I  think  we  can  truly  congratulate  our- 
selves upon  the  history  the  year  has  written  for  the  city  of  Chicago. 
Let  me  call  your  attention  briefly  to  a  few  facts  and  figures. 

The  record  made  by  the  department  of  police  during  the  past 
year  has  been  a  notable  one.  During  the  first  eight  months  of 
1906,  54,458  persons  have  been  arrested,  an  increase  of  more  than 
8,000  over  the  same  period  in  1904  or  1905.  Fines  imposed  in 
police  courts  were  as  follows : 

1904,  8  months $269,645 

1905,  8  months 281,265 

1906,  8  months 368,456 

During  the  first  eight  months  of  this  year  6,000  arrests  have 
been  made  for  violations  of  the  law  against  gambling.  The  follow- 
ing shows  the  amounts  of  stolen  property  recovered  by  the  police 
department  during  like  periods  of  the  past  three  years : 

1904,  8  months ..$224,600.06 

1905,  8  months 118,254.64 

1906,  8  months ., 273,259.32 

Two  thousand  three  hundred  seventy-one  persons  were  held  to 
the  grand  jury  by  police  magistrates  during  the  first  eight  months 
of  1906  as  compared  with  2,265  for  the  entire  year  of  1904  and 
2,294  for  the  entire  year  of  1905.  Comment  upon  the  energy  and 
vigor  of  the  police  department,  as  shown  by  the  above  figures, 
seems  to  be  unnecessary. 


316  DUNNE JUDGE,  MAYOR,  GOVERNOR 

The  department  of  health  has  also  made  great  progress  during 
the  year.  On  August  7,  1905,  within  a  few  weeks  after  assuming 
charge  of  this  department,  the  present  commissioner  of  health,  Dr. 
Charles  J.  Whalen,  reestablished  a  department  of  inspection  at  the 
Union  Stock  Yards  and  urged  greater  activity  and  thoroughness 
in  the  inspection  of  all  kinds  of  food  supplies,  especially  in  retail 
stores  and  markets. 

As  the  result  of  this  order  an  aggregate  of  upwards  of  3,487,000 
pounds  of  foods  "unfit  for  human  consumption"  and  having  a 
retail  value  of  nearly  $300,000  was  condemned  and  destroyed  by 
this  department  during  the  succeeding  five  months.  During  the 
preceding  seven  months  the  total  amount  'of  such  food  condemned 
and  destroyed  amounted  to  less  than  half  a  million  pounds,  valued 
at  $7,718. 

The  total  amount  of  foodstuffs  condemned  and  destroyed  by 
the  health  department  during  the  first  eight  months  of  the  year 
1906  was  5,081,262  as  compared  with  798,748  for  the  same  period 
of  1905,  being  an  increase  of  534.4  per  cent.  The  health  depart- 
ment formulated  and  succeeded  in  having  passed  on  July  2,  1905, 
an  ordinance  providing  for  the  inspection,  regulation  and  license 
of  restaurants.  Pursuant  to  this  ordinance  over  1,400  restaurants 
and  eating  houses  have  been  since  inspected  and  over  1,000  of  them 
have  been  placed  under  license.  The  result  has  been  a  wonderful 
improvement  in  the  sanitary  and  hygienic  conditions  of  the  restau- 
rants of  the  city  and  a  marked  change  in  the  quality  and  character 
of  the  food  served. 

The  commissioner  of  health  has  also  endeavored  to  secure  the 
passage  of  an  ordinance  regulating  cold  storage  warehouses,  requir- 
ing such  warehouses  to  stamp  thereon  the  date  of  admission  and 
the  date  of  withdrawal  of  all  provisions  entering  or  leaving  their 
establishments.  So  far  he  has  been  unable  to  secure  the  passage  of 
this  much  needed  ordinance. 

Comparing  the  first  eight  months  of  1906  with  the  correspond- 
ing period  of  1905,  the  laboratory  of  the  department  shows  39,787 
examinations  made  this  year — an  increase  of  37.4  per  cent.  Thirty- 
seven  thousand  eight  hundred  sixty-seven  samples  of  milk  and 
cream  were  analyzed,  as  against  18,317  last  year — an  increase  of 
nearly  78.5  per  cent. 

In  the  division  of  sanitary  inspection,  increases  of  29  per  cent 
are  shown  in  the  number  of  new  buildings  inspected  in  course  of 
construction ;  of  426  per  cent  in  work  places  inspected ;  of  23  per 
cent  in  notices  to  abate  nuisances ;  of  30  per  cent  in  abatements 
secured ;  of  61  per  cent  in  suits  instituted  against  violators  of  sani- 
tary ordinances. 

In  the  division  of  contagious  diseases,  the  notification  of  the 
existence  of  such  diseases  has  been  increased  two-thirds,  thus  en- 


DUNNE JUDGE,  MAYOR,  GOVERNOR  317 

abling  the  bureau  of  disinfection  to  nearly  double  the  volume  of 
its  work — from  a  total  of  less  than  11,000,000  cubic  feet  to  upward 
of  21,000,000  cubic  feet  of  space  disinfected. 

The  use  of  the  free  public  baths  has  increased  26.7  per  cent — 
from  472,728  in  the  year  1905  period  to  599,677  in  the  1906  period. 

Under  the  present  commissioner  of  buildings,  the  law  has  been 
honestly  and  rigidly  enforced  and  during  the  past  year  great  work 
has  been  accomplished  by  this  department.  From  September  1, 
1905,  to  September  1,  1906,  10,285  buildings  have  been  erected,  as 
compared  with  7,920  for  the  same  period  in  1904-5,  an  increase  of 
2,365  having  a  frontage  of  38,025  feet  and  an  increased  value  of 
$11,121,440.  The  number  of  permits  issued  for  1905  was  15,369, 
while  the  number  for  1906  up  to  date  was  21,333.  During  1906 
the  department  inspected  68,406  buildings,  an  increase  of  19,862 
over  1905. 

Strenuous  efforts  have  been  made  by  this  administration  to 
abate  the  smoke  nuisance.  Upon  entering  office  as  mayor,  I  found 
the  city  reeking  with  the  grime  of  soot  and  smoke  and  I  found  an 
ordinance  in  the  code  which  was  practically  worthless.  I  promptly 
sent  a  communication  to  the  council,  pointing  out  the  defects  of 
the  ordinance  and  recommending  that  an  efficient  ordinance  be 
passed.  After  considerable  delay  in  the  council,  I  succeeded  in 
having  a  new  smoke  ordinance  passed.  The  ordinance  is  now  in 
effect  and  is  being  rigidly  enforced  by  my  special  directions,  with 
the  result  contained  in  the  following  figures : 

No.  of  com- 
plaints made. 

1904  (12  months) 473 

1905  ( 12  months ) 444 

1906  (to  date) , 575 

Suits 
brought. 

1904  (12  months) 404 

1905  (12  months) 488 

1906  (to  date) 1,100 

Fines 
imposed. 

1904  (12  months) $  4,366.00 

1905  (12  months) 5,500.00 

1906  (to  date) 18,000.00 

You  have  probably  noticed  in  your  business  as  merchants 
the  remarkable  change  in  the  matter  of  grime,  soot  and  smoke 
which  has  taken  place  within  the  last  eight  months.  The  ordi- 
nance is  being  rigidly  enforced  by  vigorous  prosecutions  and  the 


318  DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,  GOVERNOR 

violators  of  the  ordinance  have  at  last  come  to  understand  that 
the  administration  means  business  in  the  way  of  suppressing  the 
smoke  nuisance. 

The  same  energy  and  vigor  has  been  displayed  in  the  depart- 
ment of  weights  and  measures.  From  September  1,  1905,  to 
September  1,  1906,  111,760  scales  and  measures  were  inspected 
by  this  department,  an  increase  of  25,766  over  the  previous  year. 
During  the  same  period  in  1905-6,  $22,201.60  were  collected  in 
fees,  which  is  $4,191.55  more  than  was  collected  from  September 
1,  1904,  to  September  1,  1905.  The  arrests  for  violators  during 
the  year  just  passed  were  263,  an  increase  of  162  over  the  pre- 
vious year. 

The  fines  collected  from  September  1,  1904,  to  September  1, 
1905,  amounted  to  $2,016.00,  while  those  collected  during  the  same 
period  in  1905-6  amounted  to  $4,310,  an  increase  of  $2,294.00. 

The  law  department  has  been  exceedingly  vigorous  and  suc- 
cessful in  its  conduct  of  litigation  in  which  the  city's  interests 
were  involved.  It  has  succeeded  in  having  the  Supreme  Court  of 
Illinois  sustain  Judge  Tuley's  decision  which  held  that  the  Chi- 
cago Telephone  Company  cannot  charge  to  exceed  a  maximum 
rate  of  $125  per  year  for  the  unlimited  use  of  a  telephone  in 
this  city. 

It  has  succeeded  in  reversing  Judge  Mack  and  sustaining 
in  the  Supreme  Court  of  Illinois  the  amendments  to  the  charter 
of  the  city,  thus  establishing  the  Municipal  Court  Act,  creating 
a  new  park  system  and  giving  the  right  to  the  city  to  fix  the 
price  to  be  charged  for  gas  and  electric  light  in  this  city. 

It  has  also  reversed  Judge  Grosscup's  decision  in  the  famous 
ninety-nine-year  case  and  succeeded  in  obtaining  from  the  high- 
est tribunal  in  the  land  an  overwhelming  victory  for  the  city. 
The  United  States  Supreme  Court  declared  that  the  99  year 
claims  of  the  companies  had  no  existence  either  in  law  or  in  fact. 

The  department  also  succeeded  in  obtaining  from  the  United 
States  Supreme  Court  a  decree  compelling  the  street  railway 
companies  to  remove  the  tunnels  constructed  by  them  under  the 
Chicago  River  at  their  own  expense,  thus  saving  the  city  ap- 
proximately a  million  dollars  in  cash. 

It  also  secured  from  the  United  States  Supreme  Court  a 
ruling  validating  what  is  known  as  the  special  assessment  act, 
by  which  streets  may  be  improved  and  laid  out  in  a  summary 
and  expeditious  manner,  without  tax  to  the  citizens  at  large  but 
upon  a  system  of  bonds  issued  upon  the  particular  improvement ; 
the  decision  not  only  sustained  the  legislation  but  also  removed 
all  doubt  from  as  much  as  $20.000,000  worth  of  bonds  then  in 
existence  for  such  improvements. 


DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  319 

This  department  also  obtained  from  the  Supreme  Court  of 
the  State,  reversing  the  lower  tribunals,  an  opinion  establishing 
the  right  of  the  city  to  levy  taxes  and  to  force  assessment  upon 
the  tunnel  company,  using  the  underground  streets  of  the  city. 

The  law  department  also  succeeded  in  having  the  Mueller 
law  and  the  city  ordinances  passed  thereunder,  authorizing  the 
issuance  of  not  to  exceed  $75,000,000  worth  of  Mueller  certificates, 
and  the  certificates  themselves  declared  valid  by  the  Circuit 
Court  of  this  county. 

The  same  department,  by  its  earnest  and  vigorous  efforts 
before  the  board  of  review,  has  been  able  to  increase  the  assess- 
able property  to  many  millions  in  excess  of  previous  years  which 
will  bring  into  the  city  treasury  during  the  present  year  from 
two  to  three  millions  in  cash  as  an  extra  fund  for  municipal 
purposes. 

The  city  attorney  has  succeeded  in  resisting  claimS  to  the 
extent  of  preventing  judgment  against  the  city  for  damages  in 
excess  of  six  per  cent  of  the  amount  claimed. 

The  corporation  counsel's  office  has  succeeded  in  cases  liti- 
gated by  that  department  in  keeping  the  claims  against  the  city 
down  to  $60,000  where  over  $800,000  were  claimed  in  damages. 

Shortly  after  my  inauguration  as  mayor,  in  company  with 
other  citizens,  who  believed  that  the  prices  charged  for  gas  and 
electric  light  in  this  city  were  extortionate,  I  went  to  Springfield 
and  urged  upon  the  General  Assembly  the  passage  of  a  law  en- 
abling cities  to  regulate  the  prices  to  be  charged  for  gas  and 
electric  light.  The  Legislature,  in  response  to  the  popular  de- 
mand, passed  a  law  enabling  cities  to  fix  such  reasonable  rates 
for  gas  and  electric  light. 

Promptly  upon  the  passage  of  this  act,  I  presented  a  message 
to  the  council,  urging  the  passage  of  an  ordinance  fixing  the  price 
of  gas  at  75c  per  thousand  cubic  feet.  The  investigation  made 
by  the  committee  on  gas,  oil  and  electric  light  immediately  there- 
after, in  my  judgment,  warranted  the  fixing  of  the  price  of  gas 
at  that  rate.  But  the  committee,  in  its  judgment,  thought  other- 
wise and  reported  into  the  council  an  ordinance  fixing  the  price 
at  85c  per  thousand  cubic  feet.  This  ordinance  was  passed  by 
the  council.  I  vetoed  the  same,  believing  that  the  price  was 
unnecessarily  and  unreasonably  high.  But  the  council  passed 
the  ordinance  over  my  veto,  the  net  result  being  that  the  citizens 
of  Chicago  now  obtain  gas  at  a  price  which  is  fifteen  cents  lower 
per  one  thousand  cubic  feet  than  was  theretofore  paid. 

I  have  recently  recommended  to  the  council  the  passage  of 
an  ordinance,  reducing  very  materially  the  price  charged  for 
electricity  for  light  and  power,  as  well  as  the  passage  of  an  or- 


320  DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

dinance  reducing  the  telephone  charges  hitherto  made  by  the  tele- 
phone companies  of  this  city. 

My  messages,  recommending  an  investigation  into  the  sub- 
jects of  what  is  a  reasonable  rate  for  both  these  utilities,  have 
been  referred  to  the  committee  on  gas,  oil  and  electric  light  and 
I  expect  that  prompt  action  will  be  taken  thereon. 

I  am  clearly  of  the  opinion  that  the  prices  hitherto  charged 
by  the  electric  light  and  telephone  companies  of  this  city  are 
unjust  and  oppressive,  and  I  am  very  anxious  that  the  council 
take  early  action  which  will  result  in  a  very  materially  reduced 
rate  and  the  obtaining  of  more  efficient  service  from  public  utility 
companies  by  the  citizens  of  this  community  and  I  earnestly  re- 
quest that  you  use  your  powerful  influence  in  securing  this 
result. 

I  have  also  sent  three  messages  to  the  council,  recommending 
that  a  flat  rate  of  8c  per  thousand  gallons  be  fixed  for  water, 
furnished  to  the  citizens  of  this  city  by  the  municipality.  Upon 
entering  office  I  found  that  the  code  contained  an  ordinance  which 
permits  the  sale  of  water  to  one  customer  by  meter  at  4c  per 
thousand  gallons,  to  others  at  6c,  and  to  others  at  lOc.  Such  an 
ordinance,  I  believe  to  be  unfairly  discriminative  and  unjust  to 
the  people  of  this  city. 

In  each  of  my  three  messages,  I  have  advocated  the  estab- 
lishment of  a  flat  rate  of  8c  per  thousand  gallons.  The  reasons 
for  the  establishment  of  this  rate  are  obvious.  The  main  cost 
of  a  water  system  is  the  cribs,  pipes  and  the  pumping  stations. 
These  remain  the  same  for  all  consumers.  In  my  judgment, 
water  should  be  sold  exactly  as  gas  is  sold.  It  costs  pro  rata 
just  as  much  to  pump  one  thousand  gallons  £s  it  does  to  pump 
a  million. 

At  the  time  of  my  first  message,  there  were  5,749  water  con- 
sumers using  meters  in  the  city  of  Chicago.  Only  36  of  these 
5,749  consumers  would  have  their  water  bills  increased  by  the 
change  from  the  present  rate  to  a  flat  rate  of  8c.  The  remaining 
5,713  customers  would  have  their  bills  reduced,  while  the  net 
income  to  the  city  would  be  but  slightly  altered.  The  36  cus- 
tomers whose  water  bills  would  be  increased  comprise  mostly 
packing,  railway  and  other  large  companies,  which  would  not  ap- 
preciably feel  the  difference  in  cost.  There  was  never  any  legiti- 
mate reason,  in  my  judgment,  why  these  great  concerns  should 
be  favored  by  the  city  and  furnished  with  water  cheaper  than 
the  rest  of  our  citizens. 

An  address  of  this  character  would  be  incomplete  without  a 
brief  discussion  of  the  progress  made  in  the  settlement  of  the 
traction  question  during  the  year  that  has  closed.  On  January 


DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  321 

18  of  this  year,  after  a  bitter  and  prolonged  struggle  in  the  city 
council,  that  body,  pursuant  to  the  popular  will,  as  expressed  at 
the  polls,  passed  an  ordinance,  authorizing  the  issuance  of  not 
to  exceed  $75,000,000  worth  of  Mueller  certificates  for  the  acquisi- 
tion of  a  street  railway  system  for  the  entire  city.  This  ordinance 
provides  for  its  submission  to  the  people  upon  referendum  and 
on  April  3  of  this  year  the  people  ratified  the  same  upon  popu- 
lar vote. 

On  March  12,  of  this  year,  the  city  administration,  through 
its  traction  counsel,  secured  a  decree  from  the  Supreme  Court  of 
the  United  States  reversing  Judge  Grosscup  and  declaring  null 
and  void  the  99-year  claims  of  the  traction  companies.  Within 
the  last  three  weeks  the  city  has  also  obtained  a  favorable  de- 
cision in  the  Circuit  Court  of  Cook  County,  sustaining  the  validity 
of  the  Mueller  law,  the  ordinances  passed  thereunder  and  the 
certificates  themselves. 

Every  step  taken  by  the  administration  up  to  the  present 
time  looking  towards  the  municipalization  of  the  street  railways 
of  Chicago  has  met  with  marked  success. 

In  the  meantime,  the  city  has  entered  into  negotiations  with 
the  traction  companies  for  the  purchase  of  their- lines.  These 
negotiations  contemplate  the  rehabilitation  and  modernization  of 
these  lines  by  the  traction  companies  and  the  acceptance  by  them 
of  the  fair  cash  value  of  their  present  properties,  plus  the  cost 
of  rehabilitation  with  five  per  cent  interest,  with  the  understand- 
ing upon  the  part  of  the  companies  that  they  will  accept  this 
money  at  any  time  upon  six  months'  notice  and  surrender  their 
properties  to  the  city,  no  extension  of  franchises  of  any  character 
to  be  given. 

Considering  the  opposition  met  with  in  the  city  council,  the 
progress  made  towards  municipalization  has  been  rapid  and  en- 
tirely satisfactory.  The  appeal  from  Judge  Windes'  decision  to 
the  Supreme  Court  will  be  decided  in  a  very  short  time,  and  in 
such  manner,  it  is  to  be  hoped,  as  will  end  the  traction  controversy 
forever  and  in  such  a  way  as  has  been  demanded  by  the  people  of 
this  community. 

I  will  now  notice  briefly  a  few  other  marked  improvements 
that  have  taken  place  within  the  last  twelve  months.  Public 
gambling  has  been  exterminated  in  this  city.  Private  gambling 
may  exist  but,  if  so,  it  is  carried  on  in  private  clubs,  private 
homes  or  in  private  rooms  rented  from  night  to  night.  Public 
gambling,  I  confidently  assert,  has  been  stamped  out  in  the  city 
of  Chicago,  unless  it  be  a  whispered  bet  made  by  one  gambler 
to  another,  which,  by  the  utmost  ingenuity  of  the  police,  it  is 
impossible  to  reach. 

—11 


322  DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

Street  walking  aiid  soliciting  upon  our  public  thoroughfares 
has  also  been  suppressed  or  brought  to  an  irreducible  minimum. 
The  brothels  on  LaSalle  Street  almost  adjoining  the  courthouse 
and  on  Custom  House  Place,  adjoining  the  Union  League  Club, 
which  flaunted  their  vice  in  the  public  gaze  when  last  we  met,  are 
no  more.  The  vicious  resorts  on  State  Street,  known  as  "Whis- 
key Row"  which  for  years  were  an  eyesore  to  the  people  using 
that  thoroughfare,  ceased  to  exist. 

Graft  and  boodle  has  disappeared  from  the  city  hall  and  from 
all  departments  of  the  city  government.  I  have  repeatedly  ap- 
pealed to  the  public  through  the  newspapers,  during  the  last  few 
months,  to  furnish  me  with  evidence  of  graft  in  any  of  the  city 
departments.  I  have  solicited  information,  pledging  myself  to 
preserve  confidentially  the  names  of  my  informants,  and  have 
failed  to  find  a  single  case  of  authenticated  graft  urged  against 
any  employe  in  any  department  of  the  city. 

The  one  o'clock  saloon  closing  ordinance  has  been  and  is 
being  enforced  to  the  letter.  I  think  all  fair-minded  men  will 
agree  with  me  that  Chicago  is  freer  from  vice  and  crime  today 
than  at  any  time  in  its  previous  history. 

The  ordinances  of  the  city  are  generally  being  vigorously 
enforced  without  fear  or  favor.  All  classes  of  citizens  are  being 
treated  exactly  alike,  whether  they  be  clothed  in  rags  or  in 
broadcloth.  Contracts  have  invariably  been  let  to  the  lowest 
responsible  bidder.  The  civil  service  law  has  been  and  is  being 
honestly  enforced.  The  health  of  the  city  was  never  better,  the 
death  rate  in  Chicago  being  lower  than  in  any  of  the  large  cities 
of  the  United  States.  Public  improvements  are  being  carried  on 
as  extensively  and  as  vigorously  as  the  city's  finances  will  allow. 
Many  public  improvements,  it  is  true,  are  badly  needed.  A  new 
city  hall  is  badly  needed.  More  schools  are  needed.  Extensions 
of  the  fire  department  are  needed.  But,  considering  the  re- 
sources that  we  have  at  hand,  everything  has  been  done,  in  my 
judgment,  that  could  be  done  with  the  limited  finances  at  our 
disposal. 

The  water  supply  of  the  city  is  pure  and  wholesome,  which, 
T  regret  to  state,  has  not  been  the  case  in  Rogers  Park,  which 
has  been  furnished  with  water  by  a  private  company.  This 
company  has  so  outrageously  imposed  upon  the  people  of  that 
section  of  our  city  by  giving  them  impure  and  unwholesome 
water  at  double  the  rates  charged  by  the  city,  that  I  have  recently 
been  compelled  to  turn  on  the  city  water  there  and  order  the 
Rogers  Park  Water  Company  to  cease  pumping  impure  and  unsafe 
water  through  its  mains. 


DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,  GOVERNOR  323 

The  work  of  track  elevation  has  been  constantly  going  on 
in  the  city,  ten  miles  of  track  having  been  elevated  during  the 
first  six  months  of  this  year.  The  city  may  well  be  proud  of 
its  electric  lighting  plant.  From  January  1,  1905,  to  July  1, 
1906,  not  less  than  1,580  arc  lights  of  2,000  candle  power  each 
were  added  to  the  system,  making  a  total  of  6,675  in  operation 
at  the  latter  date,  all  of  which  cost  the  city  about  one-half  of 
what  the  city  was  paying  to  private  companies  at  the  time'  we 
installed  the  municipal  plant. 

The  finances  of  the  city  are  in  a  most  excellent  condition. 
City  employes  are  paid  their  salaries  promptly  and  all  obliga- 
tions of  the  city  are  promptly  met.  The  credit  of  the  city  was 
never  better. 

Such  is  the  record  briefly  of  the  year  that  has  passed.  This 
is  the  record  of  stewardship  of  the  present  administration  during 
the  year  just  closed,  and  I  respectfully  submit  it  to  you  for  your 
careful  and  impartial  consideration. 


324  DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 


JUDGE  MURRAY  F.  TULEY. 

ADDRESS  AT  His  FUNERAL,  1906. 

Into  this  great  city  of  two  million  people,  within  the  last  quar- 
ter of  a  century,  have  come  men  of  extraordinary  attainments,  tire- 
less energy  and  of  wonderful  resources.  In  this  city  there  existed 
the  opportunity  for  the  development  of  their  great  attainments  and 
energies.  They  have  made  themselves  felt  in  the  commercial  and 
professional  fields  of  the  city.  Many  of  them  have  come,  played 
their  important  parts  and  passed  away,  leaving  their  impress  upon 
the  public  life  of  the  city. 

Great  captains  of  industry  have  come,  amassed  their  millions 
and  passed  away  to  their  reward.  Men  of  paramount  genius  have 
arisen  to  the  highest  positions  of  dignity  and  power  in  their  profes- 
sion, have  achieved  distinction  and  died.  Other  men  who  have  had 
the  aptitude  for  political  life  have  come,  played  their  important 
parts  and  gone. 

During  the  thirty  years  that  I  have  resided  in  the  city  of  Chi- 
cago, I  know  of  no  man,  save  probably  one,  whose  loss  to  the  com- 
munity will  be  more  deeply  felt  than  that  of  the  "Grand  Old 
Chancellor"  who  has  just  passed  away.  I  know  of  no  man,  with 
that  possible  one  exception,  who  has  done  more  for  civic  righteous- 
ness and  has  accomplished  more  in  the  way  of  asserting  the  rights 
of  the  people  and  defending  them  against  corporate  aggression  than 
he  whom  we  mourn  and  honor  today. 

The  life  of  Murray  F.  Tuley  must  be  viewed  from  three  sepa- 
rate standpoints.  First,  from  the  standpoint  of  private  citizenship ; 
second,  from  the  standpoint  of  a  judge,  and  third,  from  the  stand- 
point of  a  powerful  moulder  of  public  opinion  in  the  community. 

As  a  private  citizen,  Murray  F.  Tuley  was  remarkable  for  the 
simplicity  and  modesty  of  his  private  life.  In  these  days  of  reckless 
extravagance,  of  huge  fortunes,  of  display  and  pomp,  Murray  F. 
Tuley  held  to  the  simple  life  which  characterized  the  citizenship  of 
half  a  century  ago. 

His  tastes  and  domestic  life  were  beautifully  plain  and  simple. 
He  loved  his  wife  and  home  and  for  years  spent  all  his  leisure  hours 
therein.  He  was  plain  in  his  dress  and  plain  in  his  mode  of  life. 
His  tastes  remained  as  simple  as  those  he  acquired  in  his  frontier 
life  and  in  the  Army.  To  the  end  of  his  life  he  was  never  attracted 


DUNNE — JUDGE,  MAYOR,  GOVERNOR  325 

by  the  glitter  and  pomp  of  social  and  political  life.  He  clung  with 
hooks  of  steel  to  his  old  friends  and  associates  of  former  years,  and 
was  loved  and  respected  by  them  to  a  most  remarkable  degree. 

His  books  and  his  horse  constituted  his  only  luxuries.  All  his 
life  he  was  devoted  to  horseback  riding  as  a  means  for  the  preserva- 
tion of  his  health  and  because  of  the  love  that  he  and  every  Ken- 
tuckian  has  for  that  noble  beast. 

In  these  days  when  divorce  and  estrangement  are  so  common, 
when  men  of  distinction  seem  to  become  careless  of  their  mates,  his 
pure,  simple,  domestic  life  stands  out  as  a  remarkable  exemplar  of 
domestic  happiness  and  contentment. 

As  a  judge,  Murray  F.  Tuley  never  had  a  superior  if  he  had 
an  equal,  in  the  judicature  of  Cook  County.  I  can,  looking  back 
over  the  lives  and  records  of  the  many  great  men  who  have  graced 
the  bench  of  this  county,  find  none,  unless  it  be  McAllister,  who 
approached  him  in  brilliancy,  breadth,  and  conception  of  judicial 
duty.  Gifted  by  nature  with  an  intellect  that  was  keen,  incisive 
and  comprehensive,  he  was  also  a  student  of  remarkable  diligence 
and  concentration.  To  this  was  added  a  temperament  of  caution 
and  deliberation.  But  above  and  beyond  all  he  had  an  exalted 
sense  of  justice  and  impartiality.  Strong  intellect,  untiring  indus- 
try, patience,  and  a  sense  of  justice,  all  combined,  made  him  the 
ideal  judge. 

Besides  all  these  qualifications  he  had  in  his  temperament  and 
makeup  that  which  is  always  necessary  to  make  a  good  judge  a 
great  one,  and  that  was  unflinching  moral  courage.  He  dared  to 
do  what  was  right  whether  it  was  popular  or  unpopular.  He  was 
fearless  of  the  clamor  of  the  mob,  whether  that  mob  was  arrayed  in 
purple  and  fine  linen  or  clothed  in  rags  and  armed  with  bludgeons. 
He  often  told  me  that,  when  he  had  a  great  case  under  advisement 
in  which  there  was  intense  public  interest,  he  avoided  reading  the 
newspapers  lest  they  should  unconsciously  influence  his  decision. 
He  has  frequently  said  that  a  newspaper  simply  represents  the 
ideas  and  views  of  one  man  or  coterie  of  men,  and  that  that  man 
or  coterie  of  men  are  frequently  either  prejudiced  or  mistaken. 

It  seemed  always  to  be  his  desire  to  get  at  the  heart  of  things 
and  decide  according  to  the  law  and  the  immortal  truth,  independ- 
ent of  personal  influences.  He  had  a  holy  veneration  for  the  ancient 
writ  of  right,  the  habeas  corpus.  He  believed  that  the  writ  of 
habeas  corpus  and  the  right  of  trial  by  jury  were  the  bulwarks  of 
British  and  American  liberty. 

Among  his  peers  upon  the  bench,  during  the  thirteen  years 
that  it  was  my  delight  to  associate  with  him,  his  preeminent  abili- 
ties as  a  judge  made  him  easily  the  dean  of  the  judiciary.  Year 
after  year  he  was  elected  without  opposition  as  chief  justice  of 


326  DUNNE JUDGE,  MAYOR,  GOVERNOR 

the  Circuit  Court,  because  all  of  his  associates  felt  that  by  reason  of 
his  great  and  commanding  talents  he  was  justly  entitled  to  the 
place. 

He  attended  as  carefully  to  the  routine  and  drudgery,  inci- 
dental to  his  high  position,  as  he  did  to  the  more  honorable  and 
distinguished  features  thereof.  He  used  his  great  talents  of  dis- 
crimination with  as  much  care  in  the  selection  of  a  justice  of  the 
peace  or  a  park  commissioner  as  he  did  in  deciding  the  most  impor- 
tant cases  that  came  before  him.  He  was  a  tireless,  incessant  and 
conscientious  worker  in  everything  that  he  undertook. 

He  was  absolutely  impartial  in  his  treatment  of  the  bar.  The 
leader  of  the  profession  received  at  his  hands  no  different  treatment 
than  the  young  beginner  in  practice.  He  had  an  abhorrence  of 
trickery  and  shystering  tactics,  and  men  guilty  of  unprofessional 
conduct  went  from  the  seat  of  justice  over  which  he  presided 
scorched  with  the  anathema  of  insulted  justice.  He  was  feared  only 
by  men  or  interests  that -sought  unfair  advantages  in  courts  of 
justice.  Changes  of  venue  were  -taken  from  him,  but  only  by  those 
who  apprehended  and  feared  a  just  and  equitable  decision. 

His  decisions  were  as  luminous  as  the  light,  ever  just  and  ever 
impartial.  The  upper  courts  frequently  incorporated  his  decisions 
into  their  own  findings  and  published  them  as  the  views  of  the  upper 
court.  In  the  history  of  the  judiciary  of  Cook  County,  as  hereafter 
written,  no  name  will  appear  in  such  luminous  light  or  will  have 
left  behind  it  so  enduring  a  memory  as  that  of  Murray  F.  Tuley, 
judge  of  the  Circuit  Court. 

As  a  moulder  of  public  thought  and  as  an  architect  of  public 
laws,  no  man  has  achieved  greater  distinction  in  this  community. 
He  was  one  of  the  framers  of  the  Constitution  of  1870,  and,  had 
he  lived,  would  have  been  one  of  the  framers  of  the  charter  of 
1905,  and  during  that  whole  period  of  thirty-five  years  no  great 
movement,  which  had  for  its  aim  and  object  the  amendment  or 
improvement  of  the  laws  and  ordinances  of  this  city  and  State, 
ever  took  place  that  the  name  of  Murray  F.  Tuley  did  not  appear 
prominent  in  the  movement.  .  , 

He  framed  the  city  and  villages  act  which  is  the  charter  of 
the  cities  of  this  State,  and  codified  the  ordinances  of  the  city  of 
Chicago  when  corporation  counsel  of  the  city.  He  was  one  of  the 
framers  of  the  amendment  to  the  Constitution  adopted  in  1903.  No 
important  law  affecting  the  city  of  Chicago  during  that  thirty-five 
years  has  ever  been  formulated  without  Judge  Tuley  being  called 
into  conference  in  relation  to  the  same. 

He  was  the  implacable  foe  of  graft  and  corruption  in  any  and 
every  form  in  public  life.  Always  a  consistent  Democrat  of  the 
type  of  Jefferson  and  Jackson,  he  never  hesitated  to  denounce  a 
Democratic  grafter  or  corruptionist. 


DUNNE — JUDGEj   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  327 

When  the  infamous  Allen  and  Humphrey  bills  were  put 
through  the  Legislature,  Judge  Tuley  was  one  of  the  first  men  in 
the  community  to  appreciate  their  malign  significance  and  to  attack 
them  in  the  press  and  on  the  rostrum.  As  indicative  of  his  vigorous 
character,  I  recall  that  when  these  laws  were  in  course  of  incubation 
he  was  present  at  a  meeting  of  a  club  called  for  the  purpose  of 
denouncing  them.  A  communication  from  one  of  the  traction  com- 
panies was  presented  to  myself  as  presiding  officer  of  the  club,  in 
which — if  I  remember  aright — some  sort  of  a  protest  was  made 
against  the  club  taking  action  without  hearing  from  the  traction 
companies.  Someone  moved  that  the  letter  be  placed  on  file  when 
Judge  Tuley  jumped  up  and  moved  as  a  substitute  that  the  letter 
be  referred  to  the  State's  attorney  for  further  action.  It  simply 
was  an  indication  of  the  hot  resentment  he  felt  at  temporizing  with 
the  traction  companies  while  legislation  of  such  a  character  was  in 
contemplation. 

Within  recent  years  the  Judge,  who  was  always  a  great  student 
and  who  was  at  all  time  solicitous  of  the  public  welfare,  became  a 
convert  to  the  doctrine  of  the  public  ownership  of  public  utilities. 
He  became  satisfied  that  this  was  the  only  sure  way  of  avoiding  the 
scandals  and  disgrace  that  had  been  perpetrated  in  the  Legislature 
and  the  city  council,'  arising  out  of  the  renewal  of  franchises  giving 
private  companies  the  right  to  operate  these  utilities.  He  also 
became  satisfied  at  the  same  time  that  the  people  were  as  competent 
and  as  well  able  to  operate  these  utilities,  through  competent  agents, 
as  were  private  companies.  Having  reached  this  conclusion  he  took 
a  very  determined  stand,  as  we  all  know,  in  opposition  to  the  exten- 
sion of  franchises  to  private  companies,  and  perhaps  no  man  in 
public  life  exerted  such  a  powerful  influence  in  this  community  in 
preventing  such  measures,  both  in  the  Legislature  and  in  the  city 
council. 

At  all  thnes,  the  avowed  and  open  enemy  of  special  privilege 
and  discrimination  in  favor  of  one  class  as  against  another  class, 
he  stood  like  a  lion  in  the  path  of  those  who  were  attempting  to 
secure  these  priceless  advantages.  It  was  a  singular  tribute  to  his 
strength  of  character  and  the  honesty  of  his  purposes  -  that  the 
people  of  Chicago,  in  defiance  of  rings,  cliques  and  political  organi- 
zations, responded  to  his  single  call  and  carried  the  election  last 
spring  upon  a  platform  which  he  assisted  in  building  and  which 
pledged  the  people  of  this  community  and  the  mayor  of  the  city 
to  a  program  which  absolutely  prohibited  the  granting  of  any 
further  extensions  of  franchises  to  the  present  street  car  companies 
of  this  city.  In  response  to  his  clarion  call,  as  to  the  outcry  of 
Paul  Eevere  in  former  days,  the  people  turned  out  and  drove  back 
into  their  entrenchments  the  bushwackers  of  the  traction  companies, 
as  did  the  minute  men  drive  back  the  redcoats  on  the  eve  of  the 


328  DUNNE JUDGE,  MAYOR,  GOVERNOR 

Revolution.  A  more  significant  tribute  to  the  strength,  courage, 
honesty  and  the  wisdom  of  one  man  has  never  before  been  exhibited 
in  the  civic  history  of  this  great  city. 

To  the  very  last  his  powerful  intellect  and  great  conscience 
were  devoted  to  the  success  of  what  he  called  the  people's  move- 
ment, and  but  a  few  days  before  his  death  he  spoke  his  last  words 
of  encouragement  and  support  for  the  cause  of  municipal  owner- 
ship. 

In  his  death  I  have  lost  a  true  friend  and  my  wisest  and 
most  trusted  advisor.  The  city  of  Chicago  has  lost  one  of  its 
best  friends  and  the  people  of  this  city  have  lost  the  most  power- 
ful advocate  and  champion  of  their  rights. 

While  he  himself  has  passed  away  to  his  eternal  reward,  the 
influence  of  his  life  will  remain  behind  him.  He  is  one  of  the 
deathless  dead  whose  example,  whose  inspiration,  whose  counsel, 
whose  advice  and  whose  record  of  action  will  remain  behind  to 
influence,  in  the  years  to  come,  the  policies  of  the  public  men  of 
this  community  and  to  shape  their  acts  for  the  public  good. 

His  name  and  his  memory  will  live  in  the  history  of  Chicago 
and  in  the  hearts  of  Chicago's  citizens  when  the  names  of  its 
greatest  financiers,  its  greatest  merchant  princes  and  its  greatest 
captains  of  industry  will  be  lost  in  oblivion. 

His  love  of  the  people  and  his  solicitude  for  their  welfare 
endured  even  to  the  end.  Of  no  man  who  ever  appeared  in 
public  life  could  it  be  more  truly  said,  as  was  said  by  Whittier: 

"Strong  to  the  end,  a  man  of  men,  from  out  of  the  strife  he  passed; 
The  greatest  hour  of  all  his  life  was  that  of  earth  the  last." 


DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  329 


VETOES  TWO  STREET  RAILWAY 
ORDINANCES. 

MESSAGE  TO  THE  CHICAGO  CITY  COUNCIL,  FEBRUARY  11,  1907. 

To  the  Honorable,  the  City  Council: 

GENTLEMEN  :  I  return  herewith,  without  my  approval,  an  or- 
dinance passed  at  the  last  regular  meeting  of  your  honorable 
body,  and  published  at  pages  2944  to  2990,  inclusive,  of  the  cur- 
rent printed  council  proceedings,  entitled  "An  Ordinance  Author- 
izing the  Chicago  City  Railway  Company  to  Construct,  maintain 
and  operate  a  System  of  Street.  Railways  in  Streets  and  Public 
Ways  of  the  City  of  Chicago." 

A  also  return  herewith,  without  my  approval,  an  ordinance 
passed  at  the  last  regular  meeting  of  your  honorable  body,  and 
published  at  pages  2990  to  3054,  inclusive,  of  the  current  printed 
council  proceedings,  entitled  "An  Ordinance  Authorizing  the  Chi- 
cago Railways  Company  to  Construct,  Maintain  and  Operate  a 
System  of  Street  Railways  in  Streets  and  Public  Ways  of  the  City 
of  Chicago." 

My  reason  for  withholding  my  approval  of  the  above  men- 
tioned ordinances  are  as  hereafter  stated. 

In  my  letter,  addressed  to-  Alderman  Werno,  chairman  of 
the  committee  on  local  transportation,  dated  April  27,  1906,  I 
stated  that,  in  dealing  with  the  traction  question,  ' '  The  controlling 
consideration  must  be  that  nothing  shall  be  done  which  will 
impair  the  right  of  the  city  to  acquire  the  street  railway  sys- 
tems, as  soon  as  it  has  established  its  financial  ability  to  do  so." 
This  being  the  controlling  consideration  in  framing  these  or- 
dinances, the  right  of  the  city  to  acquire  the  street  railway  prop- 
erties should  be  fully  protected  in  the  same.  This,  in  my  judg- 
ment, has  not  been  done. 

While  purporting,  upon  their  face,  to  give  the  city  the  right 
to  acquire  the  traction  systems  of  the  companies  at  any  time 
upon  six  months'  notice,  the  ordinances  fail  to  provide  practical 
methods  for  the  acquisition  of  the  systems.  The  properties  can 
only  be  purchased  by  the  payment  of  money.  The  city  can 
only  secure  money  by  the  issuance  of  Mueller  certificates.  At 
the  present  time,  the  authority  of  the  city  to  issue  certificates  is 
limited  to  $75,000,000.  After  the  payment  of  the  usual  broker- 


330  DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,  GOVERNOR 

age  fees  these  certificates  will  not  net  to  exceed  $72,000,000  in 
cash.  The  price  of  the  present  properties — tangible  and  in- 
tangible— as  fixed  in  the  ordinances  aggregates  $50,000,000.  The 
cost  of  rehabilitation,  it  is  admitted,  will  be  from  $40,000,000  to 
$50,000,000  and  may  run  up  to  an  unlimited  amount,  making  the 
total  cost  to  the  city  at  least  $90,000,000  to  $100,000,000. 

One  of  the  ordinances,  to-wit,  that  running  to  the  Chicago 
City  Railway  Company,  requires  the  payment  of  all  cash.  The 
other  requires  the  payment  of  all  cash,  except  the  cost  of  re- 
habilitation which,  under  the  terms  of  that  ordinance,  may  be- 
come a  lien  subject  to  which  the  city  may  acquire. 

It  has  been  roughly  estimated  and  stated  before  the  com- 
mittee on  local  transportation  that  the  cost  of  rehabilitation  of 
both  companies  will  be  divided  in  the  ratio  of  two-fifths  in  the 
case  of  the  Chicago  City  Railway  Company  and  three-fifths  in 
the  case  of  the  Chicago  Railways  Company.  If  both  the  com- 
panies accept  the  ordinances,  and  complete  rehabilitation,  it  might 
be  possible  for  the  city  to  acquire  both  plants  at  any  time,  under 
the  terms  of  the  ordinances  with  $75,000,000  worth  of  Mueller 
certificates.  But  it  was  admitted,  during  the  negotiations,  that 
a  consolidation  of  both  companies  is  highly  probable  in  the  imme- 
diate future.  Indeed,  Mr.  "Wilson,  representing  the  Chicago  City 
Railway  Company,  in  an  address  before  the  committee  on  local 
transportation,  flatly  stated,  as  an  objection  to  his  company 
agreeing  to  sell  its  plant  to  the  city  subject  to  the  lien  of  the  cost 
of  rehabilitation,  that  he  expected  that  that  company  would  be 
called  upon  to  expend  $75,000,000  in- the  acquisition  of  the  north 
and  west  side  plants  and  in  the  rehabilitation  of  the  three  sys- 
tems, and  that  he  would  not,  therefore,  consent  to  have  incor- 
porated in  the  ordinance  to  the  Chicago  City  Railway  Company 
a  provision  permitting  the  city  to  take  over  the  plant,  subject 
to  the  lien  of  the  cost  of  rehabilitation. 

If  the  ordinance  becomes  effective  and  consolidation  takes 
place,  as  is  Highly  probable,  in  view  of  Mr.  "Wilson's  statement 
and  in  view  of  the  fact  that  the  same  financial  interests  dominate 
and  control  both  companies,  that  consolidation  will  operate  under 
the  more  favorable  to  the  companies  of  the  two  ordinances  and 
the  more  favorable  of  the  two  ordinances  is  that  which  runs  to 
the  Chicago  City  Railway  Company.  This  ordinance  must  and, 
if  it  becomes  effective,  will  be  accepted  within  ninety  days.  The 
other  ordinance  need  not  be  accepted  until  one  hundred  and  sixty- 
five  days  after  its  passage  and,  in  my  judgment,  it  is  highly 
probable  that  it  will  never  be  accepted.  I  confidently  predict 
from  what  has  come  to  my  knowledge  during  these  negotiations 
that  a  consolidation  will  take  place  within  the  early  future  and 


DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  331 

that  when  that  consolidation  does  take  place  it  will  be  under  the 
ordinance  of  the  Chicago  City  Railway  Company  which  provides 
that  the  city  may  not  acquire  the  plant  unless  upon  the  payment 
of  cash  to  the  amount  of  the  total  cost  of  all  the  properties  and 
the  rehabilitation  of  the  same.  The  city  being  in  the  position  of 
having  only  $72,000,000  worth  of  cash  on  hand,  as  at  present 
authorized  by  the  Mueller  certificate  ordinance,  it  will  never 
be  in  a  position  to  acquire  these  plants  until  the  city  council 
shall  see  fit  to  pass  supplemental  ordinances  authorizing  Mueller 
certificates  to  the  aggregate  of  at  least  $100,000,000. 

It  may  be  said  that  the  city  council  can  pass  such  ordinances 
in  the  future,  but  from  all  our  experience  within  the  last  two 
years  we  must  know  what  almost  insuperable  obstacles  will  be 
offered  to  the  passage  of  such  supplemental  ordinances.  Although 
the  citizens  of  Chicago  declared  for  immediate  municipal  owner- 
ship of  the  traction  systems  of  this  city  in  the  election  of  April, 
1905,  by  a  vote  of  141,518  to  55,660,  and  although  I  was  elected 
mayor  by  a  majority  of  nearly  25,000  on  that  sole  issue,  we  all 
know  how  difficult  it  was,  notwithstanding  that  tremendous  pop- 
ular vote,  to  obtain  any  ordinance  authorizing  the  issuance  of 
Mueller  certificates  and  that  when  the  ordinance  was  finally 
passed,  it  was  the  result  of  a  sudden  and  most  remarkable  change 
in  aldermanic  sentiment  as  expressed  in  previous  votes. 

Unless  a  provision  is  now  incorporated  in  these  ordinances, 
limiting  the  cost  of  rehabilitation  at  any  time  to  the  amount  of 
Mueller  certificates  authorized  to  be  issued,  in  my  judgment,  it  will 
be  most  difficult,  if  not  impossible,  judging  of  the  future  by  the 
past,  to  obtain  the  passage  of  such  ordinances,  no  matter  what  may 
be  the  popular  sentiment  upon  the  question. 

Already  the  influences,  inimicable  to  municipal  ownership,  are 
making  themselves  manifest  in  the  State  Legislature,  where  a  bill 
is  now  pending  to  limit  the  issuance  of  bonds  for  the  acquisition  of 
public  utilities.  If  a  provision  were  inserted  in  these  ordinances, 
as  in  my  judgment  it  should  be,  limiting  the  amount  to  be  ex- 
pended by  the  companies  on  rehabilitation  to  an  amount  within  the 
limit  of  the  Mueller  certificates,  now  authorized  or  which  shall  here- 
after be  issued,  it  would  be  to  the  interest  of  both  the  traction 
companies  and  the  people  to  have  such  ordinances  passed,  and  as 
both  the  traction  companies  and  the  people  would  be  interested  in 
the  passage  of  such  ordinances,  we  could  confidently  count  upon 
the  enactment  of  ordinances  authorizing  such  certificates.  Nor 
would  this  delay  the  progress  of  rehabilitation.  Such  an  ordinance 
could  be  passed  with  the  cooperation  of  the  traction  companies  and 
submitted  to  the  people  within  one  year  and  during  that  year  the 
companies  could  hardly  expend  $22,000,000  in  rehabilitation. 


332  DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,  GOVERNOR 

If  these  ordinances  become  effective  in  their  present  form  with- 
out any  such  provision,  it  will  be  plainly  and  clearly  to  the  interest 
of  the  traction  companies,  in  order  to  prolong  the  life  of  their  tenure 
in  the  public  streets,  to  oppose  at  all  times  the  passage  of  such 
ordinances.  That  they  would  exert  their  influences  in  that  direc- 
tion will  not  be  denied.  I,  therefore,  unhesitatingly  state  that,  in 
the  present  condition  of  these  ordinances  and  with  the  strong  proba- 
bility that  consolidation  of  these  companies  will  take  place  under 
the  ordinance  of  the  Chicago  City  Railway  Company,  it  will  be 
impossible  for  the  city  to  purchase  from  $90,000,000  to  $100,000,000 
worth  of  property  with  cash  while  our  resources  under  the  present 
ordinance  are  limited  to  but  $72,000,000  in  cash. 

Nor  can  we  hope  with  any  confidence,  under  the  terms  of  these 
ordinances,  that  a  fund  will  certainly  be  acquired  out  of  the  fifty- 
five  per  cent  net  receipts  which  becomes  the  property  of  the  city. 
The  traction  companies  have  been  very  loud  in  their  protestation 
that  the  city's  portion  of  the  net  receipts  will  aggregate  $1,350,000 
during  the  first  year,  of  the  ordinances  and  that  these  profits  will 
increase  year  by  year.  But  when  they  were  asked  in  committee  to 
guarantee  that  such  returns  would  come  to  the  city  by  amending 
their  ordinances  so  as  to  guarantee  at  least  eight  per  cent  of  the 
gross  receipts,  they  utterly  refused  to  do  so.  We  must,  therefore, 
view  with  serious  misgivings  their  assertions  that  the  net  receipts 
coming  to  the  city  will  be  any  substantial  part  of  the  gross  receipts. 

Before  the  committee  on  local  transportation  an  effort  was 
made  by  the  city's  representatives  to  obtain  a  guarantee  of  at  least 
eight  per  cent  of  the  gross  receipts,  but  the  companies  refused  this 
most  reasonable  proposition.  Notwithstanding  that  refusal,  you 
have  passed  these  ordinances  without  any  provision  of  any  charac- 
ter for  gross  receipts. 

Not  only  do  the  ordinances  fail  to  guarantee  to  the  city  an 
income  of  any  character,  but,  if  the  ordinances  become  effective, 
approximately  $125,000  per  year,  which  is  now  paid  to  the  city 
under  existing  ordinances,  will  be  wiped  out. 

While  under  the  terms  of  these  ordinances  the  city  would  be 
compelled  to  pay  from  $90,000,000  to  $100,000,000  in  cash  with 
less  than  $72,000,000  available,  and  while  there  is  no  provision  for 
a  guarantee  of  a  sinking  fund,  the  city  is  further  embarrassed  by  a 
provision  in  the  same  which  permits  these  companies  to  charge  ten 
per  cent  contractor's  profit  upon  the  cost  of  rehabilitation  and  at 
the  same  time  ordinances  permit  them  to  make  subcontracts.  Sub- 
contractors will  not  work  without  a  contractor's  profit  and  pre- 
sumably the  subcontractor  will  obtain  his  ten  per  cent  profit,  and 
yet  after  the  payment  of  the  subcontractor  with  his  profit,  the  com- 
pany is  empowered  under  the  ordinances  to  charge  ten  per  cent 


DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,  GOVERNOR  333 

additional,  both  on  the  cost  of  subcontracts  and  the  profit  obtained, 
therefrom.  There  is  nothing  in  the  ordinances  to  prevent  the  gen- 
tlemen in  control  of  these  properties  from  organizing  construction 
companies  and  having  these  construction  companies  obtain  a  con- 
tract, with  the  approval  of  the  board  of  supervising  engineers,  for 
the  building  of  power  houses,  railway  barns  and  other  costly 
structures  in  which  event  the  construction  company  will  be  paid 
its  usual  profit  and  the  company,  in  addition  to  this  profit,  will  be 
permitted  to  charge  the  people  in  case  of  purchase  an  additional  ten 
p«r  cent  for  letting  of  these  contracts. 

Under  the  terms  of  the  ordinances  no  licensee  company,  to 
which  the  city  may  give  a  license,  may  acquire  the  plants  of  the 
present  companies,  unless  upon  the  payment  of  a  twenty  per  cent 
bonus  over  and  above  the  price  the  city  would  have  to  pay,  if  it 
acquired  the  properties  for  municipal  ownership  and  operation. 
The  reason  advanced  by  the  traction  companies  for  insisting  upon 
this  premium  was  that  they  should  be  protected  against  the  sand- 
bagging operations  of  rival  capitalists.  That  some  protection,  if 
not  to  this  amount,  should  be  given  against  the  machinations  of 
other  capitalists  might  well  be  conceded  but  an  effort  was  made 
before  the  committee  on  local  transportation  to  have  the  present 
companies  consent  to  the  incorporation  in  the  ordinances  of  a  pro- 
vision that,  if  a  licensee  company  should  offer  to  the  city  to  accept 
an  ordinance  of  similar  character  and  give  the  citizens  of  Chicago 
a  four-cent  fare,  that,  in  such  case,  the  companies  should  take  the 
money  invested  in  the  plant  and  turn  over  the  properties  to  the 
company  that  would  give  the  citizens  of  Chicago  a  four-cent  fare. 
This  provision  the  companies  absolutely  refused  to  accept.  In  my 
judgment  a  rival  company  that  offered  such  terms  to  the  citizens 
of  Chicago  could  in  no  aspect  of  the  case  be  considered  in  the  light 
of  a  sandbagging  corporation  and  I  believe  that,  in  the  interest  of 
the  people  of  this  community,  such  a  provision  should  be  incorpo- 
rated in  these  ordinances,  particularly  in  view  of  the  fact  that  three- 
cent  fares  now  prevail  in  Cleveland  and  Detroit,  and  will  soon 
obtain  in  many  other  American  cities,  and  that  a  four-cent  fare 
with  universal  transfers  now  obtains  in  Indianapolis. 

Even  at  the  expiration  of  twenty  years,  under  the  ordinances 
as  at  present  framed,  the  city  or  any  licensee  company  could  not 
take  possession  of  the  property  until  it  has  paid  the  present,  com- 
panies the  value  of  their  present  properties  and  the  total  cost  of 
the  rehabilitation ;  although  at  that  time  and  for  many  years  prior 
thereto  the  $9,000,000  worth  of  unexpired  franchises  now  existing 
and  the  $4,358,743  worth  of  cable  property,  which  is  now  part  of 
the  contract  purchase  price  of  $50,000,000,  will  have  wholly  dis- 
appeared. 


334  DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

There  are  other  objections  to  the  ordinances  of  quite  serious- 
character.  In  the  precipitous  haste  with  which  the  ordinances 
were  passed  in  an  all-night  session,  immediately  after  the  adjourn- 
ment of  the  committee  on  local  transportation  at  seven  o'clock  p. 
m.,  some  twenty-eight  amendments  which  had  not,  before  the  meet- 
ing of  the  council,  been  printed,  were  incorporated  in  the  ordi- 
nances and  some  thirty-eight  amendments  were  voted  down.  Many 
of  the  amendments  offered,  accepted  and  rejected,  were  long  and 
•complicated,  one  of  those  accepted  containing  over  three  thousand 
words,  and  could  not  in  the  nature  of  things  have  been  understood, 
•even  if  heard,  by  the  members  of  the  city  council  during  the  ex- 
citing session. 

It  is  not  to  be  wondered  at,  therefore,  that  such  laudable 
amendments  as  those  which  provided  for  the  arbitration  of  dis- 
putes between  the  companies  and  their  employes,  a  provision 
limiting  the  cost  of  rehabilitation  to  the  amount  of  Mueller  cer- 
tificates authorized,  amending  the  clause  permitting  subcon- 
tractors' profits,  requiring  a  guarantee  of  eight  per  cent  of  the 
gross  receipts  and  protecting  the  public  in  the  right  to  secure  a 
four-cent  fare  or  a  three-cent  fare,  should  have  been  voted  down; 
and  that  no  provision  now  appears  in  the  ordinances  regulating 
the  maximum  hours  or  the  minimum  wage  to  be  paid  to  em- 
ployes; nor  that  the  agreement  between  John  A.  Spoor,  Thomas 
E.  Mitten,  the  city  of  Chicago  and  the  First  Trust  and  Savings 
Bank,  which  purports  to  remove  the  obstruction  created  by  the 
existence  of  the  present  general  electric  ordinance,  is  not  signed 
by  any  of  the  parties. 

The  ordinances  have  not  only  failed  to  thoroughly  secure 
the  demands  of  the  people  for  early  municipalization  of  the  trac- 
tion systems  but  the  method  of  their  passage  lacked  the  delibera- 
tion and  careful  consideration  which  measures  of  such  importance 
to  the  public  require. 

Under  the  provision  relating  to  power  houses  and  buildings, 
the  companies  are  permitted  to  secure  power  from  any  source 
other  than  the  companies'  own  power  plants,  with  the  approval 
of  the  beard  of  supervising  engineers.  This  provision  would 
permit  the  companies,  subject  only  to  the  approval  of  the  board 
of  supervising  engineers,  to  make  contracts  for  any  length  of 
time  and  for  any  price  with  the  Edison  or  Commonwealth  Com- 
panies, and  if  the  city  took  over  the  systems,  it  might  be  com- 
pelled to  assume  the  burden  of  such  a  contract,  no  matter  how 
remunerative  it  might  be  to  the  power  company  or  however 
onerous  it  might  be  upon  the  city,  or  however  desirable  it  may 
be  for  the  city  to  furnish  its  own  power. 


DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  335 

Because  of  the  foregoing  serious  objections,  some  of  which, 
in  my  judgment,  will  make  it  impossible  for  the  city,  as  at  present 
circumstanced,  to  acquire  the  funds  necessary  to  purchase  these 
properties,  I  am  deliberately  of  the  opinion,  after  receiving  light 
from  all  available  sources,  that  these  ordinances,  while  ostensi- 
bly permitting  the  city  to  acquire  the  plants  at  any  time  upon  six 
months'  notice,  really  and  in  fact  place  the  city  in  such  a  position 
as  to  make  it  impossible  to  carry  out  the  purchase  under  the 
terms  of  the  ordinances. 

As,  in  my  judgment,  it  will  be  impossible  for  the  city  under 
the  terms  of  these  ordinances,  from  its  present  existing  resources,, 
procured  by  the  sale  of  Mueller  certificates,  to  acquire  the  prop- 
erties at  any  time  for  municipal  ownership,  these  ordinances  are- 
not  municipal  ownership  measures,  but  ordinances  masking  under 
the  guise  of  municipal  ownership,  while  really  and  in  fact  giving: 
the  present  companies  a  franchise  for  twenty  years,  if  not  longer.. 
This  is  in  violation  of  my  letter  to  Alderman  Werno,  referred  to 
above,  to  which  it  is  claimed  these  ordinances  conform,  and  which 
letter  distinctly  stated  that  these  companies  should  be  given  the 
right  to  operate  "under  revocable  licenses,"  and  further  stated 
that  "it  is  absolutely  essential  that  nothing  shall . be  done  to ' 
enlarge  these  present  rights  of  the  existing  companies  or  to  de- 
prive the  city  of  its  option  of  purchase  at  any  time." 

The  people  have  demanded  that  any  ordinances  which  may 
be  passed  dealing  with  this  traction  question  must  preserve  the 
right  of  the  people  to  municipalize  at  the  earliest  possible  moment 
and  they  have  a  right  to  have  their  repeated  demands  carried 
out  in  spirit  and  in  letter  and  no  ordinances  which  in  fact  prevent 
the  city  from  acquiring  these  properties  for  many  years  to  come 
should  be  passed  contrary  to  their  instructions. 

Respectfully, 

E.  F.  DUNNE,  Mayor. 


336  DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 


THE  TRUTH  ABOUT  THE  ISSUES  OF 

THE  MUNICIPAL  CAMPAIGN 

OF  1907. 

ADDRESS  AT  THE  JEFFERSON  CLUB  BANQUET,  MARCH  9,  1907. 

Mr.  Chairman  and  Gentlemen: 

The  Democratic  party  of  the  city  of  Chicago  has  nominated 
its  municipal  ticket  and  adopted  a  platform  in  accordance  with 
the  overAvhelming  sentiment  of  the  rank  and  file  of  the  Demo- 
cratic party.  The  Jefferson  Club,  ever  true  to  the  principles  of 
progressive  democracy,  as  enunciated  in  the  recent  platform  of 
our  party,  is  among  the  first  of  the  Democratic  organizations  to 
ratify  that  platform  and  to  offer  its  assistance  for  the  success 
of  the  ticket.  I  thank  you  in  behalf  of  myself  and  my  col- 
leagues upon  the  ticket  for  your  prompt  and  loyal  support. 

I  thank  my  fellow  citizens  throughout  the  city  for  my  re- 
nomination  to  the  office  that  I  now  hold  because  I  regard  it,  as  1 
have  a  right  to  regard  it,  as  an  endorsement  of  the  course  of  the 
Democratic  administration  during  the  past  twenty-three  months. 

The  Democratic  party,  in  my  judgment,  has  reason  to  be 
proud  of  the  record  and  achievements  of  the  city  administration 
during  that  period.  A  brief  review  of  what  has  been  done  must 
satisfy  every  fair-minded  citizen  that  the  administration  has 
been  conducted  in  the  interest  of  the  people  of  this  community. 

When  I  was  elected  mayor  in  April,  1905,  the  citizens  of 
Chicago  Were  paying  one  dollar  per  thousand  cubic  feet  for  gas, 
a  price  which  the  experience  of  modern  cities  shows  to  have  been 
extortionate.  Shortly  after  my  inauguration,  in  company  with 
a  committee  of  citizens  appointed  by  me,  I  went  to  Springfield 
and  urged  upon  the  Legislature  the  passage  of  a  law  enabling 
cities  to  regulate  the  price  to  be  charged  for  gas  and  electric 
light. 

The  General  Assembly,  in  response  to  the  demand  of  this 
committee,  passed  such  a  law  and  the  same  was  ratified  by  the 
people  upon  referendum  vote.  Immediately  after  the  adoption 
of  this  act,  the  mayor  of  Chicago  presented  a  message  to  the  city 
council,  asking  that  the  price  of  gas  be  reduced  to  75  cents  per 
thousand  cubic  feet.  After  investigation  the  council  in  its  wis- 


DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  .   337 

dom,  passed  an  ordinance  fixing  the  rate  at  85  cents.  I  vetoed 
that  ordinance,  believing  the  price  was  unnecessarily  high.  I 
believed  then,  and  I  still  believe,  that  75  cents  would  have  been  a 
just  and  reasonable  rate.  However,  the  people  of  Chicago  now 
obtain  gas  at  a  rate  fifteen  cents  lower  per  thousand  cubic  feet 
than  was  theretofore  paid. 

Upon  entering  office  I  found  in  the  municipal  code  an  ordi- 
nance permitting  the  sale  of  water  to  one  consumer  by  meter  at 
4  cents  per  thousand  gallons,  to  another  at  6  cents  and  to  others 
at  10  cents.  This  ordinance  had  been  in  the  code  for  a  number 
of  years  and  was  so  grossly  inequitable  and  unfair  that  your 
mayor  demanded  its  repeal  and  the  passage  of  an  ordinance  which 
would  be  fair  to  all  persons  and  corporations  alike.  I  could  see 
no  sound  reason  why  a  few  powerful  corporations  should  be 
favored  by  this  city  and  furnished  with  water  cheaper  than  the 
rest  of  our  citizens,  and  I  sent  a  message  to  the  council,  calling 
its  attention  to  the  iniquities  of  this  ordinance. 

As  the  result  of  my  first  message,  I  was  unable  to  secure  any 
action  in  the  city  council.  After  waiting  several  months,  I  again 
sent  a  message  to  the  council  which  met  a  like  fate.  Finally,  in 
September,  1906,  I  reached  the  determination  that  this  inequit- 
able ordinance  must  go  and  I  again  addressed  a  third  message 
to  the  council,  pointing  out  the  unfairness  and  injustice  of 
this  ordinance'.  Finally,  as  a  result  of  this  third  message,  the 
city  council,  within  the  last  ninety  days,  passed  an  ordinance 
establishing  a  flat  rate  of  7  cents  to  all  consumers  alike. 

Under  the  present  ordinance,  some  thirty-six  large  corpora- 
tions in  this  city,  which  have  formerly  been  buying  water  at  4 
cents  per  thousand  gallons,  are  now  paying  7  cents,  while  many 
thousand  small  consumers  which  had  heretofore  been  paying  10 
cents  are  now  paying  the  same  rate  of  7  cents.  Nor  is  there  any 
loss  of  income  to  the  city  but,  on  the  other  hand,  a  slight  increase, 
owing  to  the  fact  that  these  large  consumers  use  as  much  water 
as  all  the  small  ones  combined.  This  reduction  in  the  price  of 
water  and  the  establishment  of  a  flat  rate  to  all  citizens  alike  must 
be  credited  to  the  Democratic  administration. 

During  the  present  administration,  I  am  also  pleased  to  state 
that,  through  the  vigorous  action  of  the  law  department,  we 
obtained  from  the  Illinois  Supreme  Court  a  decision  reducing  the 
price  of  telephones  for  unlimited  service  from  $175  to  $125  per 
annum,  which  is  in  itself  a  great  boon  to  the  citizens  of  this 
community. 

During  the  present  administration,  moreover,  the  Chicago 
Telephone  Company,  which  has  a  monopoly  upon  the  telephone 
business  in  this  city,  has  been  haled  in  before  the  committee 


338  DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,  GOVERNOR 

on  gas,  oil  and  electric  light  and  has  been  flatly  informed  that, 
as  its  present  franchises  are  about  to  expire,  it  must,  if  it  seeks 
an  extension  of  these  franchises,  be  prepared  to  consider  further 
reduction  of  rates  for  this  public  utility,  and  I  am  pleased  to  say 
that  rival  corporations  are  now  competing  before  that  committee 
tor  the  privilege  of  furnishing  telephone  service  to  the  citizens 
of  Chicago  at  a  rate  as  low  as  $80  per  annum  for  unlimited 
service. 

During  this  administration,  the  prices  charged  for  electric 
light  have  been  reduced,  according  to  information  given  me  by 
city  electrician  Carroll,  over  twenty-five  per  cent.  The  city 
council  a  few  months  ago  passed  a  contract  ordinance  granting 
valuable  consolidation  privileges  to  the  Edison  and  Common- 
wealth Companies.  The  terms  of  this  ordinance,  in  my  judg- 
ment, were  prejudicial  to  the  interests  of  the  people  of  this  city, 
and  it  was  my  veto  alone  that  delivered  the  citizens  of  this  com- 
munity from  an  impending  electric-lighting  monopoly. 

Reduction  in  the  price  of  gas,  water,  telephone  service  and 
electric  light  must  all  be  placed  to  the  credit  of  the  present  Demo- 
cratic administration. 

Nor  is  this  the  sum  total  of  what  has  been  achieved  during  the 
last  twenty-three  months.  The  city  of  Chicago  has  added  materially 
to  its  police  and  fire  departments  and  the  city  is  receiving  better 
police  and  fire  protection  today  than  it  ever  did  before.  The  effi- 
ciency of  the  police  department  is  attested  by  the  statement  of  the 
Anti-Crime  league,  made  within  the  last  few  days,  in  which  that 
responsible  organization,  composed  of  such  men  as  Bishop  Fallows, 
Bishop  Muldoon,  Rev.  John  Thompson,  Carl  L.  Barnes,  Quin 
O'Brien,  Nathaniel  C.  Sears,  Charles  D.  Richards,  E.  J.  Davis, 
I.  P.  Rumsey,  J.  H.  Fitch,  A.  J.  Petit,  Eugene  0.  Reed,  F.  P. 
Sadler,  G.  C.  Longman,  and  Frank  J.  Shead,  publicly  states  that 
Chicago  is  today  "freer  from  vice,  crime  and  lawlessness  than  it 
has  ever  been  in  its  history,"  and  further  stating  that  "the  infu- 
sion of  this  new  blood  (in  the  police  department)  has  given  tone 
and  efficiency  to  the  entire  department,  as  is  shown  in  the  minimi- 
zation of  crime  from  which  we  have  practically  been  free  this  win- 
ter, in  the  marked  improvement  of  traffic  on  our  streets  and  the 
general  betterment  of  all  conditions  to  which  a  police  department 
contributes. ' ' 

I  also  found  upon  entering  office  that  there  existed  in  the  heart 
of  the  city,  within  the  loop  and  immediately  adjoining  the  same, 
several  nests  of  disreputable  houses;  on  La  Salle  Street,  near  the 
courthouse,  and  on  Custom  House  Place  and  on  State  Street,  which 
were  an  eyesore  to  the  public  and  a  menace  to  public  morals.  These, 
through  the  efficiency  of  the  police  department,  have  been  abso- 


DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  339 

lutely  exterminated.     Street  walking  in  this  city  has  been  sup- 
pressed and  public  gambling  has  been  stamped  out. 

The  present  city  administration  also  entered  upon  a  vigorous 
crusade  against  the  sale  of  decayed  and  diseased  meats  and  other 
unwholesome  foods ;  the  result  of  which  crusade  has  been  the  stamp- 
ing out  of  such  sales,  for  which  too  much  credit  cannot  be  given  to 
the  present  commissioner  of  health  and  his  staff. 

Upon  entering  office,  I  found  that  a  large  number  of  unscru- 
pulous merchants  were  using  short  weights  and  false  measures  in 
the  sale  of  commodities.  The  vigorous  and  persistent  efforts  of  the 
present  city  sealer,  Mr.  Joseph  Grein,  have  practically  eliminated 
these  dishonest  practices  in  this  city. 

During  the  whole  of  the  administration,  we  have  been  vigor- 
ously asserting  the  right  of  the  community  to  compensation  for  the 
use  of  public  property,  both  under  and  over  the  sidewalks  of  the 
city,  and  we  have  collected  a  large  amount  of  rental  from  that1 
source. 

The  administration,  moreover,  through  the  sturdy  and  vigorous 
enforcement  of  the  building  laws  by  Commissioner  Bartzen,  has  put 
a  stop  to  violations  of  these  ordinances,  both  by  the  merchant  prince 
on  State  Street  and  Wabash  Avenue,  as  well  as  by  the  humblest 
citizen  in  the  outskirts.  In  enforcing  these  ordinances  the  depart- 
ment has  shown  neither  fear  nor  favor. 

A  like  vigor  has  characterized  the  administration  of  the  law 
department  of  the  city.  That  department  has  laid  away  forever 
the  99-year  ghost  which  intimidated  for  so  many  years  the  citizens 
of  this  community.  The  same  department  has  won  almost  every 
important  case  that  it  has  carried  to  the  Supreme  Courts  and  has 
succeeded  in  collecting,  as  shown  by  the  report  of  Corporation 
Counsel  Lewis  to  the  city  council,  over  $2,000,000  from  corporations 
and  estates  hitherto  evading  just  taxation  which  had  been  eluding 
the  sleepy  eyes  of  the  board  of  assessors  and  the  board  of  review. 

An  honest  and  public-spirited  board  of  education  has  suc- 
ceeded in  unearthing  and  exposing  to  the  public  gaze  the  scandalous 
and  dishonest  leases  of  school  property,  given  by  former  boards  to 
favored  corporations,  and  this  board  is  now  engaged  in  the  effort 
to  set  aside  those  scandalous  and  dishonest  leases  in  the  interest  of 
the  school  children  of  this  community. 

The  administration  of  the  commissioner  of  public  works  has 
been  honest,  vigorous  and  efficient.  All  contracts  have  been  let  to 
the  lowest  bidders  and  no  favor  of  any  sort  has  been  shown  to  one 
contractor  over  another.  Two  large  pumping  engines  have  been 
installed  and  started  during  the  present  administration  and  more 
water  has  been  pumped  at  a  cheaper  price  than  ever  before  in  the 
history  of  the  city. 


3401  DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,  GOVERNOR 

During  the  past  two  years  the  department  of  electricity  has 
placed  more  electric  lights  on  the  streets  than  were  placed  during 
the  first  eleven  years'  life  of  the  municipal  lighting  plant  and  more 
than  four  times  as  many  as  were  placed  during  the  combined  six 
years'  administration  of  Mayors  Roche,  Washburne  and  Swift. 
During  these  two  years  the  department  has  added  to  the  street 
lighting  a  total  number  of  lamps  which,  expressed  in  candlepower, 
exceeds  the  entire  street  lighting  in  all  Chicago  in  the  year  1896. 
The  lights  have  been  operated  at  a  reduced  cost  and  the  wages 
of  the  operating  force  have  been  increased.  The  average  cost  per 
arc  lamp  during  1905  and  1906  under  this  .administration  was  100 
per  cent  less  than  during  1891  and  1892  under  Washburne. 

Upon  entering  office,  I  found  in  the  code  an  alleged  smoke 
correction  ordinance  which  was  a  travesty  upon  legislation. 
Under  its  terms,  it  was  well-nigh  impossible  to  obtain  a  convic- 
tion. At  my  instance  the  city  council  repealed  this  fake  or- 
dinance and  enacted  a  new  ordinance  under  which  1,330  suits 
were  commenced  during  the  year  1906,  and  $24,195  assessed  in 
fines,  an  increase  over  the  previous  year,  under  the  old  ordinance, 
of  200  per  cent  in  the  number  of  suits  brought  and  near  400 
per  cent  in  the  amount  of  fines  assessed. 

The  civil  service  laws,  during  the  present  administration, 
have  been  honestly  and  rigidly  enforced  and  no  man  has  been 
discharged  from  the  public  service,  until  after  a  full  and  fair 
trial  has  been  given  him.  In  this  connection  it  might  be  well 
for  me  to  call  attention  to  the  fact  that  the  civil  service  law, 
as  administered  in  county  offices,  compared  with  the  civil  service 
law,  as  administered  in  the  city  hall,  is  a  farce.  It  might  be 
well  also  for  me  to  call  attention  to  the  fact  that  the  Eepublican 
platform  pledges  the  nominees  of  that  convention  to  what  the 
platform  calls  "the  practical  enforcement  of  the  merit  system." 
What  the  practical  enforcement  of  the  merit  system  may  be,  of 
course,  will  be  construed  by  Republicans  in  case  of  Republican 
success,  and  in  view  of  the  fact  that  these  gentlemen  have  been 
advocating  the  passage  at  Springfield  of  an  amendment  to  the 
civil  service  law,  under  which  civil  service  employes  can  be  dis- 
charged without  trial,  I  am  forced  to  the  conclusion  that  a  prac- 
tical enforcement  of  the  civil  service  law,  from  a  Republican 
standpoint,  will  mean  the  displacement,  without  trial,  of  public 
officials  who  may  happen  to  be  Democrats.  I  do  not  favor  nor 
does  the  Democratic  party  favor  the  peremptory  discharge  of 
public  officials,  without  a  hearing.  If  this  right  be  given,  it  is 
my  belief  that  the  political  ax  will  be  .used  with  much  vigor  and 
with  much  injustice. 


DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,  GOVERNOR  341 

The  finances  of  the  city  were  never  in  better  condition.  At 
the  close  of  the  year  1904,  the  corporate  purposes  fund  showed 
a  deficit  of  $218,503.51.  On  the  31st  day  of  December,  1905, 
there  was  a  surplus  of  $889,872.90  and  on  the  31st  day  of  Decem- 
ber, 1906,  there  was  a  surplus  of  $4,274,771.43,  the  largest  amount 
of  surplus  on  hand  in  the  history  of  the  city.  There  was  also 
a  reduction  in  the  charges  for  interest  of  $137,392.33. 

The  above  are  a  few  of  the  actual  accomplishments  of  the 
present  Democratic  administration  which  have  redounded  to  the 
material  welfare  of  the  citizens  of  Chicago.  Energy  and  honesty 
have  characterized  the  administration  of  every  department  of 
the  city  government.  I  have  made  the  city  hall  an  unsafe  place 
for  grafters.  I  have  permitted  no  man  or  no  set  of  men  to  place 
their  collar  around  my  neck  and  I  have  treated  all  classes  of 
citizens  exactly  alike,  whether  they  were  clothed  in  rags  or  in 
broadcloth. 

Your  mayor  was  elected  upon  a  pledge  to  institute  immediate 
proceedings  to  bring  about  municipal  ownership.  The  adminis- 
tration has  kept  that  pledge.  Immediately  upon  entering  office 
I  appointed  as  special  traction  counsel,  Messrs.  C.  S.  Darrow  and 
Glen  F.  Plumb,  who,  acting  in  conjunction  with  the  corporation 
counsel  and  Mr.  E.  B.  Tolman,  took  vigorous  hold  of  the  99-year 
litigation  which  had  been  slumbering  in  the  Federal  Court  and 
pushed  it  with  great  tenacity  and  vigor  to  the  United  States 
Supreme  Court,  where,  within  a  year  after  I  entered  office,  that 
litigation  was  disposed  of  favorably  to  the  city. 

Within  six  months  after  my  induction  into  office,  I  formi>- 
lated  and  submitted  to  the  city  council  two  plans  for  the  bringing 
about  of  the  municipalization  of  the  street  cars  of  this  city. 
Neither  of  these  plans,  I  regret  to  say,  seqmed  to  meet  with  the 
'approval  of  the  city  council.  They  were  referred  to  the  com- 
mittee on  local  transportation  and  were  pigeonholed  by  that 
committee,  while  the  committee,  contrary  to  the  expressed  will  of 
the  people,  proceeded  to  negotiate  with  the  street  railway  com- 
panies for  an  extension  of  their  franchises.  I  sent  message  after 
message  to  the  council,  protesting  against  this  policy  but  with- 
out avail.  Ordinances  were  drafted  and  were  being  pushed  to 
I'ompletion,  granting  franchises  to  these  companies  of  such  char- 
acter that  the  citizens  of  this  city,  even  those  not  believing  in 
municipal  ownership,  rose  in  protest  and  finally,  through  the  ef- 
forts of  these  protesting  citizens,  the  proposed  franchise  extension 
ordinances  were  laid  upon  the  shelf.  This  being  done,  the  council 
adopted  one  of  the  plans,  drafted  by  me,  known  as  the  "City 
plan"  which  called  for  the  issuance  of  not  to  exceed  $75,000,000 
worth  of  Mueller  certificates. 


342  DUNNE — JUDGE,  MAYOR,  GOVERNOR 

This  ordinance  was  promptly  signed  by  the  mayor  and  was 
submitted  to  the  people  and  approved  by  them  at  the  election  ot' 
April,  1906.  Although  the  program,  looking  towards  the  rnuni- 
cipalization  of  the  street  cars  of  this  city,  recommended  by  me 
to  the  council,  was  seriously  retarded  by  reason  of  the  fact  that 
the  city  council  disagreed  with  me  for  a  long  period,  nevertheless 
it  has  triumphed  both  in  the  council  and  before  the  people. 

The  ordinance,  authorizing  the  issuance  of  not  to  exceed 
$75,000,000  worth  of  Mueller  certificates,  is  now  a  law  and  the 
validity  of  that  ordinance  and  of  the  Mueller  law,  upon  which 
it  is  based,  is  now  being  tested  in  the  courts.  Both  the  law 
and  the  ordinance  have  already  been  declared  valid  by  Judge 
Windes  in  the  Circuit  Court  of  Cook  County  and  I  confidently 
expect  the  Supreme  Court  within  a  short  time  to  affirm  that 
decision. 

It  will  be  seen  from  what  I  have  just  stated  that  the  ad- 
vancement towards  nmnicipalization  has  been  thoroughly  suc- 
cessful and,  considering  the  difficulties  which  were  surmounted, 
it  has  been  reasonably  expeditious. 

The  people  have  won  in  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United 
States,  when  that  court  declared  the  99-year  act  nonexistant. 
They  have  won  in  the  council,  when  that  body  passed  the  Mueller 
certificate  ordinance.  They  have  won  at  the  polls  when  the 
Mueller  certificate  ordinance  was  approved.  They  have  won 
in  the  Circuit  Court  of  Cook  County,  when  that  court  declared 
the  ordinance  and  the  Mueller  law  valid  and  constitutional,  and 
they  expect  to  win  in  a  few  days  in  the  Illinois  Supreme  Court, 
when  that  court  will  affirm  Judge  Windes'  decision. 

After  the  ratification  by  the  people  of  the  Mueller  certificate 
ordinance  in  April,  1906,  I  deemed  it  advisable,  upon  consultation 
with  the  best  friends  of  municipal  ownership  in  this  city,  to  ap- 
point, Mr.  Walter  L.  Fisher,  as  traction  counsel  in  the  place  of 
Mr:  Clarence  S.  Darrow,  resigned,  and  to  enter  into  negotiations 
with  the  present  companies,  pending  the  hearing  of  the  litigation 
which  would  test  the  validity  of  the  Mueller  law  and  the  or- 
dinance, to  ascertain  whether  these -companies  would  be  willing  to 
agree  upon  a.  fair  price  for  their  present  properties,  and  rehab- 
ilitate the  same  upon  plans  to  be  agreed  upon  between  the  city 
and  the  companies,  and  then  turn  over  these  plants  to  the  city 
at  any  time  upon  the  payment  of  the  purchase  price  and  the 
reasonable  cost  of  rehabilitations. 

I  addressed  a  letter  to  the  chairman  of  the  committee  on 
local  transportation,  Alderman  Werno,  embodying  my  views 
upon  the  matter.  This  communication  is  now  generally  known 
as  the  "Werno  letter". 


DUNNE — JUDGE,  MAYOR,  GOVERNOR  343 

In  this  letter  I  declared: 

"The  city  should  therefore  be  given  the  right  of  purchase 
at  any  time.  *  *  *  It  does  possess  the  right  without  being 
given  it  by  any  further  act  of  the  companies.  This  right  should 
be  jealously  preserved  until  municipal  ownership  has  been  ac- 
tually obtained.  *  *  *  The  controlling  consideration  must  be 
that  nothing  shall  be  done  which  will  impair  the  right  of  the 
city  to  acquire  the  street  railway  system  as  soon  as  it  has  estab- 
lished its  financial  ability  to  do  so.  *  *  *  If  they  (the  com- 
panies) will  join,  if  possible  as  one  company,  in  the  reconstruc- 
tion of  their  entire  system,  upon  plans  to  be  adopted  by  the  city, 
with  their  concurrence,  which  shall  provide  for  unified  service, 
through  routes,  universal  transfers  and  operation,  under  revoc- 
able license,  then  they  should  be  adequately  assured  of  the  pay- 
ment of  the  value  of  their  present  property  (to  be  now  fixed 
before  rehabilitation)  and  additional  investment  when  the  city 
does  take  over  the  lines,  and  they  should  receive  a  fair  return 
upon  this  present  and  future  'investment  and  some  share  of 
the  remaining  net  profits  while  they  continue  to  operate.  Sub- 
ject to  these  provisions,  the  net  profits  of  operation  should  go  to 
the  city  as  a  sinking  fund  for  the  purchase  of  the  property." 

The  traction  companies  agreed  before  the  committee  on  local 
transportation  to  carry  on  negotiations  along  these  lines  and  that 
committee  and  the  mayor  industriously  carried  on  negotiations 
with  these  companies  until  the  early  part  of  January  of  this  year. 

Many  of  the  conditions  insisted  upon  in  the  "Werno  letter" 
were  apparently  complied  with  by  the  companies.  They  agreed 
to  sell  their  properties  upon  six  months'  notice.  They  furnished 
an  inventory  of  their  tangible  property  and  permitted  the  experts, 
employed  by  the  city,  to  examine  into  the  value  of  the  same. 
They  agreed  upon  a  price  for  their  tangible  property  now  ex- 
istent. But  as  the  negotiations  proceeded  towards  culmina- 
tion, it  was  found  that  they  had  inserted  in  the  proposed  ordi- 
nances many  provisions  which  would  be  dangerous  to  the  public 
interests  and  which  would  practically  prevent  consummation  of 
the  people's  desire  for  municipal  ownership. 

These  provisions  were  pointed  out  to  them  by  myself  and 
others  and  they  were  urged  to  strike  out  and  amend  the  same 
so  as  to  make  them  satisfactory  to  the  popular  demand.  These 
requests  were  refused,  and  the  transportation  committee  pro- 
ceeded with  remarkable  haste  to  finish  up  these  ordinances,  con- 
taming  as  they  did  these  dangerous  provisions.  This  was  the 
situation  of  affairs  upon  the  7th  of  January  last. 

When  you  elected  me  your  mayor,  I  pledged  myself  solemnly 
to  the  people,  as  did  also  Mr.  Harlan,  to  give  them  an  oppor- 


344  DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,  GOVERNOR 

tunity  to  pass  upon  any  ordinance  or  ordinances  settling  the  trac- 
tion problem  before  final  adoption.  The  city  council,  by  its 
unanimous  vote  on  October  15,  1905,  had  gone  on  record  to  the 
same  effect. 

On  January  7,  1907,  knowing  that  but  twenty-four  days 
were  left  under  which  steps  could  be  taken  to  give  the  people  a 
chance  for  a  referendum  vote  on  the  present  ordinances,  I  asked 
the  council  in  a  message  to  reenact  the  Foreman  resolution  of 
October  15,  1905,  so  as  to  permit  the  people  of  this  city  to  have 
the  last  say  upon  the  traction  question.  To  my  great  astonish- 
ment, the  council,  by  an  overwhelming  majority,  refused  to  re- 
enact  the  Foreman  resolution.  The  only  method  by  which  I 
could  keep  my  pledge  to  the  people,  after  the  refusal  of  the  coun- 
cil to  cooperate  with  me,  was  to  appeal  directly  to  the  people. 
This  I  did  on  the  8th  of  January.  I  issued  an  address  to  them, 
stating  the  circumstances  then  existing  and  asked  them  to  assist 
me  by  getting  up  referendum  petitions  upon  the  proposed  or- 
dinances and  filing  the  same  with  the  election  commissioners 
within  the  ensuing  twenty-four  days.  The  people  of  this  city 
responded  with  alacrity  and  vigor  and  petitions  were  being  cir- 
culated throughout  the  city  for  that  referendum. 

The  committee  on  local  transportation,  noting  the  public  ni 
sponse,  one  week  afterward,  passed  a  resolution  cooperating  in 
the  securing  of  the  referendum.  That  cooperation  was  not 
needed,  although  it  was  gladly  welcomed.  The  people  would  have 
responded  with  or  without  that  belated  action.  Over  two  hun- 
dred thousand  votes  in  favor  of  the  referendum  upon  this  im- 
portant question  was  the  answer  to  my  appeal  to  the  public  of 
January  8. 

But,  it  should  be  noted,  upon  the  question  of  the  referendum, 
the  Republican  platform  is  strangely  and  significantly  silent.  It 
makes  no  mention  of  that  measure  which  is  the  strongest  safe- 
guard of  the  people  against  improvised  and  vicious  legislation. 

As  the  result  of  my  pledge  to  the  people  and  my  determina- 
tion to  keep  that  pledge,  these  ordinances  are  now  before  the  peo- 
ple for  their  approval  or  condemnation.  The  people  must  take 
the  final  responsibility  as  to  their  adoption  or  rejection.  Upon 
them  now  rests  that  grave  responsibility.  Their  decision  will 
be  binding  upon  the  next  mayor.  If  they  approve  these  ordi- 
nances, he  is  bound — and  I  will  be  bound,  if  elected — to  see  that, 
they  are  carried  out  in  accordance  with  the  people's  desire.  If 
they  reject  these  ordinances,  the  next  mayor  must  obey — and  I 
will  obey,  if  elected — that  mandate,  as  expressed  at  the  polls. 
That  they  should  be  condemned  is  my  honest  conviction  and  I  so 
advise  the  people  of  this  city. 


DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  345 

While  upon  their  face,  pretending  to  be  ordinances  which 
secure  the  right  of  the  people  to  municipalize,  these  ordinances 
make  it  practically  impossible  for  the  people  to  do  so.  There  are 
two  ordinances,  one  running  to  the  Chicago  City  Railway  Com- 
pany and  the  other  running  to  the  Chicago  Railways  Company. 
The  ordinance  to  the  Chicago  City  Railway  Company  must,  and 
in  my  judgment  will  be  accepted,  if  approved  by  the  people,  with- 
in sixty  days.  The  ordinance  to  the  Chicago  Railways  Company 
must,  and  in  my  judgment  will  not,  be  accepted  within  one  hun- 
dred and  sixty-five  days. 

My  reasons  for  making  this  statement  are  as  follows :  During 
the  negotiations,  I  learned  that  there  would  be  a  consolidation 
of  the  companies  and  that  that  consolidation  would  take  place 
under  the  ordinance  running  to  the  Chicago  City  Railway  Com- 
pany, with  Mr.  Mitten,  the  president  of  the  latter  company,  in 
charge. 

Mr.  Wilson,  representing  the  Chicago  City 'Railway  Com- 
pany, stated  flatly  before  the  committee  that  he  expected  that 
his  company  might  be  called  upon  to  advance  $75,000,000  for 
the  rehabilitation  of  the  Chicago  City  Railway  Company  and  for 
the  acquisition  and  the  rehabilitation  of  the  west  and  north  side 
companies.  The  ordinance  to  the  Chicago  Railways  Company, 
moreover,  is  so  complicated  and  contains  so  many  difficult,  if  not 
impossible,  conditions  as  to  make  it,  in  my  judgment,  impossible 
of  acceptance  and  fulfillment  by  the  Chicago  Railways  Company. 
If  the  Chicago  City  Railway  Company  accepts  and  the  Chicago 
Railways  Company  refused  to  accept  or  fails  to  carry  out  the  terms 
of  its  ordinance,  then  the  city  of  Chicago,  in  acquiring  the  trac- 
tion lines  of  the  city,  must  deal  with  the  Chicago  City  Railway 
Company. 

The  ordinance  to  that  company  requires  the  city  to  pay  all 
cash  before  it  can  take  over  the  property.  The  cost  price  will 
be  (as  admitted  by  Mr.  Arnold)  from  $90,000,000  to  $100,000,000. 
The  city  has  no  fund  with  which  to  acquire  the  property,  except 
that  derived  from  the  sale  of  the  Mueller  certificates,  heretofore 
authorized  by  the  city  council.  These  certificates  will  not  net 
to  exceed  $72,000,000  in  cash.  In  other  words,  under  the  terms 
of  the  Chicago  City  Railway  ordinance,  the  city  must  buy 
$100,000,000  worth  of  property  in  cash  with  $72,000,000  in  cash, 
an  utter  impossibility. 

In  order  to  obviate  this  difficulty,  I  suggested  to  the  commit- 
tee on  local  transportation  and  to  the  traction  companies  that  they 
either  provide  that  the  city  might  purchase,  subject  to  the  cost  of 
rehabiliation,  or  provide  that  the  cost  of  the  improvements  shall 
at  no  time  exceed  the  amount  of  Mueller  certificates  authorized. 


346  DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

Both  propositions  were  refused.  The  sole  object  of  refusal  must 
have  been  to  put  the  city  in  such  position  as  to  make  it  unable  to 
purchase.  It  could  have  no  other  object. 

Another  most  objectionable  and  dangerous  feature  in  the 
ordinances  is  that  there  is  no  guarantee  that  the  net  profits  shall 
amount  to  any  definite  sum  or  proportion  of  the  gross  receipts. 
The  traction  companies  were  very  loud  in  their  claims  that  the 
city  would  get  as  its  share  for  the  first  year  over  $1,350,000.  But 
when  Alderman  Dever  figured  that  this  would  be  approximately 
eight  per  cent  of  the  gross  receipts  and  they  were  urged  to  insert 
a  provision  in  the  ordinances  that  the  net  profits  to  the  city  shall 
at  no  time  be  less  than  eight  per  cent  of  the  gross  receipts,  they 
flatly  refused  to  entertain  the  proposition. 

The  Werno  letter  declared: 

"The  companies  should  be  adequately  assured  of  the  pay- 
ment of  the  value  of  their  present  property  (to  be  fixed  before 
rehabilitation)  and  additional  investment  when  the  city  does  take 
over  the  lines  and  they  should  receive  a  fair  return  upon  this 
present  and  future  investment  and  some  share  of  the  remaining 
net  profits  while  they  continue  to  operate.  Subject  to  these 
provisions,  the  profits  of  operation  should  go  to  the  city  as  a 
sinking  fund  for  the  purchase  of  the  property. 

In  other  words,  the  Werno  letter  provides  that  the  city  shall 
get  the  profits  of  operation,  less  a  certain  portion  of  the  net  re- 
ceipts which  should  go  to  the  companies.  These  ordinances  re- 
verse the  proposition  and  give  the  companies  the  profits  of  opera- 
tion, subject  to  some  net  receipts  to  the  city. 

Not  only  do  the  ordinances  fail  to  guarantee  to  the  city  an 
income  of  any  character,  but,  if  the  ordinances  become  effective, 
approximately  $125,000  per  year  which  is  now  paid  to  the  city 
under  existing  ordinances  will  be  wiped  out. 

The  proposed  ordinances  allow  the  present  companies  a  con- 
tractor's profit  of  ten  per  cent  upon  all  work  of  rehabilitation 
and  then  provide  that  subcontracts  may  be  made  with  the  ap- 
proval of  the  board  of  engineers.  In  other  words,  the  ordinances 
expressly  permit  subcontracts.  Judging  of  the  future  by  the 
past,  we  know  that  immediately  upon  the  approval  of  these  or- 
dinances certain  ingenious  gentlemen,  connected  with  the  com- 
panies, will  organize  construction  companies  and  take  contracts 
for  the  building  of  power  houses,  car  barns,  railway  tracks,  etc., 
from  these  companies  at  the  usual  profit.  Subcontractors  will 
not  work  without  the  customary  profit  of  ten  per  cent  upon  the 
actual  cost  and  then  the  company  will  add  ten  per  cent  additional 
to  the  amount  paid  the  subcontractor,  or  eleven  per  cent  on  the 
actual  cost.  Under  these  provisions  when  the  city  attempts  to 


DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  347 

purchase,  it  will  have  to  pay  the  cost  of  construction  and  twenty- 
one  per  cent  in  addition  thereto. 

Another  serious  objection-to  the  ordinances  will  be  found  in 
that  provision  which  prevents  rival  companies  from  coming  into 
Chicago  and  furnishing  a  three  or  a  four-cent  fare,  under  ordi- 
nances of  similar  character,  without  the  payment  of  a  twenty  per 
cent  bonus  over  and  above  what  the  city  would  have  to  pay,  if  it 
took  over  the  property  for  operation.  It  was  urged  by  the 
traction  representatives  before  the  committee  that  this  twenty 
per  cent  premium  should  be  incorporated  in  the  ordinances  for 
the  purpose  of  protecting  them  against  the  rapacity  of  rival  cap- 
italists. They  argued  that  after  they  had  built  these  lines,  some 
buccaneer  in  finance  might  come  along  and  offer  to  advance 
money  to  buy  them  out,  if  the  city  would  grant  a  similar  fran- 
chise. That  some  protection,  if  not  to  this  amount,  should  be 
given  one  buccaneer  as  against  another  might  be  conceded.  That 
the  protection  should  amount  to  twenty  per  cent,  however,  is  a 
matter  of  serious  doubt.  But  it  was  suggested  to  the  represen- 
tatives of  the  traction  companies  that,  if  other  financiers  would 
offer  the  city  a  four-cent  fare  or  a  three-cent  fare  under  a  similar 
ordinance,  that  such  conduct  could  hardly  be  construed  as  sand- 
bagging or  buccaneering.  The  companies  were  requested  to  in- 
sert in  the  ordinances  a  provision  that  if  any  rival  company 
should  offer  to  the  city  a  three-cent  fare  or  a  four-cent  fare 
under  a  like  ordinance,  the  company  making  such  an  offer  should 
be  permitted  to  take  over  the  property  upon  the  same  terms  as 
the  city  could  take  it  over  for  operation.  They  absolutely  re- 
fused to  consider  such  a  proposition. 

The  objection  that  I  have  noted  to  these  ordinances  are,  in 
my  judgment,  of  serious  character  and  impose  such  burdens  upon 
the  city  as  to  make  acquisition  of  these  properties  practically 
impossible.  Much  was  conceded  by  representatives  of  the  city  in 
the  effort  to  bring  about  a  settlement  that  would  be  fair  to  the 
companies  and  to  the  people,  but  which  would  preserve  the  right 
of  the  city  to  municipalize  upon  just  and  reasonable  terms. 

The  city's  representatives  agreed  to  a  price  of  $50,000.000 
upon  these  properties,  which,  in  the  judgment  of  many  thousands 
of  our  fellow  citizens,  is  unreasonably  high.  As  pointed  out  by 
Alderman  Dever  in  the  city  council,  the  payment  of  $50,000,000 
to  the  present  companies  for  their  properties  is  at  the  rate  of 
$71,428  per  mile.  The  cost  of  rehabilitation,  as  estimated  by 
Mr.  Arnold,  is  between  $40,000,000  and  $50,000,000.  If  the  cost 
is  $40,000,000  when  rehabilitated,  we  will  be  paying  for  these 
properties  at  the  rate  pf  $128,571  per  mile.  Yet  Mayor  Johnson, 
of  Cleveland,  within  the  last  year  built  and  is  now  successfully 


348  DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,  GOVERNOR 

operating  at  a  profit  upon  a  three-cent  fare,  an  absolutely  new 
street  railway  plant  which  cost  $50,000  per  mile. 

The  city's  representatives  further  conceded,  with  much  hesi- 
tation and  doubt,  that  the  companies  should  be  paid  for  the  in- 
tangible property  that  they  now  possess,  valued  at  $9,000,000,  if 
the  city  bought  after  that  intangible  property  had  vanished  by 
expiration  of  franchises,  all  of  which  expire  within  seven  years. 

The  city's  representatives  conceded  many  things  in  the  in- 
terest of  a  fair  settlement  of  this  great  question.  But,  notwith- 
standing all  these  concessions,  the  companies  have  insisted  upon 
retaining  in  these  ordinances  the  objectionable  features  pointed 
out  heretofore,  and  others,  which  in  my  judgment,  make  these 
ordinances  dangerous  to  the  people  and  practically  prohibitive  of 
the  demand  of  the  people  for  municipal  ownership. 

In  my  deliberate  opinion,  these  ordinances,  if  approved  by 
the  people,  will  prevent  the  people  of  this  city  from  acquiring 
municipal  ownership  of  these  lines  for  twenty  years,  if  not  longer. 
At  the  end  of  the  twenty  years,  the  ordinances  provide  that  the 
city  cannot  take  possession  until  it  pays  for  the  properties  of 
the  companies  in  cash  and,  until  the  city  has  done  that,  the  com- 
panies to  which  these  ordinances  run  will  have  a  right  to  retain 
possession  of  the  streets  and  operate  their  lines. 

For  the  last  eight  years,  the  representatives  of  the  city  have 
been  engaged  in  futile  negotiations  with  these  companies  which 
would  settle  the  traction  question  by  agreement.  Four  different 
ordinances  have  been  under  consideration  and  have  been  rejected 
either  by  the  people  or  by  the  companies.  The  patience  of  the 
public  has  become  exhausted.  Every  reasonable  effort  has  been 
made  by  the  present  administration  to  secure  a  settlement  of  the 
complicated  problem  by  agreement  with  the  companies.  It  has 
made  many  concessions  which,  in  my  judgment,  would  have  been 
unsatisfactory  to  the  people  of  this  community,  in  the  earnest 
hope  that  a  settlement  might  be  obtained.  It  seems  impossible 
to  agree  upon  any  ordinances  with  these  companies  that  will 
protect  the  city's  interests.  The  patience  of  the  people  has  be- 
come exhausted.  They  now  demand  the  cessation  of  all  these 
negotiations  and  an  appeal  to  the  courts  in  condemnation. 

In  such  proceedings,  the  value  of  the  present  properties  can 
be  judicially  determined  and  determined  quickly.  A  trial  in  the 
lower  courts  can  be  had  within  six  months  and  an  appeal  to  the 
Supreme  Court  can  be  had  and  finally  disposed  of  within  eighteen 
months.  Once  the  value  of  the  property  is  judicially  determined 
in  the  lower  court,  nothing  remains  for  the  city  but  to  negotiate 
its  Mueller  certificates,  raise  the  necessary  cash  and  hand  it  to 
the  companies  and  take  possession  of  the  properties.  If  the 


DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,  GOVERNOR  349 

companies  desire  to  appeal,  they  can  do  so.  But  the  city  will 
be  in  possession  pending  the  appeal. 

The  city  can  rehabilitate  these  properties  just  as  cheaply,  if 
not  more  cheaply,  than  the  present  companies.  It  can  certainly 
rehabilitate  without  paying  double  contractor's  profits. 

The  temper  of  the  people  is  aroused.  The  99-year  act  is 
disposed  of.  The  traction  companies,  By  their  own  obstinacy, 
have  forced  a  situation  which  is  final  and  conclusive.  The  lantern 
has  been  hung  out  from  the  belfry  tower.  These  ordinances 
should  be  voted  down  and,  when  they  are  voted  down,  condem- 
nation suits  must  be  immediately  commenced,  the  value  of  these 
properties  determined  in  a  just  and  legal  manner,  the  companies 
paid  and  the  city  take  possession  of  the  lines  and  commence  their 
rehabilitation,  as  has  been  done  by  hundreds  of  great  cities  in 
the  world. 

The  people  have  negotiated  and  negotiated  and  bargained 
and  bargained  without  result.  Whenever  the  people  have  ap- 
pealed to  the  courts  they  have  been  almost  invariably  successful 
in  asserting  or  maintaining  their  rights.  Such  was  the  result 
in  the  universal  transfer  case,  in  the  case  involving  the  99-year 
act,  in  the  case  involving  the  police  power  of  the  city,  in  the  case 
involving  the  validity  of  the  Mueller  certificates,  in  the  telephone 
case  and  in  nearly  every  other  case  brought  by  the  city  to  assert 
its  rights  against  public  utility  corporations. 

Let  the  courts  now  determine  the  matter  and  do  justice  to 
the  companies  and  the  people  alike. 


350  DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,  GOVERNOR 


THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY  AND  THE 
PANIC  OF  1907. 

ADDRESS  AT  FREEPORT,  ILLINOIS,  DECEMBER  20,  1907. 

Mr.  Chairman  and  Gentlemen: 

t  At  a  time  when  the  granaries  of  the  Nation  are  full,  when  from 
its  fertile  fields  are  now  being  garnered  the  most  bountiful 
crops  in  its  history,  when  its  forges  and  factories  were  running 
to  their  fullest  capacity,  suddenly  there  has  come  upon  this 
Nation,  within  the  last  thirty  days,  a  financial  crash  which  has 
toppled  over  mighty  banks,  thrown  great  manufacturing  plants 
into  the  hands  of  receivers,  caused  the  closing  of  many  stock  ex- 
changes, and  still  threatens  stagnation  to  the  entire  business  in- 
terests of  the  country. 

For  the  first  time  in  the  history  of  this  country  since  the 
Civil  War,  the  banks  of  the  entire  country  have  suspended  cash 
payments,  and  resorted  to  the  war  times  expedient  of  issuing 
shin-plasters  to  pass  current  in  place  of  the  currency  established 
by  the  law  of  the  laud.  According  to  the  Inter-Ocean,  307,000 
men,  who  thirty  days  ago  were  working,  are  now  in  enforced  idle- 
ness, while  many  more  thousands  stand  in  dread  of  discharge, 
and  for  the  first  time  in  the  history  of  America,  laboring  men  by 
the  tens  of  thousands  are  crowding  the  steerage  of  passenger 
ships  bound  for  Europe. 

What  is  the  cause  of  the  extraordinary  and  calamitous  re- 
versal of  trade  conditions  in  the  United  States  ?  Not  a  failure  of 
crops,  because  now  and  for  many  years  past  we  have  been  blessed 
by  Providence  with  most  bountiful  harvests.  Not  plague  or 
famine,  because  we  have  been  remarkably  free  from  these  visita- 
tions. Not  a  natural  scarcity  of  money,  for  owing  to  the  recent 
wonderful  discoveries  and  production  ,of  gold  we  have  a  plentiful 
supply  per  capita  of  the  circulating  medium  of  exchange.  Not 
the  Democratic  party  because  it  has  been  out  of  power  for  nearly 
twelve  years.  What,  then,  has  been  the  cause  of  this  cataclysm? 
Some  of  our  Republican  friends  would  have  you  believe  that  the 
author  of  these  evils  is  the  man.  whom  they  have  elevated  to  the 
highest  position  in  the  land,  Theodore  Koosevelt,  President  of  the 
United  States. 


DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  351 

Now,  fellow  citizens,  I  believe  our  Republican  friends  can 
locate  aright  the  cause  of  the  present  panic  in  their  own  party, 
but  it  is  in  the  legislative  rather  than  in  the  executive  branch  of 
the  Government  control  led  by  them  that  the  real  cause  of  our 
troubles  can  be  located. 

The  Congress  of  the  United  States,  dominated  for  the  last 
eleven  years  by  the  Republican  party,  has  been  sedulously  and 
persistently  fostering  monopoly  and  building  up  the  voracious 
and  greedy  trusts  which  have  been  sucking  up  the  life  blood  of 
the  Nation,  stifling  competition,  robbing  the  producer  on  one 
hand,  and  the  consumer  on  the  other,  and  choking  the  middle- 
man between  them.  This,  the  Republican  Congress  effected  by 
its  infamous  tariff  laws  and  its  refusal  to  pass  effective  inter- 
state commerce  legislation  which  might  curb  the  weedlike  growth 
of  these  monstrous  trusts  and  monopolies. 

As  early  as  1896,  the  Democratic  party  noted  and  warned 
the  people  of  the  danger  from  these  giant  monopolies.  In  the 
Democratic  platform  of  that  year  it  declared: 

"The  absorption  of  wealth  by  the  few,  the  consolidation 
of  our  leading  railroads,  and  the  formation  of  trusts  and  pools 
require  a  stricter  control  by  the  Federal  Government.  We  de- 
mand the  enlargement  of  the  powers  of  the  interstate  commerce 
commission  and  such  restrictions  and  guarantees  in  the  control 
of  railroads  as  will  protect  the  people  from  robbery  and  op- 
pression. ' ' 

Even  at  that  early  day,  1896,  statistics  showed  that  one  per 
cent  of  the  population  owned  much  more  than  half  of  the  prop- 
erty of  the  country,  and  yet  the  Republican  platform  of  that  year 
had  not  a  word  against  the  fast  growing  monopolies  of  the  trusts, 
but  yelled  lustily  for  more  protection  and  less  money. 

In  1900  the  trusts  and  monopolies  had  waxed  still  more  for- 
midable and  dangerous.  Consolidation,  exploitation  and  balloon 
financiering  under  the  fostering  care  of  the  Republican  Congress 
had  gone  on  apace.  The  tariff  laws  had  been  given  a  dose  of 
digitalis,  while  the  Interstate  Commerce  law  was  given  the  usual 
dose  of  morphine.  The  middleman  had  been  choked  to  death, 
and  the  grip  on  both  producer  and  consumer  had  been  tightened. 

The  concentration  of  the  wealth  of  the  people  in  the  hands  of 
the  few  had  been  further  painfully  accentuated. 

Again  in  1900  the  Democratic  party,  in  its  platform,  spoke 
out  in  more  emphatic  tones: 

"Private  monopolies  are  indefensible  and  intolerable.  *  *  * 
They  rob  both  producer  and  consumer.  *  *  *  Unless  their 
insatiate  greed  is  checked,  all  wealth  will  be  aggregated  in  a  few 
hands  and  the  republic  destroyed.  *  *  * 


352  DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

' '  They  are  fostered  by  Republican  laws  and  protected  by  the 
Republican  administration  in  return  for  campaign  subscriptions 
and  political  support.  *  *  *  The  whole  constitutional  power 
of  Congress  over  interstate  commerce,  the  mails  and  all  modes  of 
interstate  communication  shall  be  exercised  by  the  enactment  of 
comprehensive  laws  on  the  subject  of  trusts.  Tariff  laws  should 
be  amended  by  putting  the  products  of  the  trusts  upon  the  free 
lists/' 

While  the  Democratic  party  in  this  vigorous  language  rec- 
ognized the  portentious  dangers  involving  and  still  further 
threatening  the  people  in  1900,  the  Republican  party  in  conven- 
tion assembled  did  not  even  deign  to  mention  the  word  trust  in 
its  platform.  Its  financial  beneficiaries  and  backers  would  not 
allow  it. 

But  they  rallied  round  the  swag,  boys, 

Rallied  once  again, 
•  Shouting  the  battle  cry  of  plunder. 

And  in  the  year  1900  again,  the  cohorts  of  monopoly  rallied 
to  the  cry;  the  electorate  was  again  debauched  with  the  enor- 
mous rake-off  contributed  by  the  plunderbund  and  monopoly 
again  resumed  its  scientific  robbery  of  the  people  on  a  grander 
and  more  stupendous  scale. 

Having  paid  the  Republican  party  for  protection  in  their 
piratical  schemes  for  the  robbery  of  the  people,  the  trust  justly 
concluded  that  the  further  prosecution  of  their  manifold  devices 
for  exploitation  of  monopoly  would  not  be  interfered  with. 

The  Republican  Presidents  and  the  Republican  Congress  for 
the  next  four  years  remained  as  silent  and  impassive  as  was  their 
Republican' platform  in  dealing  with  the  giant  trusts  and  monopo- 
lies that  were  tightening  their  hold  upon  the  people. 

Consolidation  and  amalgamation  of  small  monopolies  which 
controlled  but  sections  of  the  country  into  single  great  monopolies 
that  embraced  the  whole  country  now  began  to  appear.  The 
Standard  Oil  Company  had  secured  the  monopoly  of  oil  from  Maine 
to  California,  from  the  great  lakes  to  the  gulf.  The  steel  and 
iron,  meat,  leather  and  tobacco  monopolies  were  almost  as  com- 
plete and  extensive. 

The  grip  of  the  octopus  of  monopoly  for  the  next  ensuing 
four  years  was  rapidly  tightening  year  by  year. 

In  1904  the  national  convention  of  both  of  the  great  political 
parties  again  formulated  their  platforms. 

With  the  evidence  plainly  before  each  of  these  conventions 
that  the  people  were  being  robbed  and  plundered  by  the  great 


DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  353 

corporate  monopolies,  the  parties  framed  their  platforms  and 
selected  their  candidates. 

The  Democratic  party  for  the  third  time  recognized  the  great 
danger  impending  over  the  Nation  as  the  result  of  the  tremendous 
growth  of  monopoly  and  privilege  and  again  warned  the  elec- 
torate of  the  result  that  must  inevitably  follow  from  its  continu- 
ance and  declared: 

"The  gigantic  trusts,  fostered  and  promoted  under  Repub- 
lican rule,  are  a  menace  to  competition  and  an  obstacle  to  business 
prosperity. 

"A  private  monopoly  is  indefensible  and  intolerable.  *  *  * 
"We  denounce  rebates  by  transportation  companies  as  the  most 
potent  agency  in  promoting  these  unlawful  conspiracies  against 
trade.  *  *  *  We  demand  the  strict  enforcement  of  existing 
civil  and  criminal  statutes  against  all  such  trusts  and  monopolies 
and  the  enactment  of  such  further  legislation  as  may  be  necessary 
to  effectually  suppress  them." 

So  flagrant  and  oppressive  had  these  great  monopolies  become 
at  this  time  that  the  Republican  party  for  the  first  time  in  1904 
was  compelled,  out  of  deference  to  public  sentiment,  to  take  notice 
of  the  word  trust. 

In  its  platform  of  1904,  for  the  first  time,  the  Republican 
party  uses  the  word,  but  notice,  my  friends,  the  subtle  and  lady- 
like language  that  it  uses  in  speaking  of  its  friends  and  financial 
supporters,  the  trusts  of  the  country.  I  quote  it  verbatim : 

"Control  of  Trusts.  Combinations  of  capital  and  labor  are 
the  result  of  the  economic  movement  of  the  age,  but  neither  must 
be  permitted  to  infringe  upon  the  rights  and  interests  of  the 
people.  Such  combinations  when  lawfully  formed  for  lawful 
purposes  are  alike  entitled  to  the  protection  of  the  laws,  but  both 
are  subject  to  the  laws  and  neither  can  be  permitted  to  break 
them." 

This  is  the  plank  of  the  Republican  convention  of  1904  in  its 
entirety.  "Vox  praeterea  nil." 

This  Jack  Bunsbian  language  can  be  as  appropriately  applied 
to  a  combination  of  milliners  as  to  a  combination  of  bank 
burglars. 

It  was  the  manifest  intention  of  the  leaders  of  the  Republican 
party,  every  man  of  whom  was  directly  or  indirectly  financially 
in  the  great  trusts  and  monopolies  which  were  oppressing  the 
people,  to  continue  the  era  of  loot  and  protect  the  incorporated 
looters  that  furnished  them  their  gigantic  campaign  funds  and 
made  most  of  them  millionaires.  Immediately  after  the  election 
of  President  Roosevelt,  the  freebooters  of  finance  resumed  with 
added  confidence  their  colossal  schemes  for  plundering  the  public. 

—12 


354  DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

By  devious  methods  having  procured  control  of  the  great  life 
insurance  companies,  banks  and  railroads,  they  used  the  trust 
moneys  of  these  institutions  to  acquire  the  stocks  of  the  smaller 
banking,  railway,  street  railway  and  industrial  corporations,  and 
having  placed  themselves  and  their  satellites  on  the  boards  of 
directors  of  these  smaller  concerns,  they  started  their  engraving 
and  printing  departments  to  work  and  issued  to  themselves  bil- 
lions of  dollars  worth  of  bonds  and  stock  certificates  which  they 
then  listed  upon  tha  stock  exchanges  and  proceeded  to  deal  out 
to  the  gullible  public. 

In  1904  the  United  States  census  estimated  the  total  wealth 
of  the  United  States  at  $107,000,000,000. 

Yet  while  the  total  wealth  of  the  whole  country  of  every 
character  as  estimated  by  the  United  States  census  bureau  was 
only  $107,000,000,000  these  conscienceless  freebooters  had  stocked 
and  bonded  four  classes  of  corporations  alone,  the  steam  railroads, 
the  public  utility  corporations,  some  mining  corporations,  and 
some  industrial  corporations  at  the  enormous  sum  of  thirty-six 
and  one-fourth  billions,  as  shown  by  Moody 's  Manual  of  1906. 
In  other  words,  these  frenzied  financiers  had  listed  upon  the  stock 
exchange  and  offered  to  the  public  for  consumption  stocks  and 
bonds  of  these  four  classes  of  corporations  alone,  at  a  supposed 
value  of  thirty-four  per  cent  of  all  the  wealth  of  the  United 
States. 

As  a  sample  of  how  the  public  were  being  swindled  by  these 
watered  stocks  and  bonds  let  me  cite  the  case  of  the  American 
Tobacco  Company  as  recounted  in  this  month's  number  of  Every- 
body's Magazine. 

In  1890  five  tobacco  firms,  having  real  estate  and  buildings 
worth  $400,000,  were  incorporated  in  New  Jersey  for  $25.000,000. 
This  stock  was  actually  sold  to  the  credulous  public  for  from 
63  to  180  cents  on  the  dollar. 

In  1898  the  public  having  "digested"  the  $25,000,000  issue  of 
stocks  and  bonds,  Jim  Keene  and  the  Standard  Oil  crowd  became 
interested,  got  control  and  again  started  the  stock  and  bond 
factory,  and  the  stock  and  bond  capitalization  was  increased  to 
$50,000,000. 

Now  a  rival  pirate  ship  appears  in  the  offing;  Thomas  F. 
Ryan,  B.  A.  P.  Widener,  et  al,  having  noted  the  success  of  Amei> 
ican  Tobacco  in  the  stock  market,  under  the  able  guidance  of 
Standard  Oil,  conceived  the  idea  of  a  rival  tobacco  company,  and, 
aided  by  the  sagacious  counsel  of  Elihu  Eoot,  now  Secretary  of 
State,  organized  the  Union  Tobacco  Company  in  1899,  capital 
stock  $10.000.000,  of  which  $1,350,000  was  the  only  cash  actually 
paid  in. 


DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  355 

The  new  company  had  friends  in  Congress,  notably  in  thq 
Senate,  and  the  duties  upon  tobacco  could  be  readjusted  so  as  to 
help  the  new  company  and  injure  the  old.  Result — consolida- 
tion, satisfactory  legislation  and  new  orders  to  the  printing  and 
engraving  bureau  for  the  issuance  of  $35,000,000  more  stock.  Be- 
fore the  passage  of  any  legislation  which  would  help  the  tobacco 
interest,  it  was  deemed  proper  to  get  control  of  the  stock  of  the 
only  formidable  rival  in  the  country,  a  St.  Louis  corporation 
making  plug  tobacco.  This  is  accomplished  by  the  issuance  of 
more  stock,  making  the  total  capitalization  in  June,  1901,  of 
nearly  $200,000,000.  Then  the  Republican  lawmaking  machine, 
with  three  Senators,  heavy  holders  of  tobacco  stock,  passed  a  law 
giving  proper  protection  to  the  great  tobacco  interests  of  the 
United  States,  and  the  printing  and  engraving  bureau  continued 
its  good  work  until  in  1907,  the  total  capitalization  of  this  great 
home  industry,  including  its  dummy  and  subsidiary  companies, 
aggregates  the  enormous  sum  of  $500,000,000. 

This  $500,000,000  of  American  Tobacco  stock  and  the  stock 
of  its  subsidiary  companies  is  part  of  the  thirty-six  and  one-fourth 
billions  of  stock  and  bonds,  mentioned  in  Moody 's  Manual  of 
1906,  and  has  been  swallowed  by  the  American  public  and  it  is 
the  effort  of  that  public  now  to  digest  these  stocks  which  has 
given  the  American  stomach  that  violent  cramp  which  we  call  the 
' '  panic ' '. 

The  thirty-six  and  one-fourth  billions  of  stocks  and  bonds 
comprise  an  enormous  amount  of  stocks  and  bonds  issued  in  the 
same  manner  as  the  tobacco  stock.  It  was  issued  originally,  of 
course,  by  the  frenzied  financiers  to  themselves,  but  not  to  be 
held  by  them.  Calling  a  dollar  ten.  dollars  and  then  holding  it 
does  not  enrich  the  holder,  but  calling  one  dollar  ten  dollars  and 
getting  another  man  to  pay  ten  dollars,  or  nine  dollars  for  it, 
does  enrich  the  man  who  suceeds  in  making  such  a  trade.  That 
is  what  the  kings  of  finance,  under  the  protection  of  Republican 
rule,  have  been  doing  for  years. 

They  incorporate  an  enterprise  for  ten  times  its  value,  list  its 
stock  on  the  exchange  at  that  fictitious  figure,  h-ld  it  there  imn 
honestly  or  dishonestly,  a  couple  of  dividends  are  declared,  then 
sell  the  stock  for  such  prices  as  they  can  get  a  buncoed  public 
to  give.  Their  brokers  will  take  five  per  cent  margin  from  any 
gambling  lamb,  and  their  bankers,  before  the  crash,  would  loan 
seventy-five  per  cent  on  the  quoted  value  of  the  stocks.  Any- 
thing and  everything  to  get  the  money  of  the  confiding  public. 

By  such  methods  and  artifices,  the  dear  confiding  public 
were  induced  to  bolt,  but  had  not  digested,  an  enormous  amount 


356  DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

of  this  thirty-six  and  one-fourth  billion  stocks  and  bonds,  and 
found  itself,  in  the  summer  of  1907,  suffering  from  a  bad  case  of 
financial  indigestion.  Some  time  prior  thereto,  our  strenuous 
and  well  meaning  President  discovered  that  some  of  these  mighty 
monopolies,  notably  the  Standard  Oil  Company,  the  Northern 
Securities  Company,  and  some  of  the  big  railway  corporations 
were  not  only  skinning  the  public  by  stock  manipulations,  but 
were  violating  the  Interstate  Commerce  Act  by  giving  and  getting 
secret  rebates  and  other  devices.  Not  being  a  man,  so  con- 
structed as  to  differentiate  between  a  big  criminal  and  a  little  one, 
he  ordered  their  prosecution  and  exposure  and  publicly  and  em- 
phatically declared  he  would  continue  to  so  act  while  he  held 
public  office. 

This  announcement  may  or  may  not  have  affected  the  spirits 
of  the  patient  suffering  from  indigestion,  but  whether  it  did  or 
not,  it  was  not  the  cause  of  the  malady. 

The  vicious  policy  of  the  Republican  Congress  in  throwing 
a  high  protective  wall  around  the  products  manufactured  by  these 
mighty  monopolies,  and  its  refusal  to  enact  and  enforce  anti- 
monopoly  and  effective  interstate  commerce  acts,  which  would 
prevent  rebates  and  discrimination,  has  enabled  these  oppressive 
combinations  to  become  powerful  and  dangerous,  so  dangerous 
as  to  threaten  the  perpetuity  of  this  Republic.  These  great  com- 
binations today  control  the  Republican  party  and  through  it,  the 
Government  of  this  country. 


DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  357 


TARDY  JUSTICE  TO  EX-MAYOR 
DUNNE. 

EDITORIAL  IN  CHICAGO  TRIBUNE,  NOVEMBER  13,  1908. 

A  friend  of  ex-Mayor  Dunne  has  called  attention  to  an  edi- 
torial published  in  the  Tribune  two  years  ago  which  he  believes 
did  an  unintentional  injustice  to  the  ex-mayor  in  the  heat  of  a 
political  campaign.  The  Tribune  said  that  the  mayor  had  packed 
the  board  of  education  with  boodlers.  In  justice  to  Mayor  Dunne 
the  Tribune  has  reexamined  its  editorial  and  agrees  that  the  com- 
plaint of  the  ex-mayor's  friend  has  some  foundation. 

The  Tribune  never  intended  to  charge  Mayor  Dunne  with 
intentionally  appointing  men  of  that  character  to  the  board  of 
education. 

It  was  its  purpose  to  criticise  his  judgment  of  men.  While 
differing  radically  from  him  on  his  political  views  and  question- 
ing his  sagacity  in  making  political  appointments,  the  Tribune 
at  no  time  has  questioned  the  personal  integrity  of  Judge  Dunne, 
his  desire  to  appoint  honest  men  to  office,  or  his  honesty  of  pur- 
pose in  the  selection  of  his  appointees. 

It  is  but  fair  to  say  of  him  that  during  his  long  career  in 
public  life,  as  judge,  as  mayor,  and  as  a  leader  of  the  Democratic 
party  in  the  State,  he  has  neither  .affiliated  with  boodlers  nor 
wittingly  appointed  them  to  public  office. 


358  DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 


LINCOLN,  THE  LAWYER. 

ADDRESS  AT  BAR  BANQUET,  GALESBURG,  ILL.,  FEBRUARY  12,  1909. 

Mr.  Toastmaster  and  Gentlemen: 

Throughout  the  American  Nation,  in  every  city,  town  and 
hamlet  within  its  mighty  confines,  the  people  of  this  land  are  to- 
night celebrating  the  centenary  of  the  birth  of  one  of  the  noblest 
characters  in  American  history  and  one  of  the  greatest  philan- 
thropists and  humanitarians  in  all  history.  We,  in  common  with 
millions  of  our  fellow  citizens,  are  met  to  do  honor  to  the  memory 
of  a  man  who  in  his  lifetime  was,  because  of  his  devotion  to  ideals 
which  struck  at  sinfully  acquired  property,  more  vilified  and 
calumniated  than  any  man  of  his  day  or  age ;  who  died  a  martyr 
to  high  principles,  but  whose  fame  and  name  have  continued  to 
grow  in  the  estimation  of  the  world  till  it  has  become  one  of  the 
greatest  in  history.  The  many  sided  aspects  of  this  great  char- 
acter will  be  displayed  and  descanted  upon  throughout  the  Nation 
tonight,  but  there  is  one  facet  of  the  stone  which  members  of  the 
bar  should  carefully  examine  and  consider. 

Lincoln  was  a  statesman,  Lincoln  was  a  philanthropist,  Lin- 
coln was  an  orator  and  Lincoln  was  a  lawmaker  and  Chief  Execu- 
tive of  a  great  Nation.  But  Lincoln  was  also  a  lawyer  and  Lin- 
coln as  a  lawyer  should  be  an  appropriate  theme  for  discussion 
among  American  lawyers. 

Let  us  for  a  short  time  consider  Lincoln,  the  lawyer.  For 
twenty-three  years  of  his  life,  Abraham  Lincoln  practiced  law 
for  a  living  in  the  Springfield  district  of  this  State  in  what  was 
then  known  as  the  Eighth  Judicial  circuit.  That  circuit  for  a 
time  comprised  fully  one-seventh  of  the  whole  area  of  the  State. 
Because  of  its  immense  area,  the  difficulties  of  travel  in  those 
early  days,  and  the  fact  that  the  Supreme  Court  was  held  in 
Springfield,  Lincoln  seldom,  if  ever,  engaged  in  any  litigation 
outside  of  that  circuit. 

His  career  as  a  lawyer  began,  continued  and  ended  in  that 
circuit.  The  chief  characteristics  of  that  career  were  indefatig- 
able industry,  remarkable  modesty  and  absolute  integrity. 

No  man  in  the  profession  in  this  time  worked  so  tirelessly 
and  incessantly.  Astride  a  powerful  horse  with  his  saddle  bags 
containing  his  briefs  and  pleadings,  or,  in  a  wobbling,  dilapidated 


DUNNE JUDGE,  MAYOR,  GOVERNOR  359 

buggy  he  followed  the  circuit  judge  from  county  seat  to  county 
seat  through  fourteen  counties,  over  almost  impassable  roads, 
sleeping  in  impossible  taverns,  often  sharing  a  bed  with  fellow 
lawyers,  or  sometimes  with  the  circuit  judge  himself.  For  weeks 
at  a  time  he  was  away  from. his  home  and  office,  constantly  try- 
ing cases  in  the  then  obscure  and  widely  separated  county  seats 
of  eastern  central  Illinois.  No  farmer  or  mechanic  of  today 
did  half  of  the  physical  labor  performed  by  Lincoln  in  making 
these  fearful  pilgrimages.  The  remarkable  feature  of  these 
laborious  trips  is  the  fact  that  throughout  them  all  he  preserved 
his  health  and  good  temper.  The  physical  hardships  of  his  early 
life  seemed  to  have  enured  him  to  all  kinds  of  harrassing  wear 
and  tear,  his  temperate  habits  preserved  his  extraordinary  physi- 
cal strength,  and  the  unfailing  good  humor  and  light-heartedness 
with  which  his  Maker  endowed  him,  enabled  him,  after  a  hard 
day's  work,  to  cast  off  his  cares  as  easily  as  he  discarded  his 
overcoat. 

No  lawyer  in  the  circuit  tried  as  many  nisi  prius  cases  as 
did  Lincoln.  For  a  time  in  his  career  on  the  circuit  he  was 
almost  incessantly  in  court,  being  retained  on  either  side  of  nearly 
every  case  on  trial. 

Nor  were  his  labors  confined  to  the  Circuit  Court.  The  labor 
performed  by  him  on  briefs  filed  in  the  Supreme  Court  was  prodi- 
gious. In  the  first  twenty-five  volumes  of  the  Supreme  Court 
reports  his  name  appears  as  counsel  173  times.  In  some  of  these 
cases,  doubtless,  the  briefs  may  have  been  prepared  by  associate 
counsel,  but  no  lawyer  could  have  had  173  cases  in  the  Supreme 
Court  within  twenty-three  years  without  having  done  an  enor- 
mous amount  of  work  on  the  same,  both  in  the  Circuit  and 
Supreme  Courts.  The  wonder  of  the  thing  grows  upon  us  when 
we  reflect  that  for  many  years  he  prepared  his  own  pleading!? 
in  long  hand;  that  his  brief  book  was  kept  in  his  pocket  and 
sometimes  in  his  hat,  and  that  in  his  early  days  in  the  profession, 
he  was  very  careless  and  unmethodical. 

His  industry,  however,  marvelous  as  it  was,  never  equaled 
his  modesty.  Lincoln  was  not  a  commercial  lawyer.  He  knew 
not  how  to  capitalize  anything;  least  of  all  did  he  know  how  to 
capitalize  his  own  wonderful  genius.  The  possessor  of  rude  but 
convincing  eloquence  that  persuaded  juries  and  convinced  courts, 
endowed  by  God  with  a  nobility  of  character  and  a  love  of  truth 
which  shone  through  his  every  act  and  work  and  brought  success 
to  nearly  every  cause  he  championed,  this  great  man  and  this 
great  lawyer  was  possessed  of  an  instinctive  modesty  that  re- 
fused to  rate  his  own  worth  in  mercenarv  cash. 


360  DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

The  man  who  within  a  few  years  afterward  gave  utterance 
to  that  immortal  classic  at  Gettysburg  and  penned  the  likewise 
immortal  Emancipation  Proclamation,  in  his  own  estimation  as  a 
lawyer,  was  not  worth  $25  a  day.  Think  of  it,  you  men  who  are 
practicing  law  here  today.  Think  of  it,  you  men  who  can't 
attend  a  court  without  feeling  that  you  are  the  judge,  or  a  wed- 
ding without  becoming  of  the  opinion  that  you  are  the  bride,  or  a 
wake  without  believing  that  you  are  the  corpse.  On  one  of  his 
circuits,  it  is  said  Lincoln  only  collected  $5  in  cash.  On  many  of 
them,  most  of  his  fees  were  $5  a  trial,  and  in  but  very  few  cases 
did  he  receive  $50. 

Lincoln  should  have  had  some  of  the  commercial  lawyers  that 
I  know  as  a  partner.  Instead  of  going  into  the  White  House 
poor,  he  could  have  been  able  to  boast  that  his  acceptancy  of 
the  Presidency  was  a  financial  sacrifice. 

His  guileless  and  uncommercial  character  as  a  lawyer  is  but 
illustrated  by  his  notes  made  preparatory  to  a  law  lecture. 

"The  matter  of  fees  is  important,"  he  wrote,  "far  beyond 
the  mere  question  of  bread  and  butter  involved.  Properly  at- 
tended to,  fuller  justice  is  done  to  both  lawyer  and  client.  An 
exorbitant  fee  should  never  be  charged.  As  a  general  rule, 
never  take  your  whole  fee  in  advance,  nor  any  more  than  a  small 
retainer.  When  fully  paid  before  hand,  you  are  more  than 
mortal  if  you  can  feel  the  same  interest  in  the  case  as  if  some- 
thing was  still  in  prospect." 

Contrast  this  idea  with  those  of  the  modern  commercial 
lawyer. 

On  one  occasion  when  he  learned  that  an  attorney  who  had 
retained  him  had  charged  $250  for  their  joint  services,  he  refused 
to  take  any  share  of  the  money  until  the  fee  had  been  reduced  to 
what  he  deemed  a  reasonable  amount. 

For  this  and  other  outrages  of  this  character  upon  the  legal 
profession,  he  was  denounced  by  Judge  David  Davis,  who  said: 
"Lincoln,  you  are  impoverishing  the  bar  by  your  picayune 
charges,"  and  he  was  tried  by  his  brother  lawyers  in  a  mock 
court,  condemned,  found  guilty,  and  paid  his  fine  with  the  utmost 
good  nature. 

The  lack  of  financial  acquisitiveness,  amounting  at  times  to 
self-deprivations,  characterized  his  every  station  in  life,  from  gro- 
cery clerk  to  the  Presidency,  and  impelled  him  at  all  times  to 
side  with  the  under  dog  and  to  champion  the  cause  of  the  poor, 
the  lowly  and  the  oppressed. 

But  Lincoln,  the  lawyer,  was  not  only  industrious  and  mod- 
est, he  was  uncorruptibly  honest.  He  could  not  and  would  not 
lie,  dissemble,  pettifog  or  corrupt.  Lincoln  fought  his  legal 


DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,  GOVERNOR  361 

battles  in  the  open.  Although  a  power  in  politics,  he  never 
maneuvered  and  intrigued  to  get  a  man  on  the  bench  that  he 
could  own.  Although  a  member  of  the  Legislature  and  of  Con- 
gress, he  never  was  a  lobbyist,  either  during  his  term  of  office 
or  afterwards.  He  never  joined  swell  clubs  or  fawned  upon  the 
wealthy.  He  never  invited  judges  on  the  bench  to  stretch  their 
legs  and  consciences  at  private  dinner  parties.  He  never  dosed 
them  with  Ruinart  and  Cliquot  or  furnished  them  with  private 
cars  and  free  transportation.  He  had  no  systematized  depart- 
ments in  his  law  office  called  "Tax  Department"  wherein  the 
duties  of  the  tax  lawyer  was  to  fix  the  assessor;  "Legislative 
Department,"  wherein  the  legislative  lawyer  was  detailed  to  see 
the  councilman  and  assemblyman;  "Publicity  Department," 
wherein  the  publicity  lawyer  was  employed  to  fix  the  newspapers ; 
"Claim  Department,"  wherein  the  claim  lawyer  was  detailed  to 
get  to  the  hospital  with  a  receipt  in  full  before  the  injured  claim- 
ant was  operated  upon;  "Coroner's  Department,"  wherein  the 
deputy  lawyer  arranged  to  draft  the  verdict  for  the  accommoda- 
tion of  the  coroner's  jury;  nor  a  "Settlement  Department,"  whose 
duty  it  was  to  settle  cases  with  litigants  behind  the  backs  of  the 
lawyers  who  had  brought  suits  and  got  them  in  readiness  for  trial. 
Lincoln  would  have  scorned  to  preside  over,  or  be  found  in  such 
a  law  office. 

Lincoln  tried  some  important  lawsuits  for  corporations  who 
needed  his  unquestioned  ability  in  court  as  a  trial  lawyer,  but 
he  never  became  a  corporation  lawyer  in  the  modern  sense. 

His  ability  could  be  hired,  but  not  his  conscience.  He  could 
never  be  hired  to  advise  a  client,  no  matter  how  wealthy,  how 
to  violate  the  law,  how  to  cajole  or  corrupt  a  court  or  jury,  how 
to  fix  an  assessor,  or  debauch  a  councilman  or  legislator. 

Even  when  retained  in  a  case  where  he  owed  the  duty  of 
giving  his  best  efforts  to  his  client,  he  insisted  that  the  client 
must  act  with  honor. 

It  is  said  that  during  the  trial  of  one  of  his  cases  he  detected 
his  client  acting  dishonorably,  whereupon  he  walked  out  of  the 
court  room,  and  refused  to  proceed  with  the  trial.  Upon  the 
judge  sending  a  messenger  after  him,  directing  him  to  return, 
he  positively  declined,  saying,  "Tell  the  judge  my  hands  are 
dirty  and  I've  gone  away  to  wash  them." 

Nor  would  he  accept  a  retainer  in  a  case  which  was  legally 
right,  but  morally  wrong. 

To  a  prospective  client,  seeking  his  services,  he  once  said: 

"We  can  doubtless  win  your  case,  set  a  whole  neighborhood 
at  loggerheads,  distress  a  widow  and  six  fatherless  children,  and 


362  DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

thereby  get  you  six  hundred  dollars,  to  which  you  have  a  legal 
claim,  but  which  rightfully  belongs  to  the. widow  and  her  chil- 
dren. Some  things  that  are  legally  right  are  not  morally  right. 
We  would  advise  you  to  try  your  hand  at  making  $600  some  other 
way. ' ' 

At  another  time  he  refused  to  allow  his  partner  to  file  a  dila- 
tory plea  which  was  not  based  upon  facts,  saying:  "You  know 
it  is  a  sham,  and  a  sham  is  very  often  another  term  for  a  lie. 
Don't  let  it  go  on  record.  The  cursed  thing  may  come  staring 
us  in  the  face  long  after  this  suit  is  forgotten." 

Such  were  the  principles  that  actuated  and  governed  Lincoln 
in  the  practice  of  his  profession. 

In  these  modern  days  the  spirit  of  commercialism  is  alto- 
gether too  rampant.  The  success  of  a  man  is  too  often  measured, 
not  by  what  he  has  achieved,  or  attempted  to  achieve,  but  by  what 
he  has  amassed. 

Unfortunately  there  is  too  much  of  a  tendency  to  apply  this 
test  of  success  in  life  to  the  professions,  to  the  surgeon,  the  en- 
gineer, and  the  lawyer.  Is  it  the  true  test?  I  sincerely  be- 
lieve it  is  not. 

A  remunerative  practice  in  any  profession  is  a  laudable  ambi- 
tion, but  too  often  that  ambition  is  tainted  with  the  "get-rich- 
at-any-cost"  spirit  of  the  age. 

In  the  mad  rush  for  wealth  is  it  not  well  for  the  lawyer  of 
this  day  to  reflect  upon  such  an  occasion  as  this  that  men  like 
Abraham  Lincoln  have  lived  and  labored  hard  in  our  chosen  pro- 
fession; have  been  loyal  to  their  clients'  interests,  have  adhered 
to  lofty  ideals  and  preserved  the  purest  ethics  of  the  profession 
without  amassing  wealth?  Is  it  not  well  to  reflect  that  these 
lawyers  have  left  behind  them  records  of  professional  success 
and  names  that  will  never  fade  from  the  pages  of  legal  history, 
names  that  will  be  recalled  with  respect  and  admiration  among 
generations  yet  unborn,  when  the  names  and  deeds  of  lawyers 
whose  successes  are  measured  merely  by  their  financial  acquisi- 
tions are  lost  in  oblivion? 

Such  a  name  and  such  a  fame  is  that  of  Abraham  Lincoln, 
the  financially  poor,  but  ethically  and  morally  rich  lawyer  o^ 
central  Illinois. 


DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,  GOVERNOR  363 


PROTESTS  HONOR  TO  JUDGE  DICK- 
INSON BY  IROQUOIS  CLUB. 

LETTER  TO  THE  IROQUOIS  CLUB,  MARCH  6,  1909. 

I  am  in  receipt  of  your  invitation  to  attend  a  reception  and 
banquet  to  be  given  in  the  clubrooins,  on  Tuesday,  March  9,  1909, 
to  Judge  Dickinson  as  a  mark  of  honor  and  a  testimonial  of 
respect  to  him  upon  his  acceptance  of  a  position  in  the  Cabinet 
of  President  Taft. 

If  this  reception  and  banquet  were  tendered  to  Judge  Dick- 
inson by  citizens,  irrespective  of  party  and  party  affiliations,  I 
would  be  pleased  to  attend,  as  I  have  the  highest  respect  for 
Judge  Dickinson  as  a  lawyer  and  as  a  citizen  who  has  the  right 
of  every  citizen  to  change  his  political  beliefs  and  affiliations  at 
any  time. 

As  a  citizen  I  congratulate  Judge  Dickinson  upon  his  selec- 
tion for  a  position  of  great  dignity  and  honor,  and  I  sincerely 
wish  the  present  administration,  Judge  Dickinson  and  every 
member  of  the  Cabinet  every  possible  success  in  their  public  ca- 
reers, and  earnestly  hope  that  their  public  life  will  be  a  record 
of  patriotism  and  accomplishment. 

As  the  reception  and  banquet,  however,  is  tendered  to  him 
by  a  club  which  claims  and  has  always  claimed  to  be  an  exclu- 
sively Democratic  organization,  at  a  time  when  he,  Judge  Dickin- 
son, has  publicly  abandoned  the  Democratic  party  and  entered 
the  ranks  of  the  Republican  party,  I  cannot  consistently  attend 
and  must  respectfully  protest  as  a  member  of  this  club  against 
tendering  such  an  honor  at  such  a  time  and  under  such  cir- 
cumstances. 

If  Judge  Dickinson  supported  Judge  Taft  for  the  Presidency 
he  abandoned  the  Democratic  party  in  the  last  campaign  and 
became  a  Republican.  If  he  did  not  support  Judge  Taft  for  the 
Presidency,  his  acceptance  now  of  a  position  in  the  Cabinet  of 
the  President  is  a  public  announcement  of  his  allegiance  to  and 
accordance  with  the  principles  of  the  Republican  party  and  a 
repudiation  and  an  abandonment  of  the  Democratic  party  and 
its  principles. 


364  DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

For  a  Democratic  club  to  tender  its  congratulations  in  this 
manner  to  a  gentleman  because  of  his  recent  abandonment  of  his 
party  and  its  principles  and  his  espousal  of  the  opposite  party 
strikes  me  as  highly  inconsistent,  if  not  ridiculous. 

I,  therefore,  most  respectfully  decline  to  accept  your  invita- 
tion and  desire  to  record  my  protest  against  the  action  of  the 
club  in  tendering  any  such  honor  to  Judge  Dickinson  under  the 
existing  circumstances. 


DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  365 


THE  TRACTION  SLUSH  FUND. 

EXTRACT  FROM  AN  ADDRESS,  APRIL.  5,  1909. 

The  information  which  came  to  me — and  which  I  believe  to 
be  absolutely  true — was  that  the  slush  fund  was  not  as  small  as 
the  $350,000  or  $360,000  that  some  of  the  newspapers  say  it  was, 
but  that  it  aggregated  $600,000.  I  will  not  say  whether  one  or 
two  big  leaders  who  received  the  $50,000  each  belong  to  the 
Republican  or  Democratic  party  organization. 

But  I  will  say  that  I  am  satisfied  that  a  slush  fund  of  $600,000 
was  raised  by  traction  interests  to  put  through  the  traction  set- 
tlement ordinances.  I  was  mayor  at  the  time,  and  it  was  be- 
cause  of  what  I  knew  of  the  situation  that  tht  information  about 
the  slush  fund  and  where  it  went  reached  me  in  the  course  of 
time. 

The  subcontracting  and  rebating  provisions  of  the  ordinances 
were  criticised  by  me  at  the  time  as  likely  sources  of  graft.  1 
thought  there  were  some  excellent  provisions  in  the  ordinances. 
But  the  vicious  things — the  "jokers"  in  the  measure — were 
numerous.  I  did  my  best  to  expose  and  eliminate  them,  but  the 
ways  were  "greased",  as  is  now  admitted. 

However,  it  was  a  greasing  that  will  prove  costly  to  the  city, 
as  under  the  operation  of  the  vicious  "jokers"  the  city's  55  per 
cent  income  from  the  net  receipts  of  the  traction  business  is  grad- 
ually dwindling  away.  Unless  I  miss  my  guess,  the  city's  net 
will  continue  to  diminish  until  the  net  is  a  "nit"  and  nothing 
more. 


366  DUNNE — JUDGE,  MAYOR,  GOVERNOR 


ANNOUNCEMENT  OF  CANDIDACY  FOR 
GOVERNOR. 

STATEMENT  TO  THE  PUBLIC,  JANUARY,  1912. 

For  fifteen  years  Republican  jackpot  bosses  have  been  in 
complete  control  of  the  government  of  the  State  of  Illinois. 
During  that  period  the  expense  of  maintaining'  the  government 
has  increased  from  about  five  million  dollars  per  annum,  under 
the  last  Democratic  Governor  and  true  friend  of  the  people, 
Altgeld,  to  the  staggering  total  of  nearly  fifteen  million  dollars 
per  annum  under  Deneen.  During  that  period  the  State  has 
been  disgraced  and  its  citizens  humiliated  by  an  unparalleled  sat- 
urnalia of  debauchery  and  corruption.  The  great  corporations 
have  evaded  just  taxation  and  the  public  resources  have  been 
wasted  and  dissipated. 

During  that  period  our  Legislature  and  the  state  board  of 
equalization  have  become  a  by-word  and  an  object  of  scorn  be- 
cause both  have  taken  orders  from  jackpot  bosses,  who  have 
abused  their  self-assumed  authority  by  throttling  the  demands  of 
the  people  and  forcing  obedience  to  the  commands  of  the  cor- 
porations and  trusts  doing  business  in  the  State. 

STATE  LEGISLATURE  WAS  DEBAUCHED. 

During  the  same  fifteen  years  a  group  of  machine  bosses, 
composed  at  times  of  political  adventurers  from  the  State  at  large, 
but  recently  of  survivors  of  the  fierce  factional  wars  that  have 
torn  the  Republican  organization  of  Cook  County  to  shreds 
and  tatters,  has  conducted  openly  and  shamelessly,  but  always 
profitably,  a  system  of  political  office  brokerage,  through  which 
they  have  kept  their  camp  followers  in  public  places.  The  people 
of  Illinois  have  paid  the  bills.  The  system  began  with  the  Tan- 
ner administration  in  1897  and  has  continued  through  the  several 
terms  of  Yates  and  Deneen.  Hundreds  of  thousands  of  dollars 
of  the  people's  revenues  have  thus  found  their  way  into  the 
pockets  of  political  parasites  whose  labor  consisted  in  drawing 
their  breaths  and  their  salaries. 

The  debauching  of  the  legislature  was  coincident  with  the 
restoration  of  the  Republican  party  to  power  fifteen  years  ago. 


DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  367 

The  passage  of  the  Allen  bill,  which  sought  to  rob  the  people  of 
Chicago  of  their  right  to  control  their  own  streets,  the  gas  front- 
age and  consolidation  bills  and  other  equally  infamous  measures,  ' 
in  a  single  session,  seeui  to  have  broken  through  that  moral  fiber 
which,  theretofore,  constituted  a  check  upon  the  greed  and  im- 
moral tendencies  of  our  public  servants.  You  have  only  to  scan 
the  testimony  of  those  who  have  appeared  as  witnesses  before 
the  Senate  committee  that  is  investigating  the  election  of  Senator 
Lorimer  to  ascertain  the  extent  of  the  corruption  that  is  seemingly 
permeating  every  avenue  of  Republican  activities  in  Illinois.  It 
is  a  continuous  story  of  jackpots..  During  these  fifteen  years 
the  state  board  of  equalization,  a  majority  of  whom  are  obscure 
political  henchmen  of  these  same  bosses,  has  been  steadily  reduc- 
ing the  taxation  justly  due  from  the  railroads  and  other  corpora- 
tions, and  thus  throwing  an  additional  and  unjust  burden  upon 
the  other  taxpayers  of  the  State. 

JACKPOT  BOSSES  STIFLE  PEOPLE'S  DEMANDS. 

During  these  fifteen  years  of  power  these  jackpot  bosses 
have  repeatedly  turned  a  deaf  ear  to  the  .demands  of  the  people 
for  a  direct  primary  by  having  enacted  a  series  of  imperfect  laws, 
knowing  them  to  be  imperfect,  that  were  declared  null  and  void 
by  the  Supreme  Court,  one  after  another,  as  often  as  they  came 
before  that  court  and  not  until  1910  did  these  jackpot  bosses 
permit  the  passage  of  an  act  that  was  within  the  limitations  fixed 
by  the  court.  Even  that  law  does  not  give  the  people  the  power 
they  should  have  in  selecting  candidates. 

The  people 's  demand  for  the  initiative  and  referendum,  twice 
asserted  by  popular  vote  and  by  overwhelming  majorities,  has 
been  ingeniously  evaded  and  finally  denied. 

The  advisory  primary  vote  of  the  people,  governing  the  selec- 
tion of  a  United  States  Senator,  was  repudiated  by  a  Republican 
General  Assembly  with  the  connivance  of  a  Republican  Governor 
and  the  will  of  the  people  of  the  State  thus  set  at  defiance  by  a 
scandalous  cabal,  of  which  Deneen  and  Lorimer  were  the  leading 
spirits.  And  while  that  bold  crime  against  the  dignity  and  au- 
thority of  the  people  was  being  framed,  with  its  tragic  sequel  of 
confessions  of  bribery  and  criminal  prosecutions  and  death, 
Deneen  and  Lorimer,  according  to  the  sworn  testimony  of  Deneeii, 
were  meeting  at  the  State  Capitol  daily  and  there  discussing  the 
possibility  of  the  Supreme  Court  voiding  the  then  existing  primary 
election  law,  and  whether  or  not,  if  such  a  decision  were  handed 
down,  Busse,  then  mayor  of  Chicago,  would  employ  the  police 
force  to  drive  them  (Deneen  and  Lorimer)  from  power  in  Chicago. 
Could  there  have  been  a  more  logical  setting  for  what  followed? 


368  DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

JACKPOTTERS  AT  EACH  OTHER'S  THROATS. 

Now  the  Republican  leaders  are  all  at  each  other's  throats — 
Deneen,  Lorimer,  Busse,  Campbell,  and  Pease,  and  their  followers 
and  satellites  in  the  State.  They  have  grown  rich  and  powerful, 
and  no  longer  are  in  agreement  about  how  to  divide  the  spoils. 
They  cannot  again  fall  back  upon  the  so-called  protective,  but 
in  truth,  the  robber  tariff,  and  the  delusive  "full  dinner  pail," 
and  for  once  find  themselves  with  no  cohesive  strength  to  further 
delude  the  public.  Such  being  the  situation  of  the  Republican 
party  and  its  leaders  in  this  State,  the  time  has  arrived,  in  my 
judgment,  when  the  public  will  not  longer  be  misled  and  imposed 
upon  by  the  discredited  and  disunited  firm  of  political  office 
brokers  and  their  parasitical  followers. 

The  steady  adherence  of  the  Democratic  party  to  the  policy 
of  tariff  for  revenue  only  is  at  last  to  bear  fruit,  and  the  public, 
too  long  exploited  and  plundered  by  the  party  in  power,  is  ready 
to  turn  to  honest  doctrines  and  progressive  Democratic  measures. 
Believing  this  to  be  the  condition  of  the  public  mind,  it  is  my 
firm  conviction  that  the  Democratic  party  is  about  to  return  to 
power  in  this  State  and  also  in  the  Nation,  pledged  to  the  enact- 
ment of  laws  governing  corrupt  practices  at  election,  election  of 
Senators  by  direct  vote  of  the  people,  the  abolition  of  that  instru- 
ment of  venality  and  favoritism  in  taxation,  the  board  of  equali- 
zation, the  enactment  into  law  of  the  initiative  and  referendum 
and  other  progressive  measures  which  will  restore  representative 
government  and  assure  the  people  of  permanent  control  of  the 
functions  and  prerogatives  that  have  been  wrested  from  them 
by  the  forces  of  special  privilege  through  the  debauching  of  cor- 
rupt public  servants. 

JACKPOT  GOVERNMENT  MUST  GO. 

In  other  words,  I  believe  the  time  has  come  when  jackpot 
government  must  go  and  when  the  honest  manhood  of  Illinois 
will  rescue  their  commonwealth  from  the  wickedness,  favoritism 
and  corruption  that  are  besmirching  its  good  name. 

It  may  be  that  owing  to  the  expense  necessarily  involved  in 
making  a  thorough  canvass  of  the  State,  I  may  not  be  able  to 
reach  personally  or  by  mail  many  thousands  of  my  fellow  citizens, 
and  because  of  this  situation  I  am  constrained  to  ask  the  co- 
operation and  support  of  all  who  believe  in  clean,  honest  and 
progressive  government.  I  ask  them  to  give  me  their  assistance 
upon  the  pledge  that  if  placed  in  the  Governor's  office  of  this 
great  State,  I  will  devote  my  whole  time,  energy  and  such  ability 


DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  369 

as  I  may  possess  to  the  regeneration  of  its  politics,  and  in  sub- 
stituting for  the  existing  rule  of  the  "jackpotter"  and  "office 
broker"  the  rule  of  the  people,  who  are  and  should  be  the  makers 
of  the  Constitutions  and  laws  of  this  splendid  commonwealth. 

E.  F.  DUNNE. 


370  DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 


ADDRESS  IN  MEMORY  OF  JOHN  P. 
ALTGELD. 

AT  CHICAGO,  MARCH  10,  1912. 
Mr.  Chairman  and  Gentlemen: 

Marble  and  recording  brass  decay 
And,  like  the  graver's  memory,  pass  away; 
The  works  of  man  inherit,  as  is  just, 
Their  author's  frailty  and  return  to  dust; 
But  truth  divine  forever  stands  secure, 
Its  head  as  guarded  as  its  base  is  sure. 

— Cowper. 

Ten  years  ago  there  passed  away  at  Joliet,  in  this  State,  a 
great  statesman  and  a  just  man,  the  memory  of  whose  name  we 
cherish  today. 

As  the  years  roll  by  and  as  we  recede  in  time  from  that 
strenuous  era  in  which  John  P.  Altgeld  took  such  an  active  and 
important  part,  the  figure  that  he  made  in  the  history  of  his  day 
looms  larger  and  grander. 

Excepting  only  Lincoln  and  Douglas,  no  man  in  the  history 
of  Illinois  has  left  his  impress  upon  the  thoughts  and  affections 
of  the  common  people  of  the  State  as  ,did  Governor  Altgeld. 

In  every  crisis  that  involved  the  rights  and  interests  of  the 
common  people,  which  arose  in  the  decade  from  1892  to  1902, 
during  which  Altgeld  was  a  leading  figure  in  public  life,  he  threw 
himself  into  the  contest  with  dynamic  force  and  philanthropic 
disinterestedness  on  the  side  of  the  people.  Reckless  of  conse- 
quences, social,  political  or  financial,  he  preached  and  practiced 
the  poor  man's  gospel  of  equal  rights. 

GAVE  UP  ALL  FOR  MAN. 

Possessed  of  a  financial  competency  sufficient  to  entitle  him 
to  be  ranked  before  his  entry  into  active  political  life  among  the 
the  millionaires  of  his  day,  and  holding  a  position  of  dignity  and 
emolument  upon  the  bench,  when  the  call  to  public  duty  reached 
him.  without  calculating  the  cost,  he  abandoned  his  private  in- 
terests and  resigned  from  the  bench  to  fight  the  battle  of  man 
against  Mammon. 


DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,  GOVERNOR  371 

A  more  unique  and  remarkable  character  never  appeared  in 
the  history  of  the  Middle  States  of  America. 

A  German  immigrant  of  weakly  frame  and  constitution  and 
without  financial  resource,  we  find  him  a  poor  working  boy  in 
this  country,  when  it  became  involved  in  a  life  and  death  strug- 
gle for  its  existence. 

Possessed  of  that  courage  and  love  of  liberty  which  has 
characterized  the  Teutonic  race  from  the  time  when,  with  un- 
daunted hearts  and  naked  bodies,  the  Allemani  fought  the  serried 
and  cuirassed  legions  of  Rome  under  Caesar  and  preserved  their 
independence  of  Borne  along  the  banks  of  the  Rhine,  Altgeld,  at 
16  years  of  age,  risked  his  life  for  the  abolition  of  human  slavery 
and  the  preservation  of  his  adopted  country. 

Preserved  by  Providence  for  greater  accomplishments,  Alt- 
geld  returned  from  the  battlefield,  unscathed  in  body,  to  resume 
the  duties  of  the  citizen  in  time  of  peace. 

He  quickly  acquired  by  self-education  the  qualifications  of  a 
successful  teacher,  taught  school  for  a  period,  during  which  his 
laudable  ambition  and  tireless  energy  procured  for  him  admission 
to  the  bar. 

A  LEADEE  AMONG  LAWYERS. 

His  wonderful  intellect  and  tireless  energy  soon  placed  him 
among  the  leaders  of  his  profession,  and  then  upon  the  bench, 
with  a  fortune  amassed  from  his  practice  and  judicious  invest- 
ments. 

Always  a  deep  thinker  and  a  humanitarian,  when  he  took  his 
seat  upon  the  bench  he  became  a  student  of  social  problems.  That 
the  rapidly  produced  wealth  of  the  country  was  being  concen- 
trated in  the  hands  of  a  few  exploiters  of  labor,  while  the  real 
producers  of  this  wealth  were  but  scant  partakers  of  the  same; 
that  half-starved  workingmen  walked  the  streets  of  great  cities, 
where  policemen  guarded  safety  deposit  vaults  containing  bil- 
lions of  securities,  and  that  the  laws  and  policies  of  government 
not  only  permitted  but  fostered  such  an  inequitable  distribution 
of  wealth,  caused  Altgeld,  as  it  caused  Henry  George  and  Tom 
Johnson,  to  take  an  active  part  in  public  life,  with  the  design  of 
remedying  such  dangerous  conditions. 

No  man  ever  entered  in  the  active  warfare  of  politics  with 
more  unselfish  and  more  disinterested  motives. 

In  1892,  when  called  upon  by  the  Democratic  party  to  be- 
come its  candidate  for  Governor  of  Illinois,  he  had  an  ample 
fortune,  a  position  of  dignity  and  large  property  interests.  Politi- 
cal promotion  beyond  the  Governorship  was  impossible  by  reason 
of  his  foreign  birth.  Yet  the  hope  that,  by  holding  the  position 


372  DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,  GOVERNOR 

of  Governor  of  a  great  state,  he  might  be  able  to  fight  vested 
privilege  and  enforce  equity  in  legislation  and  aid  with  humane 
laws  the  lot  of  the  common  laborer  which  he  had  shared  when  a 
boy,  impelled  him  to  make  the  race  for  Governor. 

A  SHOCK  TO  CORRUPTION. 

His  election  to  that  office  was  a  shock  to  every  tax-dodging, 
law-defying,  labor-skinning  and  judge-corrupting  plutocrat  and 
corporation  in  America. 

That  a  man  who  believed  in  absolute  equality  before  the  law, 
and  who  could  not  be  bribed,  browbeaten,  cozened  or  cajoled  by 
the  agents  of  special  privilege,  should  occupy  the  highest  posi- 
tion in  the  great  State  of  Illinois  was  to  them  a  matter  of  serious 
portent. 

If  the  precedent  should  become  contagious,  what  might  hap- 
pen ?  At  once  the  syndicated  powers  of  privilege  and  plutocracy 
opened  war  upon  the  Governor. 

Most  of  the  metropolitan  papers  of  the  country  were  already 
under  the  control  of  the  moneyed  interests.  Such  as  were  not 
and  were  needed  were  speedily  secured,  pelf,  not  principle,  being 
the  actuating  motive. 

A  campaign  of  slander,  vituperation  and  billingsgate  un- 
paralleled even  in  the  unscrupulous  methods  of  the  modern  dailies 
was  inaugurated  and  maintained  by  the  unprincipled  owners  of 
these  papers  to  blacken  the  character  and  weaken  the  influence 
of  this  high-minded  and  courageous  friend  of  the  people. 

His  motives  were  impugned,  his  utterances  distorted,  his  acts 
misrepresented,  his  financial  interests  assailed,  his  public  and 
private  life  assaulted  with  all  the  venom  that  the  human  mind 
was  capable  of  exuding. 

PICTURED  AS  ANARCHIST. 

He  was  pictured  as  an  anarchist  with  a  bomb  in  one  hand 
and  a  torch  in  the  other.  The  sewers  of  mendacity  and  the 
cesspools  of  malignity  were  scraped  dry  and  the  contents  hurled 
against  the  name  and  character  of  the  people's  friend.  They 
succeeded  in  driving  him  from  office  and  ruining  his  fortune,  but 
with  his  back  to  the  wall  and  his  face  to  the  stars.  Altgeld  gave 
back  blow  for  blow,  and  in  justification  of  his  course  left  as  a 
monument  to  his  name  and  a  vindication  of  his  acts  and  motives, 
State  papers  that  will  be  more  imperishable  than  all  the  monu- 
ments of  granite  and  bronze  that  were  ever  erected;  aye,  more 
enduring  than  the  pyramids  that  in  the  Egyptian  deserts  have 
withstood  the  wear  and  tear  of  forty  centuries. 


DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  373 

Ten  years  have  passed  since  the  great  Governor  of  Illinois 
and  true  friend  of  the  people  has  been  called  to  his  reward,  aim 
now  as  the  impartial  student  of  history  in  the  privacy  of  his 
library  reads  the  splendid  messages  of  Governor  Altgeld,  in  which 
he  explains  his  pardon  of  the  condemned  anarchists,  and  his  pro- 
test against  the  unlawful  usurpation  of  Federal  authority  by  Presi- 
dent Cleveland,  he  cannot  but  be  convinced  that  Altgeld  was  a 
statesman  of  lofty  character  and  sublime  courage. 

Nor  is  his  character  disclosed  solely  in  his  public  messages. 
All  through  the  essays,  treatises  and  speeches  which  he  left  behind 
him,  we  find  the  lofty  ideas  of  the  humanitarian  and  philosopher. 

In  warning  the  young  men  of  the  danger  of  the  lust  of  wealth, 
he  asks:  "Which  should  a  young  man,  starting  in  life  prefer: 
to  be  able  to  stand  erect  in  God's  sunlight  and  take  his  chances, 
free  from  the  burden  of  tainted  dollars;  or  a  fortune  of  ill-gotten 
wealth  with  the  deformity  of  soul,  the  destruction  of  noble  man- 
hood, the  blight  of  dissipation  and  physical  disintegration  that 
too  often  accompany  such  an  inheritance?" 

FORTUNES  AMASSED  FROM  ILL-PAID  LABOR. 

In  speaking  of  fortunes  amassed  from  ill-requited  labor,  he 
asks :  ' '  Can  we  expect  our  children  to  be  happy  and  free  from 
inherited  blight  if  we  give  them  the  money  we  have  made  from 
underpaying  the  labor  that  helped  us  amass  a  fortune?" 

In  discussing  the  unjust  burdens  of  labor  under  existing  laws, 
he  blazed  the  way  for  remedial  legislation  which  only  last  year 
has  been  enacted  in  this  State.  These  were  his  words:  "In 
all  large  industries  accidents  happen,  laborers  get  crippled, 
crushed,  killed.  This  means  widows,  poverty  and  wretchedness. 
Justice  requires  that  accidents  should  be  charged  up  to  the  busi- 
ness, that  those  who  are  maimed  should  be  cared  for  by  those  for 
wrhom  they  toiled." 

In  discussing  the  evils  of  a  standing  army  on  another  oc- 
casion, he  said:  "Instead  of  a  standing  army  being  a  preserver 
of  peace,  it  is  a  constant  provocation  to  war  and  a  continual 
menace  to  the  liberties  of  a  country.  Tyranny  must  rely  upon 
brute  force,  but  republics  must  look  to  the  affections  of  the 
people  for  protection." 

What  a  splendid  exhibition  of  benignant  philosophy  is  con- 
tained in  these  words  written  by  him  a  short  time  before  his 
death:  "He  who  has  deep  down  in  his  sou]  the  knowledge  that 
he  has  always  fought  for  the  right,  and  that  he  never  knowingly 
has  wronged  another,  could  not  be  unhappy  though  the  world 
were  arrayed  against  him." 


374  DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

THE  LIBERTINE  AND  THE  GREAT  DAILIES. 

And  in  denunciation  of  the  libertine,  what  truer  words  were 
ever  written:  "The  man  who  ruthlessly  abandons  a  woman 
who  has  believed  and  confided  in  him  destroys  himself  and, 
though  he  fly  to  the  end  of  the  earth,  the  curse  will  follow. ' ' 

And  in  discussing  the  methods  pursued  by  the  great  dailies 
of  his  day,  how  truthful  are  the  following  statements:  "Few 
men  have  grown  great  upon  the  large  newspapers  during  the 
last  generation.  Many  men  of  excellent  ability,  fine  education 
and  noble  aspirations  have  entered  the  field.  They  became  for  a 
time  more  acute  and  better  able  to  serve  their  masters,  but  they 
degenerate  in  character.  No  man  can  hide  behind  a  hedge  and 
throw  missiles  at  people  traveling  on  life's  highway  without 
deteriorating. 

"The  great  dailies  lay  the  blight  of  their  conduct  upon  all 
who  are  connected  with  them.  The  proprietor  may  wield  power 
for  a  time,  but  with  rare  exceptions  the  same  dragon  of  wrong 
conduct  that  swallows  up  the  smaller  men  in  his  employ  will 
destroy  him  also." 

TO  CONTEMPLATE  A  NOBLE  STRUCTURE. 

To  appreciate  the  stateliness,  the  symmetry  and  grandeur 
of  a  structure  which  is  a  triumph  of  architectural  skill,  one  must 
not  stand  close  to  its  wall  and  place  one's  hand  upon  its  polished 
surface. 

One  must  recede  from  it  to  some  distance  in  order  to  drink  in 
and  absorb  its  stately  outlines.  So  it  is  in  the  case  of  Altgeld's 
character.  As  we  recede  in  time  from  the  period  when  that  char- 
acter developed  its  full  greatness  is  disclosed. 

Today  after  the  lapse  of  years  we  recognize  in  the  character 
and  life  of  John  P.  Altgeld  a  symmetry  and  grandeur  rarely 
equaled  among  the  public  men  of  his  day  and  age. 


DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  375 


WHAT  NAME  AND  MEMORY  SHOULD 
WE  LEAVE? 

ADDRESS  ON  DECORATION  DAY,  MAY  30,  1912. 
Mr.  Chairman,  Ladies  and  Gentlemen: 

"Our  fathers'  God!  from  out  whose  hand 
The  centuries  fall  like  grains  of  sand, 
We  meet  today,  united,  free, 
And  loyal  to  our  land  and  Thee, 
To  thank  Thee  for  the  era  done, 
And  trust  Thee  for  the  opening  one." 

Half  a  century  has  passed  since,  in  the  mighty  struggle  for 
the  preservation  of  this  great  Republic,  brave  men  gave  up  their 
lives  upon  the  altar  of  patriotism.  They  died  that  their  country 
might  live  and  that  country  living,  delights  to  honor  the  names 
and  graves  of  those  who  died  in  her  cause. 

Throughout  the  length  and  breadth  of  this  great  land,  under 
the  whispering  pines  of  Maine,  in  the  everglades  of  Florida — 
from  the  rolling  billows  of  New  Jersey,  to  the  golden  sands  of 
California,  loyal  and  grateful  men  and  women  are  today  gathered 
by  grass-grown  graves  of  the  heroic  soldiers  of  the  war  of  the 
Republic,  scattering  fragrant  flowers  upon  the  beds  in  which  lie 
at  rest  all  that  was  mortal  of  their  deathless  dead.  Thus  does  a 
grateful  Nation  honor  its  fallen  defenders  and  a  more  worthy  and 
inspiring  ceremonial  was  never  engrafted  upon  the  customs  of  an1 
intelligent  and  self-respecting  people. 

To  the  credit  of  America  this  beautiful  custom  has  never  been 
abandoned  or  neglected,  since  it  was  first  established  half  a  cen- 
tury ago.  "We  are  here  today  to  participate  in  that  time-honored 
practice,  and  today,  with  reverent  hands  we  gently  strew  upon 
the  graves  of  the  dead  soldiers,  now  sleeping  their  eternal  sleep 
in  this  cemetery,  the  flowers  of  affection  and  remembrance. 

"Dulce  et  decorum  est  pro  patria  mori." 

'Tis  pleasant  and  proper  to  die  for  one's  country,  but  it  is 
also  pleasant  and  proper  for  those  who  have  not  had  that  honor 
and  glory,  to  perpetuate  the  memory  of  those  who  have  given  up 
their  lives  in  their  country's  cause. 


376  DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

May  the  day  never  come  when  the  men  and  women  of  this 
country  are  indifferent  to  and  neglectful  of  this  beautiful  custom. 

As  the  years  roll  by  and  as  new  generations  of  men  spring 
into  being,  of  course,  it  is  natural  that  those  who  did  not  per- 
sonally know  and  who  are  not  closely  related  to  the  patriot  dead, 
may  not  feel  the  same  poignant  personal  grief  for  those  now 
resting  beneath  the  graveyard's  sod,  as  those  of  the  past  gen- 
eration, yet  the  spirit  that  caused  the  institution  of  Decoration 
Day  should  not  be  allowed  to  subside  or  be  forgotten.  Tis  the 
sentiment  of  a  Nation,  not  the  personal  grief  of  individuals,  that 
Decoration  Day  should  typify  and  express.  A  nation  without  sen- 
timent is  doomed  to  decay. 

Some  one  has  said: 

"A  land  without  memories  is  a  land  without  history. 
A  land  that  wears  a  laurel  crown  may  be  fair  to  see,  but  twine 
a  few  sad  cypress  leaves  around  the  brow  of  any  land  and  it 
becomes  lovely  in  its  consecrated  coronet  of  sorrow.  Crowns  of 
roses  fade,  crowns  of  thorns  endure,  Calvaries  and  crucifixions 
take  deepest  hold  of  humanity ;  they  pass  and  are  forgotten ;  the 
sufferings  of  right  are  graven  deepest  in  the  chronicle  of  nations." 

And  a  poet  sings: 

"Give  me  the  land  that  is  blest  with  the  dust 
And  bright  with  the  deeds  of  the  down-trodden  just 
Give  me  the  land  with  a  grave  in  each  spot 
And  names  in  the  graves  that  will  not  be  forgot." 

The  tendency  of  the  age  in  which  we  live  is  altogether  too 
materialistic.  If  truth  be  told  in  these  modern  days,  we  have 
become  money-mad.  In  the  last  quarter  of  a  century  we  have 
produced  billionaires  and  millionaires  by  the  thousands, 
but  where  are  our  great  American  composers,  painters,  sculptors, 
dramatists  or  poets?  In  these  days  men  point  with  awe  and 
reverence  to  the  gigantic  financial  figures  of  Morgan,  Rockefeller, 
Carnegie  and  Harriman,  but  seem  to  forget,  in  the  absence  of 
their  intellectual  equals,  the  glory  which  Prescott  and  Bancroft, 
Irving,  Lowell  and  Longfellow  have  brought  to  America. 

No  poet  comparable  to  Longfellow  or  Poe,  no  statesman  like 
Clay,  Calhoun  or  Webster,  no  orator  like  Dougherty,  Brecken- 
ridge  or  Ingersoll,  has  risen  upon  the  intellectual  horizon  of 
this  country  within  the  last  twenty  years.  The  sentimental  as- 
pirations of  our  people,  that  which  makes  for  lofty  ideals,  for 
poetry  and  patriotism,  for  intellectual  development,  seem  to  be 
submerged  in  the  intense  struggle  for  material  wealth  and  the 
enjoyment  of  the  gross  material  luxuries  which  wealth  brings  in 
its  train. 


DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  377 

To  such  a  pass  have  things  come  in  this  age  of  enormous 
wealth  and  gross  materialism  that  the  days  set  apart  in  more 
patriotic  times,  for  the  commemoration  'of  the  glorious  achieve- 
ments of  American  history,  are  now  devoted  by  many  Americans 
to  the  gratification  of  their  love  for  display  or  sport.  Instead 
of  the  reading  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence  and  patriotic 
speeches  on  the  Fourth  of  July,  we  now  have  an  automobile  race 
with  its  train  of  homicides,  or  a  baseball  game. 

On  Thanksgiving  Day,  instead  of  thank  offering,  we  have  a 
football  game  and  a  bacchanalian  feast,  and  on  Decoration  Day, 
it  has  just  been  seriously  proposed  in  this  city  to  have  a  gigantic 
parade  of  draft  horses,  which  would  enable  the  pork  packers 
and  big  teamsters  of  the  city  to  display  the  equine  wealth  of  their 
stables. 

No  such  honors  to  the  horse  have  ever  been  contemplated 
since  the  day  when  a  profligate  Roman  emperor  decreed  that 
his  dumb  charger  should  wear  the  honors  usually  accorded  to  a 
Caesar. 

Enough  of  the  old  patriotic  spirit  of  1776  and  1861,  however, 
still  remains  among  us  to  prevent  this  desecration  of  the  day 
devoted  by  the  American  people  to  the  memory  of  its  patriot 
dead.  Public  sentiment  favored  the  hero  rather  than  the  horse, 
and,  to  the  credit  of  American  patriotism,  we  witness  today  the 
attenuated  parade  of  gaunt  and  grizzled  men  who  still  remain 
to  remind  us  of  the  days  of  American  valor  on  the  field  of  battle 
rather  than  the  dazzling  display  of  stall-fed  horses  to  remind 
us  of  the  plethoric  purses  of  purse-proud  millionaires. 

On  this  holy  ground,  sanctified  by  the  bones  of  patriots, 
let  us,  my  friends,  resolve  to  resist  the  materialistic  tendencies 
of  the  times  which  would  place  pelf  before  patriotism  and 
mammon  before  man.  Looking  back  over  history,  let  us  profit 
by  the  lives  and  deaths  of  the  men  upon  whose  graves  we  have 
laid  our  garlands  of  remembrance.  There  are  two  things  we 
can  leave  behind  us — money  and  memory.  We  can  take  nothing 
earthly  with  us.  There  is  no  pocket  in  a  shroud. 

If  tomorrow  we  were  to  face  the  great  hereafter  which  would 
we  prefer  to'  leave  behind  us,  a  great  fortune  or  an  honorable 
name?  "Would  we  prefer  to  leave  the  name  and  memory  of 
such  as  lie  around  us,  the  name  of  a  patriot  and  a  martyr,  and 
lie  in  an  humble  grave  where  grateful  Americans  come  and  strew 
the  flowers  of  remembrance,  or  leave  behind  us  a  fortune  to  curse 
our  children  and  lie  in  a  mausoleum  of  sculptured  marble,  whose 
only  visitors  are  the  hired  mercenaries  that  guard  the  tomb  from 
spoliation.  The  one  is  the  grave  of  the  patriot,  the  other  the 
tomb  of  the  plutocrat. 


378  DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

There  can  be  no  doubt  as  to  how  the  true  American  would 
answer  this  question.  He  will  prefer  to  leave  behind  him  the 
record  of  a  good  name,  the  record  of  duty  done  and  honor 
preserved. 

All  men  cannot  have  the  honor  of  dying  for  their  country, 
as  have  the  patriot  dead  that  slumber  here.  But  all  men  can 
and  do  fight  the  battle  of  life,  and  that  battle  can  always  be 
fought  along  sordid  or  sentimental  lines,  selfishly  or  unselfishly. 
Let  us  take  inspiration  from  the  graves  of  the  patriot  dead. 
Let  us  labor  as  they  did  for  the  spiritual,  rather  than  the  material, 
welfare  of  our  country.  Let  us  make  this  Nation  a  happy  as  well 
as  a  prosperous  land,  by  placing  in  the  exercise  of  our  duties 
of  citizenship,  patriotism  before  party  and  man  before  mammon. 
Then  we  can  join  with  Longfellow  and  sing  to  our  mother 
land: 

"Our  hearts,  our  hopes  are  all  with  Thee, 
Our  hearts,  our  hopes,  our  prayers,  our  tears, 
Our  faith  triumphant  o'er  our  fears, 
Are  with  Thee,  are  all  with  Thee." 


DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  379 


THE  DANGERS  OF  MONOPOLIES. 

ADDRESS  AT  BELLEVILLE,  ILL.,  JULY  4, 1912. 

Mr.  Chairman,  Ladies  and  Gentlemen : 

Following  the  laudable  and  patriotic  precedent  established 
over  a  century  ago,  we  meet  today  to  celebrate  the  birth  of  the 
greatest  Republic  in  history. 

Until  Thomas  Jefferson  penned  that  immortal  document 
which  first  enunciated  correctly  the  inalienable  rights  of  man 
and  which  we  with  pride  call  the  Declaration  of  Independence, 
the  nations  of  the  earth  had  bowed  submissively  before  the  politi- 
cal fetich  called  the  divine  right  of  kings.  For  centuries  man- 
kind had  been  taught  that  the  right  to  rule  was  the  divinely 
appointed  privilege  of  the  few  and  that  submission  to  the  will 
of  the  ruler  was  the  divinely  appointed  lot  of  the  multitude. 

When  Jefferson  and  his  compeers  in  the  Continental  Congress 
promulgated  to  the  world  the  doctrine  that  "all  men  are  created 
equal,"  with  certain  inalienable  rights,  including  "life,  liberty 
and  the  pursuit  of  happiness,"  and  that  "All  governments  derive 
their  just  powers  from  the  consent  of  the  governed,"  they  enun- 
ciated a  new  political  gospel  which  shook  the  very  foundation  of 
kingly  rights  and  the  vested  privileges  of  centuries. 

It  is  not  so  much  the  birth  of  a  new  Nation  that  we  celebrate 
on  July  4  as  the  birth  of  the  new  theory  of  government.  Re- 
publics indeed  had  existed  in  the  world's  history  before  1776, 
but  even  in  the  republics  of  Athens  and  of  Rome  absolute  political 
equality  among  men  was  unknown. 

The  Athenian  helot  and  the  Roman  slave  were  inhabitants 
but  not  citizens,  and  strange  indeed  is  the  fact  that  even  in  this 
Republic,  after  the  promulgation  of  the  great  declaration  of 
human  rights  in  1776,  human  slavery  in  flat  contradiction  of  the 
principles  enunciated  in  the  Declaration  of  Independence  con- 
tinued to  exist  for  over  ninety  years. 

Vested  privilege  in  the  form  of  legalized  ownership  of 
human  flesh  doggedly  resisted  the  crystallization  into  law  of  the 
principles  of  the  immortal  Declaration  of  Independence,  until 
the  conscience  of  the  American  people  blazed  out  in  civil  war 
in  1861,  and  at  a  mighty  expenditure  of  blood  and  treasure,  made 
the  declaration  that  "all  men  are  born  free  and  equal,"  for  the 
first  time  in  history,  true  in  fact  as  well  as  in  theory. 


380  DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

One  hundred  and  thirty-six  years  ago  today  this  Nation  and 
the  idea  of  political  human  equality  was  born  and  today  with 
pride  we  celebrate  the  anniversary. 

From  a  struggling  infant  among  the  nations,  we  have  become 
a  giant. 

In  all  things  material,  we  have  made  marvelous  progress. 
We  have  the  richest  country  in  the  world.  In  the  mechanical 
arts  and  sciences  we  lead  all  nations. 

And  yet,  my  friends,  there  are  some  things  in  the  midst  of 
our  great  prosperity  that  must  make  the  thoughtful,  patriotic 
citizen  pause  and  consider  for  the  future  welfare  of  our  country. 
We  have  become  money-mad.  We  are  living  in  a  purely  com- 
mercial atmosphere.  We  inhabit  a  land  richly  >  endowed  by- 
nature,  where  wealth  is  being  amassed  with  marvelous  speed  and 
the  aim  of  too  many  Americans  is  to  get  rich  and  get  rich  quickly. 
We  are  neglecting  the  spiritual  and  intellectual  side  of  life. 
When  the  Nation  was  young,  we  had  our  poets  like  Poe,  Bryant, 
and  Longfellow,  our  historians  like  Prescott  and  Bancroft,  our 
statesmen  like  Webster,  Clay,  and  Calhoun,  our  orators  like  Inger- 
soll,  Breckenridge  and  Dougherty.  Where  are  our  poets,  our 
historians,  and  our  literary  men  of  today? 

Take  up  our  papers  and  you  will  find  column  after  column 
devoted  to  the  financial  achievements  of  a  Rockefeller,  a  ]VJ  organ, 
or  a  Carnegie,  but  not  a  word  about  an  American  composer,  an 
American  painter,  sculptor,  or  poet. 

Go  to  any  of  our  clubs  and  we  find  that  it  is  the  man  who 
has  made  millions,  who  is  pointed  out  as  worthy  of  admiration 
and  to  whom  bow  down  the  obsequious  adorers  of  wealth. 

Where  are  our  musicians,  composers,  artists,  poets  and  ora- 
tors ?  Nowhere. 

Where  are  our  millionaires?  Almost  everywhere.  As  the 
result  of  this  lustful  wealth  and  adoration  of  the  wealthy,  almost 
the  sole  aim  of  the  brainy  young  man  of  America  today  is  to 
become  rich.  He  becomes  commercialized,  materialistic. 

There  is  no  great  financial  reward  to  be  had  from  the  pursuit 
of  literature  or  art.  Therefore  he  eschews  them.  He  has  seen 
money  quickly  made  by  the  flotation  of  consolidated  enterprises 
into  great  monopolies  which  reduce  the  cost  and  increase  the 
profit  of  manufacture,  particularly  in  those  things  manufactured 
which  are  the  necessities  of  life.  To  this  avenue  leading  to  qu;ck 
wealth  he  directs  his  ardent  steps.  This  is  the  bent  of  the  young 
active  American  mind  today. 

What  is  the  result?  Great  monopolies  have  been  conceived 
and  delivered  by  master  minds  in  the  American  business  world 
which  have  increased  the  cost  of  living  outrageously. 


DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  381 

Food  stuffs,  wearing  apparel,  building  material,  fuel,  light, 
and  the  other  necessities  of  life  are  now  produced  by  great 
monopolies,  formed  by  consolidating  many  manufactures  into 
one,  over-capitalizing  the  consolidation,  cutting  down  wages,  and 
raising  the  prices  to  consumers. 

Attendant  upon  the  great  consolidations  are  strikes  and  lock- 
outs among  the  wage  earners,  resisting  reductions  of  wages  on 
the  one  side  and  discontent  and  protest  by  the  consumer  on 
the  other. 

This  monopolistic  tendency  in  the  American  business  world 
is  becoming  dangerous  to  the  community,  particularly  where  it 
is  fostered  and  encouraged  by  law.  It  is  producing  many  social-- 
ists  and,  I  am  afraid,  some  anarchists. 

That  I  am  not  too  pessimistic  in  this  matter  is  shown  by  the 
fact  that  Moody 's  Manual  of  Corporation  Securities  contains  the 
names  of  287  industrial  trusts  capitalized  for  about  seven  billion 
dollars,  most  of  which  are  producing  the  necessities  of  life. 

Nearly  all  of  them  are  outrageously  over-capitalized  and,  in 
their  efforts  to  produce  dividends  on  this  fraudulent  over- capitali- 
zation, the  workingman  is  squeezed  on  the  one  hand  while  the 
consumer  is  robbed  on  the  other. 

To  add  insult  to  injury  and  to  increase  the  burden  of  ihe 
iniquity,  about  75  per  cent  of  all  the  capital  invested  in  these 
monopolies  is  favored  and  fostered  by  the  iniquitous  high  tariff 
laws  of  the  Nation. 

As  the  result  of  this  deplorable  monopolistic  tendency  of  our 
time,  the  increase  in  the  cost  of  the  necessities  of  life  in  recent 
years  has  been  about  50  per  cent  while  the  increase  of  the  wage 
of  the  workingman  has  been  less  than  20  per  cent. 

The  most  unfortunate  aspect  of  the  situation  is  that  while  the 
wealth  of  the  country  is  increasing  prodigiously  year  by  year, 
this  wealth,  instead  of  being  diffused  among  the  multitude,  where 
its  good  effects  could  be  appreciated  in  some  measure  by  all 
classes,  is  being  rapidly  concentrated  in  the  hands  of  a  com- 
paratively few. 

Senator  LaFollette,  after  careful  investigation  several  years 
ago,  stated  in  the  United  States  Senate  that  "less  than  one  hun- 
dred men  controlled  the  industries  of  the  whole  country"  and  in 
the  recent  investigation  of  the  money  trust,  made  by  Congress, 
it  was  developed  that  the  six  men,  controlling  the  clearing  house 
of  New  York  City,  could  make  or  break  any  bank  or  industry  in 
the  United  States. 

This  consolidation  of  the  manufacture  and  production  of  the 
necessities  of  life  into  great  monopolies,  with  the  attendant  in- 
crease of  cost  to  the  consumer  without  a  proportionate  increase 


382  DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVEENOR 

in  the  income  of  the  wage  earner  and  the  concentration  of  the 
wealth  produced  in  the  hands  of  the  few  is  a  dangerous  menace  to 
the  welfare  and  prosperity  of  our  country. 

It  is  defended  by  some  as  an  evolution  of  modern  progress. 
Add  one  letter  to  evolution  and  it  becomes  revolution.  Make  a 
few  more  additions  to  monopoly  in  modern  business  and  it  may 
have  the  same  effect. 

Thoughtful  minds  have  been  for  years  alarmed  at  these  dan- 
gerous tendencies  of  the  times  and  have  been  warning  the  public 
against  their  continuance. 

Thomas  Carlyle,  in  his  book  on  the  French  -Revolution,  de- 
clared that  the  immediate  and  provoking  cause  of  that  cataclysm 
was  "a  hungry  belly." 

Private  monopoly,  if  left  undisturbed,  is  always  rapacious, 
and,  if  the  necessities  of  life  are  in  the  hands  of  monopoly,  the 
public  will  be  exploited  to  the  limit  of  human  endurance. 

Public  control  of  private  monopoly  must  come  as  the  only 
remedy.  Great  leaders  of  public  thought  have  long  reached  this 
conclusion.  Col.  William  J.  Bryan  has  written  into  the  platforms 
of  two  national  conventions  the  bold  statement  that  ''Private 
monopoly  is  indefensible."  Senator  LaFollette  has  declared  that 
' '  The  railroads,  the  trusts,  the  tariff  and  the  money  power  control 
in  government  and  the  burdens  of  the  people  grow  heavier  every 
day.  A  crisis  is  at  hand,"  and  he  attempted  to  write  into  the 
platform  of  his  party  a  declaration  that  "monopoly  is  intoler- 
able." 

Following  these  great  tribunes  of  the  people,  Col.  Roosevelt, 
Governor  Wilson  and  other  patriotic  moulders  of  public  thought 
have  pointed  out  the  dangers  resulting  from  the  continuance  of 
monopoly  in  business  and  warned  the  rulers  of  our  country  of  the 
dangers  of  the  wrath  to  come. 

Let  us,  my  friends,  on  this  day  dedicated  to  the  celebration 
of  our  national  anniversary,  give  a  little  thought  to  this  serious 
aspect  of  our  present  day  conditions.  We  are  too  well  educated 
and  too  intelligent  people  to  pass  over  with  indifference  matters 
which  so  seriously  concern  the  welfare  of  our  country. 

It  will  not  do  for  us  to  say  "we  are  too  much  engrossed  with 
our  private  affairs  to  be  concerned  with  public  affairs."  It  will 
not  do  to  say  "leave  public  affairs  to  be  disposed  of  by  public 
men."  That  is  the  position  of  the  lazy  and  indifferent  citizen. 
The  indifferent  citizen  is  a  bad  citizen.  He  sleeps  at  his  post. 
The  men  behind  the  monopolies  never  do.  Men  in  public  affairs 
will  respond  to  public  sentiment  when  it  is  manifested  at  the  polls. 
If  they  don't,  they  go  out  of  office  quickly.  But  an  indifferent 
and  sleepy  electorate  often  allows,  by  its  ignorance  and  indolence, 


DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  383 

men  in  public  office  and  the  agents  of  vested  interests  to  enter 
into  political  partnerships,  the  profits  of  which  are  unwittingly 
paid  by  the  electorate  for  years  before  discovery. 
Let  us,  in  the  exercise  of  our. duties  as  citizens,  place  patriotism 
patriotism,  to  depart  sufficiently  from  the  materialistic  tendencies 
of  the  age  to  devote  some  of  our  time  and  attention  to  the  public 
questions  of  the  day.  Let  us  keep  pace  with  the  march  of  events. 
Let  us,  in  the  exercise  of  our  duties  as  citizens,  place  patriotism 
before  party  and  man  before  mammon. 

If  we  find  aught  in  public  questions  of  the  day  which  is  of 
serious  portent  to  the  health  of  the  Nation,  let  us  by  our  voice  and 
vote  make  ourselves  heard  in  averting  it.  If  we  find  that  which 
makes  for  the  prosperity  and  well-being  of  the  country,  let  us 
stand  fast  for  it.  Let  us  determine  to  make  this  Nation  a  happy 
as  well  as  a  splendid  land  and  sing  with  Longfellow  to  our 
motherland : 

"Our  hearts,  our  hopes,  are  all  with  thee — 
Our  hearts,  our  hopes,  our  prayers,  our  tears, 
Our  faith  triumphant  o'er  our  fears 
Are  all  with  thee,  are  all  with  thee." 


384  DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 


THE  ECONOMIC  PROBLEM  OF  THE 

DAY. 

ADDRESS  AT  OTTAWA,  ILLINOIS,  SEPTEMBER,  1912. 

Mr.  Chairman  and  Gentlemen: 

On  a  day  set  apart  by  law  to  be  devoted  to  the  celebration 
of  the  achievement  of  labor,  it  is  well  for  us  to  discuss  those  sub- 
jects which  most  materially  concern  and  affect  the  welfare  of  the 
laboring  man. 

The  day  can  best  be  celebrated  by  giving  thought  to  the 
subjects  which  most  affect  the  proletariat.  To  my  mind  these 
subjects  are  those  which  are  concerned  with  his  income,  his  outgo, 
and  the  laws  which  protect  him  in  his  daily  avocation. 

The  workingman  is  much  more  vitally  concerned  about  the 
income  which  concerns  his  family,  the  outgo,  or  necessary  ex- 
penditures of  his  family,  and  the  legislation  covering  his  avocation 
than  is  the  millionaire  or  man  or  woman  in  easy  circumstances. 

The  workingman  is  mainly  dependent,  particularly  early  in 
life,  upon  the  wages  he  earns.  He  too  is  concerned  in  the  expendi- 
tures necessary  to  the  support  of  his  family.  If  that  income  is 
sufficient  to  enable  him  to  support  his  growing  family  in  decent 
circumstances  and  if  the  expenditures  of  his  family  fall  within 
the  wages  earned  by  him,  he  is  independent  and  can  begin  to 
save  and  lay  aside  a  foundation  for  a  competence  in  the  future. 
If,  on  the  other  hand,  his  income  is  not  sufficient  to  sustain  his 
family  in  decent  circumstances,  and  if  his  necessary  outgo  equals 
his  income  or  exceeds  it,  his  prospects  for  the  future  are  indeed 
unfortunate  and  worthy  of  serious  consideration. 

I  shall,  therefore,  in  this  address  endeavor  to  discuss  with 
you  the  all-absorbing  and  important  question  of  the  increase  in 
the  cost  of  living. 

Figures  gathered  by  me  within  a  recent  period  justify  me 
in  the  statement  that  during  the  last  twelve  years,  the  cost  of 
the  necessaries  of  life,  suitable  to  a  decent,  self-respecting  Ameri- 
can citizen,  has  increased  about  50  per  cent.  Part  of  this  in- 
crease in  the  cost  of  the  necessaries  of  life — probably  50  per  cent 
of  it — can  be  fairly  ascribed  to  the  recent  generous  production 
of  gold  from  the  bowels  of  the  earth.  Gold  is  the  standard  of 


DUNNE — JUDGE,  MAYOR,  GOVERNOR  385 

money  values  in  this  and  most  other  civilized  countries.  The 
remaining  50  per  cent,  however,  can  be  ascribed  in  this  country 
to  another  cause.. 

The  high  protective  tariff,  which  has  been  in  force  during  the 
last  twenty  years,  is  the  main  cause  of  at  least  40  per  cent  of  the 
increase  in  value  of  the  necessities  of  life.  A  protective  tariff,  which 
imposes  taxes  varying  from  20  per  cent  to  75  per  cent  on  all  the 
necessaries  of  life,  must  and  does  occasion  a  tremendous  increase  of 
cost  for  those  necessaries  to  the  workingmen  of  this  country.  The 
imposition  of  such  onerous  duties  upon  foreign  made  goods  prac- 
tically shuts  off  the  manufactures  of  these  necessaries  in  foreign 
countries  from  entering  into  competition  with  the  producers  of 
such  necessities  within  the  limits  of  the  United  States.  No  foreign 
manufacturer  producing  these  necessities  abroad  can  afford  to  pay 
the  freightage  upon  such  goods  to  this  country  and  then  in  addition 
thereto  pay  this  onerous  imposition  varying  from  20  to  75  per  cent, 
and  successfully  enter  into  competition  with  our  domestic  manu- 
facturers. 

Having  destroyed  foreign  competition,  the  manufacturers 
of  the  necessities  of  life  in  this  country  years  ago  discovered  that  by 
combining  the  domestic  manufacturers  into  great  monopolies,  now 
called  ' '  Trusts, ' '  they  could  succeed,  in  the  absence  of  competition, 
in  forcing  up  the  prices  of  these  necessities  to  the  American  con- 
sumer and  that  is  what  has  actually  taken  place. 

In  the  neighborhood  of  300  great  monopolies,  capitalized  for 
over  $8,000,000,000,  have  been  organized  during  the  last  sixteen 
years  in  the  United  States  under  the  fostering  protection  of  the 
high  tariff  laws.  These  monopolies,  in  every  case,  have  increased 
the  price  of  these  necessities  to  the  consumer  to  an  outrageous 
degree. 

The  Chicago  Inter-Ocean  in  its  issue  of  July  29,  1912,  published 
as  a  news  item  the  following  statement : 

"Industrial  combinations  have  kept  on  increasing  in  size  and 
number  until  their  total  capitalization  is  more  than  $8,000,000,000. 

"These  industrial  combinations,  in  the  great  majority  of  cases, 
have  been  formed  primarily  for  the  purpose  of  controlling  or  ad- 
vancing prices  to  the  consumer.  The  great  enlargement  in  profits 
has,  for  the  most  part,  been  accomplished  by  price  advances  and 
not  by  cost  curtailment. ' ' 

The  Inter-Ocean  gives  as  authority  for  this  statement  Moody 's 
Manual,  a  recognized  financial  monthly.  Most  of  these  monopolies 
are  engaged  in  the  manufacture  of  articles  absolutely  necessary  to 
the  American  workingman  to  sustain  himself  and  his  family  in. 
decent  comfort.  Nor  is  this  statement  of  the  Inter-Ocean  and 
Moody 's  Manual  to  be  wondered  at. 

—13 


386  DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

As  long  as  human  nature  is  selfish  in  its  character,  so  long  will 
human  beings,  in  the  possession  of  a  monopoly,  raise  prices  and 
increase  their  profits.  If  there  were  but  one  dry  goods  merchant 
in  the  city  of  Chicago,  that  merchant,  being  in  the  possession  of  a 
monopoly,  would  charge  his  own  prices.  If  there  were  but  one 
doctor,  he  would  charge  exorbitant  fees.  If  there  were  but  one 
lawyer,  the  same  result  would  happen.  Abolish  competition  and 
institute  a  private  monopoly  and  the  result  is  inevitable — an  in- 
crease of  cost  to  the  consumer. 

A  private  monopoly  is  intolerable  and  indefensible  and  be- 
comes a  menace  to  any  community,  and  any  law  which  encourages 
the  development  of  private  monopolies  is  inimical  to  the  interests 
df  the  community.  The  protective  tariff  laws  of  this  country  have 
been  justified  by  their  sponsors  solely  upon  one  ground,  and  thai; 
ground  is  the  protection  of  American  labor.  And  yet  recent  in- 
vestigation has  established  the  fact  that,  in  the  most  highly  pro- 
tected industries  of  this  country,  the  wages  paid  to  the  operatives 
barely  enable  those  operatives  to  sustain  an  existence.  The  textile 
industries  of  the  United  States  are  highly  protected  by  our  pro- 
tective tariff  laws  and  yet  the  report  of  the  United  States  commis- 
sioner appointed  to  investigate  into  the  condition  of  the  Lawrence, 
Mass.,  textile  works  show  that  in  that  highly  protected  industry 
families  of  four  have  to  live  on  $5  a  week ;  that,  when  the  mills  run 
on  full  time,  the  average  family  wage  is  $8.06,  but  the  periods  of 
half  time  of  employment  frequently  occur  and  materially  reduce 
the  average.  Yet  the  textile  industry  is  heavily  protected  by  law. 
A  recent  congressional  investigation  of  the  condition  of  the  steel 
workers,  another  highly  protected  industry,  shows  that  the  opera- 
tives in  that  industry  are  compelled  to  work  seven  days  a  week  and 
twelve  hours  a  day  under  conditions  no  better  than  prevail  in  Euro- 
pean countries. 

That  the  workingman  is  not  receiving  the  benefit  of  the  pro- 
tective tariff  laws,  is  shown  by  the  vast  accumulation  of  wealth  in 
the  hands  of  owners  of  these  great  industries  while  the  workingmen 
are  living  upon  wages  that  barely  sustain  life. 

According  to  Congressman  Copley,  himself  an  extensive  manu- 
facturer, in  an  address  delivered  by  him  to  the  graduating  class  of 
Carroll  University,  Washington,  June  28,  1911,  "the  absolute  con- 
trol of  railroad,  telegraph,  telephone,  iron  and  steel  industries  of 
the  United  States  rests  in  the  hands  of  five  men  who  are  the  prin- 
cipal owners  of  the  United  States  steel  corporation." 

Congressman  Copley  declares  that  these  same  men  in  addition 

•  control  70  per  cent  of  the  banking  interests  of  New  York  and  that 

practically  every  gas  and  electric  lighting  company  in  the  country 

is  dominated  by  them.     Continuing  further  in  his  address  he  says, 


DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  387 

"We  are  face  to  face  with  the  greatest  problem  of  our  existence. 
The  question  is,  Shall  five  men,  who  now  dominate  the  United  States 
steel  corporation,-  rule  the  country  by  an  oligrachy  of  wealth  or 
shall  the  people  govern  for  the  benefit  of  all  the  people  and  give 
every  man  a  square  deal  ? ' ' 

Senator  LaFollette  in  the  United  States  Senate,  within  the  last 
two  years,  made  the  statement,  as  the  result  of  a  thorough  investi- 
gation, that  100  men  whose  names  he  gave  were  in  absolute  control 
of  all  the  great  industries  of  the  United  States.  The  recent  con- 
gressional investigation,  made  concerning  the  money  trusts  of  this 
country,  discloses  the  further  alarming  and  appalling  fact  that  six 
men,  being  the  men  in  control  of  the  executive  committee  of  the  New 
York  clearing  house,  could  make  or  break  any  bank  and,  through 
the  banks,  any  industry  in  the  United  States. 

This  accumulation  of  wealth  under  the  protective  tariff  laws  of 
this  country  in  the  hands  of  a  few  has  produced  within  recent  years 
some  billionaires  and  a  multitude  of  millionaires,  while  the  files  of 
our  papers  disclose  from  day  to  day  that  famished  men  and  women 
are  committing  suicide  in  the  streets  of  our  great  cities. 

"Ill  fares  the  land  to  hastening  ills  a  prey, 
Where  wealth  accumulates  and  men  decay." 

If  the  condition  of  the  workingman,  as  to  his  income,  is  to  be 
improved,  the  tariff  upon  the  necessities  of  life  in  this  country  must 
be  reduced  speedily  and  effectually. 

Up  to  this  point,  I  have  been  discussing  the  high  cost  of  the 
necessities  of  life.  Let  us  now  turn  to  ^  the  income  of  the  work- 
ingman. 

Federal  statistics  show  that,  during  the  same  period,  while  the 
cost  of  the  necessities  of  life  has  been  increasing  to  the  extent  of  50 
per  cent  more  than  what  they  were  some  ten  or  twelve  years  ago, 
the  wage  of  the  average  workingman  in  the  same  period  has  not 
increased  in  proportion.  Federal  statistics  show  that  the  wage  of 
the  workingman  during  that  same  period  of  time  has  not  increased 
to  exceed  20  per  cent. 

It  matters  not  what  are  the  causes  of  the  increase  in  the  cost 
of  the  necessities  of  life — whether  it  be  from  excessive  gold  produc- 
tion or  the  protective  tariff — if  the  condition  of  the  workingman  is 
to  be  maintained  in  this  country,  his  income  must  keep  pace  with 
the  increase  in  the  cost  of  living,  and  any  condition  which  permits 
increase  in  the  cost  of  living  to  exceed  the  increase  in  the  income 
of  the  workingman  will  result  disastrously  to  the  country. 

A  concrete  example  would  probably  illustrate  this  more  force- 
fully. Assume  the  case  of  a  workingman  who  earned  $600  a  year 
twelve  years  ago.  Assume  that  this  man  supported  himself  and  his 


388  DUNNE — JUDGE,  MAYOR,  GOVERNOR 

family  upon  $550,  laying  aside  each  year  $50.  If,  now  in  twelve 
months,  that  man's  income  has  increased  20  per  cent,  he  would 
now  be  getting  $720.  If,  however,  the  necessities  of  life  for  which 
he  had  paid  $550  twelve  months  ago  had  increased  in  cost  50  per 
cent,  it  will  cost  him  now  to  live  $825,  so  that  instead  of  saving 
$50  a  year  he  is  running  behind  at  the  Tate  of  $105  per  year. 

This  brings  the  workingman  to  a  situation  where  he  must  de- 
prive himself  of  some  of  the  necessities  of  life  in  order  to  live,  and 
a  hungry  belly  is  a  dire  portent  in  any  country.  Thomas  Carlyle  in 
his  work  on  the  French  revolution  declares  that  the  real  cause  of 
that  cataclysm  was  ' '  a  hungry  belly. ' '  That  critical  situation  must 
be  avoided  in  any  well  governed  country. 

In  such  a  situation  the  only  protection  that  the  workingman 
has  is:  first,  in  the  organization;  and,  second,  in  an  aroused  public 
sentiment.  Wherever  the  workingman  has  had  an  organization,  it 
has  been  the  invariable  result  that  the  conditions  of  the  men  belong- 
ing to  these  organizations  have  been  improved  and  almost  always 
their  wages  have  been  raised. 

Who  then  will  say  the  laboring  men  of  America  have  not  the 
right  to  organize  themselves  into  unions  for  the  betterment  of  them- 
selves and  for  the  enforcement  of  a  living  wage.  The  time  has 
passed  when  organizations  of  this  character  are  opposed  to  the  law 
or  condemned  by  public  opinion.  Such  organizations,  when  wisely 
and  judicially  governed,  are  of  much  importance  and  benefit  to  the 
workingman.  Public  opinion  in  this  advanced  age  recognizes  that 
they  are  a  necessity  to  modern  progress  and  a  material  benefit  to 
the  working  people. 

The  Congress  of  the  United  States  has  recently,  I  am  pleased 
to  say,  recognized  the  right  of  organization,  even  among  public 
employes,  but  such  organizations  should  be  conducted  upon  legiti- 
mate and  orderly  lines. 

The  second  protection  which  the  workingmen  of  this  country 
have  is  that  which  arises  from  the  public  conscience,  which,  in  a 
well  ordered  community,  is  always  in  favor  of  the  maintenance  of 
a  decent  wage. 

The  public  in  the  20th  century  will  not  tolerate  conditions  of 
employment  which  deny  to  human  beings  reasonable  hours  of  rest 
and  recreation  and  a  reasonable  wage.  Many  advanced  communities 
are  rapidly  coming  to  the  conclusion,  as  they  have  already  in  Eng- 
land, that  a  maximum  number  of  hours  and  a  minimum  wage  ought 
to  be  established  in  certain  industries  by  law,  particularly  in  case 
of  women. 

Another  subject  which  much  concerns  the  working  people  of 
this  country  is  the  character  of  the  legislation  with  relation  to 
certain  occupational  employments. 


DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  389 

It  has  been  found  necessary  in  the  interest  of  humanity,  in 
certain  trades  and  occupations,  which  may  become  detrimental  to 
human  life,  to  establish  certain  rules  and  regulations  by  law  under 
which  such  occupations  can  be  carried  on.  Thus  we  have  in  this 
State,  and  other  states,  many  laws  relating  to  the  limitation  of  the 
hours  of  labor,  the  conditions  under  which  work  must  be  performed 
and  relating  to  protection  from  dangerous  machinery,  all  of  which 
have  been  demanded 'by  an  aroused  public  sentiment.  So,  in  recent 
years,  it  has  been  demanded  by  the  public  that  the  risks  and  dan- 
gers, necessarily  incident  to  employment,  should  not  in  case  of 
injury  place  the  burdens  of  the  catastrophe  upon  helpless  widows 
and  orphans,  who  are  dependent  on  those  who  lose  their  lives  in 
the  great  modern  industries  of  the  day. 

I  know  of.no  character  of  laws  which  are  more  humane,  more 
just  and  more  earnestly  demanded  by  the  public  than  those  laws 
which  throw  the  burden,  resulting  from  the  loss  of  life  or  limb, 
upon  the  enterprises  in  which  the  workingman  is  engaged  rather 
than  upon  his  helpless  wife  and  children. 

It  has  been  a  blot  upon  our  civilization  within  recent  years 
that  men  of  skill  and  caution  have  lost  their  lives  or  limbs  and  ren- 
dered their  families  destitute  and  helpless,  throwing  them  in  many 
cases  out  upon  the  world  to  drift  into  the  poorhouse  and,  in  many 
cases,  into  houses  of  prostitution  and  penitentiaries. 

An  employes '  compensation  act  has  recently  been  passed  in  this 
State  to  relieve  this  situation  and  to  place  the  burden  of  these  catas- 
trophes upon  the  enterprises.  Whether  or  not  that  law  is  adequate 
and  effective  for  the  purpose,  is  yet  to  be  determined.  If  it  is  not 
and  if  it  needs  strengthening,  it  ought  to  be  the  duty  of  the  State, 
having  regard  for  the  rights  of  both  employers  and  employes,  to 
strengthen  and  make  that  law  effective  for  the  humane  purpose  for 
which  it  is  intended. 

The  aim  and  object  of  the  legislation  relating  to  workingmen 
and  occupational  employment  should  be  to  prevent  in  every  possible 
way  the  loss  of  life  and  limb  by  enforcing  provisions  of  protection 
against  dangerous  machinery ;  by  limiting  the  hours  of  labor  to  such 
terms  as  will  not  weaken  human  endurance;  by  enforcement  of 
hygienic  and  sanitary  regulations  and  by  other  measures  which  will 
tend  to  lessen  the  liability  of  the  occurrence  of  such  catastrophes. 

And  when  the  law  has  gone  as  far  as  possible  in  that  direction, 
it  then  should  be  the  aim  of  the  State,  knowing  that  accidents  will 
occur  even  in  the  most  careful  managed  institutions,  to  place  the 
burden  of  these  catastrophes  upon  the  enterprises  rather  than  upon 
the  helpless  relatives  of  the  dead  or  injured.  That  is  the  tendency 
of  modern  thought.  That  is  the  demand  of  the  20th  century,  and 
that  should  be  the  aim  and  object  of  all  men  elected  to  administer 


390  DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

the  affairs  of  the  State.  The  condition  of  labor  must  keep  pace  with 
the  progress  of  the  century.  As  the  world  is  improving  in  art  and 
in  science,  so  it  should  improve  in  the  passage  of  legislation  which 
will  protect  and  care  for  the  men  and  women  who  labor  in  the 
march  of  industry. 


DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,  GOVERNOR  391 


SCORES  ABUSES  OF  THE  SHYLOCKS. 

STATEMENT  TO  THE  PUBLIC,  AUGUST,  1912. 

The  money  lenders  of  Chicago  who  loan  money  upon  the  secur- 
ity of  a  man's  unearned  wages  have  been  guilty  of  more  conscience- 
less acts  of  rapacity  and  brought  more  misery  and  desolation  into 
happy  homes  than  have  the  highwaymen  who  rob  the  wayfarer  on 
the  public  streets.  The  highwayman  takes  only  what  the  citizen 
has  on  his  person;  the  salary  loan  shark  plunders  his  victims  week 
by  week,  and  month  by  month,  for  years. 


392  DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 


MESSAGE  TO  THE  FORTY-EIGHTH 
ASSEMBLY. 

Gentlemen  of  the  Forty-eighth  General  Assembly: 

The  Constitution  of  the  State  wisely  provides  that  the  Gover- 
nor shall,  at  the  commencement  of  each  session,  and,  at  the  close 
of  his  term  of  office,  give  to  the  General  Assembly  information  by- 
message  of  the  condition  of  the  State,  and  make  such  recom- 
mendations as  he  deems  proper.  In  compliance  with  that  provis- 
ion Governor  Deneen  has  submitted  his  message  to  you. 

It  also  has  become  the  custom  for  the  incoming  Governor  to 
make  an  inaugural  address,  recommending  such  measures  to  the 
consideration  of  the  General  Assembly  as  he  deems  expedient 
and  necessary.  In  pursuance  of  that  custom,  I  respectfully 
submit  the  following : 

AMENDMENTS  TO  THE  CONSTITUTION. 

The  Constitution  of  this  State  should  be  amended  in  at  least 
three  essential  particulars,  and  in  at  least  three  separate  articles 
of  the  same  to  meet  the  demands  of  modern  progress. 

FIRST.      INITIATIVE  AND  REFERENDUM. 

Under  Article  IV,  relating  to  the  legislative  department,  as 
now  phrased,  the  inherent  right  of  all  self-governing  people  to 
initiate  and  veto  laws  is  not  reserved  to  and  by  the  people  of 
Illinois. 

For  more  than  eight  years,  the  people  of  this  State,  following 
precedents  set  by  other  republics  and  fourteen  sister  states  of  the 
American  Union,  have  been  insistently  demanding  the  right  to 
legislate  directly  for  themselves  by  the  initiative  and  the  right 
to  veto  legislation,  passed  by  the  Legislature,  contrary,  to  the 
wishes  of  the  people,  by  the  referendum.  Twice  within  the  last 
eight  years  the  people  of  Illinois,  by  overwhelming  votes  at  the 
ballot  box,  in  the  ratio  of  about  five  to  one,  have  manifested  an 
urgent  desire  for  this  great  reform.  Their  demand  is  insistent 
and  just,  and  has  been  too  long  denied. 

With  the  control  given  to  the  people  over  legislation,  by  the 
possession  of  the  initiative  and  the  referendum,  corruption  in  the 


DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  393 

Legislature  would,  practically,  be  eliminated  and  all  laws,  finally 
enacted  either  by  the  Legislature  or  by  direct  vote  of  the  people, 
would  truly  express  the  will  of  the  people. 

This  control  of  the  law-making  power  by  the  people  them- 
selves can  only  be  secured  by  amending  Article  IV  of  the  Consti- 
tution, so  as  to  give  to  the  people  the  right,  by  popular  petition, 
to  originate  legislation  under  the  initiative,  and  to  veto  legisla- 
tion by  the  referendum. 

I  would  respectfully  recommend,  therefore,  at  this  session  of 
the  Legislature,  that  the  necessary  legislative  steps  be  taken  to 
amend  Article  IV  of  the  Constitution,  so  as  to  secure  the  right 
of  direct  legislation  by  the  people  themselves,  upon  a  petition  of 
eight  per  centum  of  the  voters  voting  at  the  last  general  election ; 
and  to  secure  the  right  of  veto  in  the  people,  by  requiring  sub- 
mission to  the  people  of  any  law  or  laws,  passed  by  the  Legis- 
lature, for  their  approval  or  disapproval,  upon  the  filing  of  a 
petition  of  five  per  centum  of  the  voters,  voting  at  the  last  gen- 
eral election. 

SECOND.      ARTICLE   IX   RELATING    TO    REVENUE. 

Article  IX  of  the  Constitution,  relating  to  revenue  and  tax- 
ation, and  Article  XIV,  relating  to  amendments  to  the  Constitu- 
tion, ought,  also,  be  amended  but  we  are  unfortunately  con- 
fronted with  a  constitutional  impasse,  which  makes  it  impossible 
to  provide  for  more  than  one  of  these  three  amendments  to  ,the 
Constitution  at  this  session  of  the  Legislature. 

THIRD.      ARTICLE   XIV  ON   AMENDMENTS. 

Article  XIV  of  the  Constitution,  relating  to  amendments  to 
the  Constitution,  declares  that  "The  General  Assembly  shall  have 
no  power  to  propose  amendments  to  more  than  one  article  of  this 
Constitution  at  the  same  session." 

This  article,  itself,  should  be  amended.  It  is  archaic,  un- 
reasonably restrictive,  and  oppressive.  No  valid  reason  exists 
why  several  articles  of  the  Constitution  should  not  be  amended  at 
the  same  session  to  meet  the  demands  of  modern  conditions. 

The  unreasonably  restrictive  character  of  this  article  has  oc- 
casioned, at  times,  a  demand  for  a  constitutional  convention  to 
revise  the  whole  Constitution  but  that  demand  has  not  been  so 
general  or  insistent  as  has  been  the  demand  for  the  amendment 
of  the  Constitution  in  certain  well  defined  particulars. 

There  is  a  general  and  justifiable  demand  for  an  amendment 
to  the  Constitution,  covering  the  initiative  and  referendum,  for 


394  DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

broadening  the  amending  clause  of  the  Constitution,  and  for  an 
amendment  of  that  article  of  the  Constitution  relating  to  the  rev- 
enue or  taxing  power  of  the  Legislature. 

FOURTH.      AMEND   ARTICLE   IX. 

Article  IX  of  the  Constitution,  relating  to  taxation  and  rev- 
enue, requires  every  person  and  corporation  to  ''Pay  a  tax  in 
proportion  to  the  value  of  his  or  her,  or  its  property."  This 
language  prevents  the  Legislature  from  using  any  discrimination, 
of  any  character,  between  different  classes  and  descriptions  of 
property.  All  property,  real  and  personal,  tangible  and  intangi- 
ble, must  be  assessed  in  the  same  category,  and  at  the  same  ratio 
of  value. 

In  theory,  this  was  deemed  fair  and  just  by  the  framers  of 
our  Constitution.  In  practice,  as  the  result  of  over  forty  years' 
experience  in  this  and  other  civilized  countries,  it  has  been  found 
impossible  of  accomplishment.  A  large  portion  of  personal  prop- 
erty, and  substantially  all  personal  property  evidenced  on  paper, 
such  as  bonds,  stocks,  notes,  etc.,  has  escaped  taxation  and  will 
continue  to  escape  taxation  until  such  property  is  placed  in  a 
special  category  and  taxed  in  such  a  way  as  to  secure  for  the 
State  proper  revenue  therefrom. 

Article  IX  of  the  Constitution,  therefore,  should  be  amended 
so  as  to  give  the  Legislature  and  the  people  free  rein  in  the  way 
of  taxing  different  classes  of  property,  in  different  schedules,  and 
by  different  methods. 

AMEND    ARTICLE    IV. 

While  the  Constitution  should  be  amended,  in  all  of  the  fore- 
going particulars,  only  one  of  these  amendments,  as  I  have 
pointed  out,  can  be  provided  for  at  this  session  because  of  the 
limitations  imposed  by  the  Constitution  itself.  We  must,  there- 
fore, elect  now  as  to  which  of  these  different  articles  of.  the  Con- 
stitution should  be  amended  at  this  session  of  the  Legislature. 

In  view  of  the  insistent  and  repeated  demands  of  the  people 
at  'the  polls  for  the  initiative  and  referendum,  I,  therefore  re- 
spectfully urge  the  Legislature  at  this  session  to  take  the  neces- 
sary steps  to  procure  the  amendment  of  Article  IV  of  the  Con- 
stitution, so  as  to  permit  the  crystallization  into  law  of  the  in- 
itiative and  referendum. 

When  this  action  is  taken  at  this  session  it  can  be  followed 
at  the  next  following  session  of  the  Legislature  by  action  pro- 
viding for  an  amendment  of  that  article  of  the  Constitution,  relat- 


DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  395 

ing  to  amendments,  so  ap  to  permit  amendments  to  three,  or  even 
more,  of  the  articles  of  the  Constitution,  at  the  same  session,  which 
will  open  the  door  for  reform  of  the  revenue  laws  thereafter,  and 
any  other  changes  in  the  Constitution  demanded  by  the  people. 

In  making  this  recommendation,  I  am  not  unmindful  of  the 
fact  that  the  people  of  this  State,  under  the  Public  Policy  Act, 
voted  in  November,  1912,  for  submission  at  this  session  of  the 
Legislature  the  question  of  amending  Article  IX  of  the  Constitu- 
tion, relating  to  revenue,  by  «,  vote  of  nearly  three  to  one.  I 
desire  to  call  your  attention,  however,  to  the  fact  that  very  little 
publicity  was  given,  during  the  campaign,  to  the  circumstance 
that  only  one  article  of  the  Constitution  could  be  amended  at 
a  single  session,  and  that  the  amendment  of  the  article  relating 
to  revenue,  would  necessarily,  of  itself,  postpone  the  amendment 
of  the  Constitution  covering  the  initiative  and  referendum  to  a 
subsequent  session. 

•  I  call  your  attention  to  the  further  fact  that  in  the  same  cam- 
paign, as  conducted  by  myself,  the  initiative  and  referendum  were 
urged  as  among  the  most  vital  and  pressing  issues  of  the  cam- 
paign, and  that  my  plurality,  of  approximately  125,000,  waa 
largely  the  result  of  the  persistency  with  which  I  pledged  myself 
in  favor  of  the  adoption  of  that  great  reform. 

That  many  of  the  people,  unenlightened  as  to  the  effect  of 
their  vote  under  the  Constitution,  were  dubious  on  the  matter,  is 
shown  by  the  fact  that  while  on  two  other  occasions  they  voted 
for  prompt  action  on  the  initiative  and  referendum  by  a  vote  of 
about  5  to  1,  the  demand  for  revenue  reform  was  voiced  by  a  vote 
of  only  3  to  1. 

ABOLITION  OF  STATE  BOARD  OF  EQUALIZATION. 

Moreover,  relief  from  some,  and  the  most  onerous,  of  the 
iniquities  and  inequalities  of  taxation  is  open  to  us  without  wait- 
ing for  an  amendment  to  the  Constitution.  For  years  past  the 
great  corporations  of  the  State  have  been  enjoying  undue  favor- 
itism in  the  matter  of  taxation,  owing  to  maladministration  of 
the  law  by  the  State  Board  of  Equalization.  This  body  is 
charged  by  law  with  the  duty  of  assessing  fairly  and  justly  the 
property  of  corporations.  It  has  signally  failed  in  its  duty.  Thf> 
corporations  have  been  unduly  favored  at  the  expense  of  the 
people. 

Experience  has  shown  that  the  State  Board  of  Equalization 
is  unscientifically  constituted  and  unfairly  administered.  It  is  a 
departmental  fiasco,  and  its  work  farcical.  It  is  unwieldly  in 
numbers,  intermittent  in  its  labors,  and  secretive  in  its  methods. 


396  DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

It  should  be  abolished.  In  its  place  should  be  created  a  tax 
court,  or  commission,  composed  of  three  or  five  members  of  ap- 
proved intelligence  and  information,  appointed  by  the  Executive, 
with  the  approval  of  the  Senate,  for  a  term  of  years,  that  shall 
remain  in  continuous  session  the  entire  year  and  record  its  acts 
and  findings  from  day  to  day.  It  should  be  given  all  the  powers 
now  committed  to  the  State  Board  of  Equalization,  and.  in  addi- 
tion thereto,  should  have  general  supervision  of  the  administra- 
tion of  the  assessment  and  tax  taws  of  the  State;  invested  with 
power  to  advise  and  instruct  local  assessors,  prescribe  forms  for  as- 
sessment returns  and  reports,  require  returns,  schedules  and  other 
information,  under  oath,  from  individuals  and  corporations,  ap- 
point special  assessors,  expert  examiners  and  accountants,  direct 
reassessments  in  case  of  defective  assessments,  hear  appeals  and 
complaints,  investigate  on  its  own  initiative  the  administration 
of  all  tax  and  revenue  laws,  examine  into  the  tax  methods  of 
other  states,  and  recommend  to  the  Legislature  any  and  all 
amendments  to  the  revenue  laws  of  the  State,  which  would  make 
for  a  fair  and  equitable  distribution  of  the  burdens  of  taxation 
between  the  people  and  corporations  of  the  Commonwealth. 

Such  a  compact  body,  clothed  with  such  power,  would  be 
more  efficient  in  action,  more  responsive  to  the  public  demand  for 
equitable  taxation,  and  more  easily  and  directly  held  responsible 
for  any  errors  and  mistakes  which  might  be  made  than  is  the 
cumbersome  and  constantly  changing  elective  body  now  called  the 
Board  of  Equalization. 

I,  therefore,  respectfully  recommend  the  passage,  by  the  Leg- 
islature, of  a  law  abolishing  the  State  Board  of  Equalization,  and 
creating  a  tax  court,  or  commission,  along  the  lines  above  in- 
dicated. 

ELECTION  OF  UNITED  STATES  SENATORS. 

Under  the  existing  terms  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States,  United  States  Senators  must  be  elected  by  the  legislatures 
of  the  states.  As  the  result  of  one  hundred  and  twenty-six 
years  of  experience,  it  has  been  found  that  this  method  of  elect- 
ing United  States  Senators  has  resulted  in  scandalous  corruption, 
and  scandalous  misrepresentation  of  the  people  in  the  upper 
chamber  of  Congress. 

For  many  years  past,  in  many  of  the  'states,  the  election  of  a 
United  States  Senators  has  been  accompanied  by  chicanery,  fraud, 
double-dealing  and  corruption.  Many  of  the  men,  so  chosen, 
have  shown,  by  their  votes  and  conduct,  in  what  ought  to  be  the 
most  august  and  trusted  body  of  the  people's  representatives, 


DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,  GOVERNOR  397 

that  they  represented,  not  the  interests  of  the  people,  but  the  in- 
terests of  plutocracy  and  organized  greed.  The  Senate  of  the 
United  States,  in  recent  years,  because  of  this  condition  of  affairs, 
has,  in  a  large  degree,  lost  the  confidence  of  the  people. 

United  States  Senators  should  be  chosen  in  each  of  the  states, 
as  are  its  governors,  its  Congressmen  and  state  officials,  by  popu- 
lar vote.  At  least  this  is  the  demand  of  the  people  of  this  State. 
The  Legislature  of  this  State  has  gone  on  record  to  this  effect 
in  the  years  1903,  1907  and  1909. 

The  Congress  of  the  United  States  has  yielded  to  the  public 
demand  for  a  change  in  the  method  of  electing  United  States 
Senators.  In  May  last  it  adopted  a  joint  resolution  providing; 
for  the  amendment  of  the  clause  of  the  Constitution  governing 
the  election  of  Senators  which,  when  it  has  been  ratified  by  three- 
fourths  of  the  states,  as  I  believe  11  will  be,  will  invest  the  peopler 
of  each  of  the  forty-eight  states  with  power  to  choose  their  Sen- 
ators at  the  ballot  box.  The  ratification  of  this  amendment  by 
the  State  of  Illinois  will  come  before  the  General  Assembly  at  this, 
session.  In  view  of  the  action  taken  by  previous  General  Assem- 
blies, I  have  no  doubt  that  your  concurrence  is  assured.  Until 
such  an  amendment  to  the  Constitution  is  passed,  the  advisory 
vote  of  the  people  at  the  polls  should  be  binding  on  the  con- 
science of  every  member  of  the  Legislature.  • 

PUBLIC  UTILITIES. 

The  day  of  competition  in  the  supply  of  gas,  electric  light  and 
power,  street  railways,  and  some  other  public  utilities,  has  passed. 
Monopoly  in  these  matters  has  come  to  stay. 

In  these  modern  days  no  municipality  can  tolerate  ths  tear- 
ing up  of  its  streets,  every  few  months  or  years,  by  rival  water, 
gas,  electric  light,  heating  or  telephone  companies  in  the  laying 
of  pipes,  wires  and  conduits. 

Only  one  utility  producing  concern  should  be  allowed  that 
privilege  for  each  utility  in  each  city. 

That  concern  must  be  either  the  municipal  corporation  itself 
or  a  private  corporation. 

The  sole  aim  of  a  public  corporation  is  to  operate  to  the  satis- 
faction of  the  community,  which  is  always  assured  by  giving  the 
best  service  at  the  lowest  rate. 

The  sole  aim  of  all  private  corporations,  unregulated  by  law, 
is  to  make  money  for  their  stockholders,  and  the  most  money  can 
be  made  by  poor  service  at  a  high  rate  to  the  consumer. 


398  DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

The  only  question,  then,  is  whether  the  public  shall  own  and 
operate  through  State  or  local  agencies,  or  whether  it  shall  allow 
these  utilities  to  remain  in  the  ownership  and  control  of  private 
corporations  and  regulate  them  by  law. 

MUNICIPAL   OWNERSHIP. 

After  a  careful  investigation,  through  funds  contributed  hy 
various  vested  interests,  the  Committee  on  Municipal  v.  Private 
Operation  of  Public  Utilities,  appointed,  in  1906,  by  the  National 
Civic  Federation,  reported  nineteen  to  one: 

"To  protect  the  rights  of  the  people,  we  recommend  that  the 
various  states  should  give  to  their  municipalities  authority,  upon 
popular  vote,  under  reasonable  regulations,  to  build  and  operate 
public  utilities,  or  to  build  and  lease  the  same,  or  to  take  over 
works  already  constructed.  In  no  other  way  can  the  people 
be  put  upon  a  fair  trading  basis,  and  obtain  from  the  individual 
companies  such  rights  as  they  ought  to  have." 

In  other  words,  this  commission,  of  which  a  majority  at  the 
start  were  strongly  in  sympathy  with,  or  identified  with  private 
ownership,  held  the  right  of  municipal  ownership  to  be  more  im- 
portant than  any  form  of  regulation. 

While  most  cities  of  Illinois  may  not  be  ready,  as  yet,  to  un- 
dertake municipal  operation  of  other  than  waterworks,  legisla- 
tion should  be  enacted  immediately,  giving  all  cities  the  right  to 
build  or  buy,  and  to  operate  their  utilities.  For  this  purpose, 
cities  should  be  empowered  to  issue  bonds,  subject  to  a  referen- 
dum and  such  other  reasonable  safeguards  as  may  be  necessary. 
If  such  rights  are  given,  it  will  force  private  corporations,  now 
furnishing  these  utilities,  to  give  decent  service  at  decent  rates, 
or  face  the  alternative  of  public  ownership. 

STATE  REGULATION. 

Important  as  it  is  to  give  cities  the  right  to  manage  their  own 
public  utilities,  it  is  also  important  to  give  to  State  and  local 
bodies  large  powers  of  regulation  of  the  public  utilities  that  re- 
main in  private  hands. 

These  utilities  may  be  broadly  classed  as  "intra-urban"  and 
"inter-urban."  In  other  words,  they  are  either  local  in  char- 
acter, confined  to  a  city  and  its  suburbs,  or  they  run  through 
country  districts  and  connect  one  place  with  another. 

In  the  latter  class  are  included  interurban  electric  railways, 
natural  gas  mains,  electric  transmission  lines,  and  a  considerable 
portion  of  the  telephone  systems  of  the  State. 


DUNNE — JUDGE,  MAYOR,  GOVERNOR  399 

In  the  other  class  are  included  city  gas,  electric  light  and 
power,  heating,  and  street  railway  companies,  and  such  parts  of 
the  telephone  system  as  are  operated  within  cities  by  virtue  of 
franchises  granted  by  such  cities.  Waterworks  in  private  hands, 
and,  doubtless,  some  other  public  utilities,  could  be  included  in 
this  class. 

The  interurban  utilities  can  only  be  regulated  by  the  State. 
For  that  purpose  a  well-equipped  Public  Utilities  Commission 
should  be  created  with  large  powers.  It  should  control  the 
issue  of  securities,  the  character  of  service,  the  rate  of  charge,  etc. 
It  should  be  appointed  by  the  Executive  with  the  approval  of 
the  Senate. 

With  respect  to  intra-urban,  or  strictly  city  utilities,  it  might 
be  well,  at  the  start,  to  give  to  the  proposed  State  commission 
control  of  the  city  utilities  when  requested  by  any  of  the  several 
cities  of  the  State.  The  commission,  however,  should  be  em- 
powered to  secure  uniformity  of  accounting  and  full  publicity 
with  respect  even  to  the  city  utilities,  and  should  be  prepared  to 
furnish  this  information  in  tabulated  form  in  its  annual  reports, 
and  in  further  detail  to  public  officials. 

The  commission  should  also  be  equipped  with  funds  and 
authority,  so  that  it  can  employ  and  furnish  competent  expert 
help  in  cities  seeking  advice  and  assistance  from  this  State  com- 
mission. 

When  requested  to  do  so  by  any  municipality,  the  commis- 
sion should  also  supervise  the  service  of  these  city  utilities. 

It  would  also  be  well  to  give  the  State  commission  full  con- 
trol of  all  new  issues  of  stocks,  bonds  and  notes,  and  other  evi- 
dences of  indebtedness  of  all  the  public  utilities  of  the  State, 
including  those  within  the  cities.  If  this  were  done,  the  com- 
mission should  be  equipped  with  resources  and  power  to  make 
a  physical  valuation  of  such  properties.  No  additional  securi- 
ties should  be  permitted  to  be  issued  save  for  additional  physical 
property  and  legitimate  brokerage.  It  should  be  distinctly  pro- 
vided that  future  issues  of  securities,  when  approved  by  the 
commission,  should  be  clearly  separated  by  serial  numbers,  or 
otherwise,  from  existing  securities,  to  the  end  that  purchasers 
might  always  know  whether  they  were  buying  new  securities, 
approved  by  the  State,  and  issued  for  an  increase  of  physical 
investment,  or,  whether  they  were  buying  securities  issued  prior 
to  the  enactment  of  the  law,  and  that  had  not  in  any  way  passed 
under  the  scrutiny  of  the  State. 


400  DUNNE JUDGE,  MAYOR,  GOVERNOR 

LOCAL  REGULATION. 

In  addition  to  a  law  conferring  the  right  of  municipal  own- 
ership, and  another  creating  a  State  Utilities  Commission,  we  need 
legislation  conferring  upon  cities  that  choose  to  exercise  it,  the 
same  rights  of  control  over  all  their  city  utilities  that  they  now 
possess  with  respect  to  water  companies.  Chicago  secured  such 
a  right  with  respect  to  gas  and  electric  companies  about  six  years 
ago.  A  similar  law,  with  perhaps  some  additional  powers,  should 
be  passed  for  all  cities. 

After  some  experience  with  the  legislation,  recommended 
above,  we  shall  be  in  better  position  to  determine  whether  the 
powers  of  the  State  commission  should  be  further  increased.  It  is, 
of  course,  desirable,  and  in  accordance  with  democratic  policy, 
to  confer  as  much  home  rule  as  possible  upon  cities,  and  to  con- 
centrate in  State  and  national  hands  only  such  powers  as  are 
State  or  Nation-wide  in  their  scope. 

To  Chicago  and  all  cities  over  100,000  population  might  be 
given  the  right,  enjoyed  by  the  city  of  St.  Louis,  of  creating  its 
own  commission,  which  would  report  directly  to  the  city  council, 
and  be  given  such  powers  and  resources  as  may  be  conferred  upon 
it  by  the  city  itself. 

CORRUPT  PRACTICES  ACT. 

For  many  years  past  elections  in  this  State,  particularly  in 
our  largest  cities,  have  been  signalized  by  the  lavish  use  of  money, 
both  before  and  during  primary  elections,  and  before  and  during 
final  elections.  Hordes  of  hired  men  have  surrounded  polling 
places,  intimidating,  cajoling  and  often  terrorizing  voters.  Can- 
didates have  concededly  spent  in  election  contests  more  than 
twice  the  salary  they  could  collect  during  the  whole  term  of 
their  offices.  Such  a  practice  is  scandalous,  and,  if  further  toler- 
ated by  law,  will  debar  from  political  aspiration  all  but  the  rich 
and  corrupt.  These  two  classes  (the  rich  and  corrupt)  combined 
form  but  a  very  small  portion  of  the  community,  and  to  limit 
public  office  and  honor  to  them  is  a  violation  of  the  spirit  and 
genius  of  American  institutions. 

To  reform  these  conditions  I,  therefore,  recommend  the  pass- 
age of  a  Corrupt  Practices  Act,  which  will  limit,  within  reason- 
able restrictions,  the  expenditure  of  money  during  a  political  cam- 
paign, and  compel  the  publication  of  all  amounts  collected  and 
expended  both  before  and  after  election. 


DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,  GOVERNOR  401 

CIVIL  SERVICE. 

Civil  service  is  no  longer  an  untried  principle.  Honestly  and 
fairly  administered,  it  makes  for  better  and  more  efficient  public 
service,  and  the  people  have  shown  by  their  votes  that  they  are 
in  favor  of  it. 

The  various  institutions  and  offices  of  the  State  should  be 
maintained  at  the  highest  possible  point  of  efficiency,  and  an  hon- 
estly enforced  Civil  Service  Law  will  do  much  to  secure  that 
result. 

I  respectfully  urge  that  your  honorable  body  give  careful 
consideration  to  all  measures  relative  to  civil  service,  its  extension 
to  positions,  which  should  be  included  within  its  scope,  and  other 
amendments  which  might  make  for  the  better  operation  or  en- 
forcement of  the  law. 

PARK  CONSOLIDATION. 

In  the  city  of  Chicago  there  exists  three  quasi-municipal 
bodies  known  as  park  commissions  of  the  city  of  Chicago,  to-wit : 

The  Board  of  South  Park  Commissioners. 

The  Board  of  West  Park  Commissioners. 

The  Board  of  Lincoln  Park  Commissioners. 

All  of  these  quasi-municipal  bodies  are  conducted  as  wholly 
separate  institutions,  with  different  offices,  with  different  execu- 
tives, different  police  forces,  and  under  different  management. 

There  is  no  good  reason  why  all  of  these  parks  should  not 
be  placed  under  one  general  management.  In  my  judgment,  it 
would  result  in  better  service  at  a  reduced  cost ;  and  I,  therefore, 
respectfully  recommend  legislation  providing  for  a  consolidation 
of  the  three  park  systems  of  the  city  of  Chicago. 

SHORTER  BALLOT. 

Some  effort  should  be  made  to  shorten  the  ballot  of  the 
elector. 

It  has  become  so  cumbrous,  and  heavily  loaded,  with  names  oi1 
candidates,  particularly  in  large  cities,  that  even  the  most  en- 
lightened citizen  is  incapable  of  exercising  an  intelligent  selec- 
tion in  the  choice  of  some  candidates. 

This  condition  exists  both  at  primary  and  final  elections. 
It  is  worse  at  primary  elections  because  there  is,  under  the  pres- 
ent condition  of  the  law,  no  limitation  as  to  the  number  of  can- 
didates for  nomination. 

This  shortening  of  the  ballot  at  primary  elections  might  be 
attained  by  increasing  the  percentage  of  electors  necessary  to  sign 


402  DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

the  petition  for  nomination,  or  by  requiring  a  decent  percentage 
of  the  electors,  signing  the  petition,  to  appear  in  person  before 
the  city  or  county  clerk ;  swear  to  the  facts  contained  in  the  peti- 
tion, and  identify  their  signatures  before  that  official.  A  reason- 
able registration  or  filing  fee  should  also  be  required  upon  the 
filing  of  every  petition. 

At  final  elections,  the  only  way  of  shortening  the  ballot  is  to 
cut  down  the  number  of  elective  officers. 

This  can  safely  be  done  in  many  cases.  Many  public  cor- 
porate bodies  are  now  too  large  and  unwieldly,  and  the  individual 
members,  by  reason  thereof,  are  less  individually  responsible  to 
the  people. 

I  respectfully  intrust  to  your  favorable  consideration  the 
subject  matter  of  shortening  the  ballots  to  be  voted  upon  by 
the  people,  both  at  primary  and  final  elections. 

All  judicial  officers  should  be  voted  for  at  a  time  when  no 
State,  county,  city  or  village  officers  are  being  elected.  This,  in 
itself,  would  shorten  the  ballot  as  voted  under  present  conditions. 

ROTATION  OF  NAMES  ON  BALLOTS. 

One  of  the  gravest  defects  of  our  existing  Election  Law  is 
that  which  gives  the  first  place  upon  the  ballot  to  the  person 
who  succeeds  in  having  the  official,  with  whom  the  petition  is 
filed,  stamp  it  as  being  the  first  filed,  and  which  places  the  other 
petitioners'  names  upon  the  ballot  in  the  order  of  filing,  as  de- 
termined by  such  official.  Such  is  the  effect  of  the  existing  law. 
The  first  place  on  the  ballot  is  of  enormous  advantage,  and  should 
not  depend  upon  the  mere  order  of  filing.  No  candidate  should 
be  permitted  this  undue  advantage.  If  in  no  other  way,  this  ob- 
jection to  the  existing  Election  Law  can  be  avoided  by  amending 
the  law,  so  as  to  require  rotation  of  the  names  of  the  candidates 
in  the  printing  of  the  ballots. 

I  suggest  that  a  special  committee  be  appointed  by  each  House 
to  consider  and  determine  upon  some  equitable  plan  for  the  rota- 
tion of  the  names  of  candidates  upon  the  ballot. 

THE  BREAKING  OF  PLEDGES  BY  PUBLIC  OFFICIALS. 

In  the  political  history  of  the  country,  it  has  happened  that 
candidates  for  public  offices  during  campaigns  have  given  written 
pledges  to  their  constituents  with  reference  to  their  position,  if 
elected,  upon  public  questions  of  great  interest  to  such  constitu- 
ents; and,  after  election,  have  violated  pledges  when  in  public 
office. 


DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  403 

Such  conduct  appears  to  me  to  be  obtaining  votes  under  false 
pretenses,  and  obtaining  votes  by  false  pretenses  is,  to  my  mind, 
as  great  a  moral  crime  as  obtaining  property  by  false  pretenses. 
Why  not  make  it  a  legal  crime?  I  respectfully  recommend  the 
enactment  of  a  law  making  the  breaking  of  a  written  political 
pledge  by  a  public  official  a  felony  punishable  by  imprisonment 
in  the  penitentiary. 

PAY  OF  EMPLOYES. 

Many  employes  in  the  State  are  paid  their  wages  monthly. 
The  custom  has,  unfortunately,  developed  a  money  loaning  busi- 
ness, which  is  tainted  by  usury,  and  attended  with  many  hard- 
ships. I,  therefore,  recommend  the  passage  of  a  law  requiring 
all  employers  to  pay  their  employes  as  often  as  every  two  weeks. 

AMEND  2-CENT  CAR  FARE  LAW. 

Owing  to  an  oversight  of  the  Legislature  in  drafting  the 
2-cent  fare  act,  children,  under  12  years  of  age,  not  purchasing 
tickets  at  depots,  are  now  charged  three  times  the  fare  they  would 
pay  if  they  purchased  tickets  at  the  depot,  while  an  adult  is 
penalized  to  the  extent  of  only  50  per  cent  of  his  fare. 

I  recommend  that  the  law  be  amended  so  as  to  provide  that 
a  child  should  not  be  penalized  more  heavily  than  an  adult. 

PUBLIC  EXPENDITURES. 

I  recommend  the  appointment  of  a  joint  committee  of  both 
houses  of  the  Legislature  to  examine  into  the  condition  of  the 
public  institutions  of  the  State,  and  to  confer  with  the  State 
Board  of  Administration  to  ascertain  if  it  is  not  possible  to  reduce 
the  expenditures  of  the  same  without  impairing  the  efficiency 
of  these  institutions. 

EPILEPTIC  COLONY. 

Public  officials,  and  many  philanthropic  citizens  in  private 
life,  have  called"  my  attention  to  the  fact  that  in  the  State  of 
Illinois  there  are  a  large  number  of  men,  women  and  children 
afflicted  with  epilepsy  to  such  a  degree  as  to  render  them  in- 
capable of  pursuing  the  gainful  occupations  of  life  yet  who  are 
otherwise  mentally  and  physically  in  sound  health.  They  num- 
ber, it  is  estimated,  about  10,000. 

At  least  2,500  of  these,  it  is  claimed,  are,  at  the  present  time, 
without  means  of  livelihood,  without  friends  or  relatives,  who  are 


404  DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

able  to  support  them,  and,  by  reason  of  their  helplessness,  art. 
drifting  into  crime  and  abject  poverty. 

It  is  contended  that  such  unfortunates  should  be  cared  for 
by  the  State,  instead  of  placing  them  in  county  institutions ;  that 
if  they  were  cared  for  in  some  open  colony  with  healthful  sur- 
roundings, where  they  could  receive  skilled  medical  and  surgical 
care,  many  of  them  would  respond  to  such  treatment,  improve 
in  health  and  become  useful  members  of  society.  Much  as  I  am 
disinclined  to  recommend  any  measure,  which  will  increase  the 
outlay  of  expenditure  of  the  State,  I  am  forced  to  conclude  that 
the  care  of  such  unfortunates  is  a  legitimate  and  necessary  duty 
of  the  State  in  the  exercise  of  common  humanity.  Other  states 
have  awakened  to  the  wisdom  of  providing  for  these  unfortunates 
in  this  manner,  among  them  Indiana,  Kansas,  Michigan,  Missouri, 
Ohio,  Pennsylvania,  Texas  and  New  York.  This  State  cannot 
afford  to  lag  behind  these  other  great  jurisdictions  in  this  par- 
ticular. I,  therefore,  respectfully  recommend  that  the  Colony 
for  Epileptics  be  created,  and  that  appropriation  be  made  suffi- 
cient to  buy  a  tract  of  land  of  about  2,000  acres,  and  that  the 
erection  of  buildings  thereon  be  commenced  at  the  earliest  pos- 
sible date. 

CONVICT  LABOR. 

Provision,  also,  should  be  made  for  the  employment  of  the 
inmates  of  our  penitentiaries  in'  road  work.  Primarily,  convicts 
should  be  used  for  the  preparation  of  material,  either  at  the  peni- 
tentiaries, or  at  camps,  established  near  natural  deposits  of  stone, 
gravel  or  other  material.  In  the  actual  construction  of  high- 
ways when  it  becomes  necessary,  short  term  prisoners  should  be 
employed  on  an  honor  system,  such  as  prevails  in  Colorado. 
Humanitarian  reasons  underlie  the  employment  of  convicts  in  the 
open  air  work  of  this  sort.  The  problem  of  what  is  going  to 
become  of  the  paroled  or  discharged  convict  is  largely  solved  if 
he  is  released,  healthy  in  body  and  mind,  and  not  debased  by 
associations  formed  in  the  debilitating  environments  of  cells  and 
prison  workshops. 

Psychological  and  physiological  considerations  enter  into  the 
employment  of  men,  on  an  honor  system  in  the  fresh  air  and 
sunshine,  wherein  and  whereby  they  are  restored  to  society  with 
their  manhood  quickened,  instead  of  deadened,  or  destroyed. 

IMPROVEMENT  ON  HIGHWAYS. 

A  matter  touching  vitally  the  agricultural,  commercial,  edu- 
cational, social,  religious  and  economic  welfare  of  Illinois,  and  in- 


DUNKE JUDGE,   MAYOR,  GOVERNOR  405 

volving  the  conservation  of  natural  resources,  is  the  question  of 
good  roads.  In  the  improvement  of  public  highways,  Illinois  has 
been  backward. 

Reports  of  the  Federal  Department  of  Agriculture  show  that 
about  10  per  cent  of  the  95,000  miles  of  Illinois  roads  are  im- 
proved in  a. permanent  manner,  as  against  38  per  cent  in  the 
neighboring  state  of  Indiana,  20  per  cent  in  Wisconsin,  20  per 
cent  in  Kentucky,  28  per  cent  in  Ohio  and  50  per  cent  in  Mas- 
sachusetts. Considered  from  the  standpoint  of  improved  roads, 
Illinois  is  the  twenty-fourth  in  the  list  of  states. 

The  loss  to  farmers,  because  of  inaccessibile  primary  markets, 
and  the  abnormal  expense  of  transportation  due  to  bad  roads, 
must  be  considered  as  a  contributing  cause  of  the  high  cost  of 
living.  In  some  Illinois  counties,  highways  are  impassable  to 
ordinary  loads  for  a  full  third  part  of  the  year.  Bad  roads  not 
only  hinder  crop  production  and  marketing,  but  they  keep  the 
rural  consumer  away  from  the  store  of  the  merchant  for  weeks 
at  a  time.  They  keep  pupils  from  the  schools,  and  voters  from 
political  gatherings,  and  from  participation  in  elections.  They 
impair  the  efficiency  of  churches,  and  social,  fraternal  and  other 
organizations,  which  depend  largely  on  public  gatherings  for  the 
efficacy  of  their  work. 

Bad  roads  contribute  to  the  unattractiveness,  the  isolation 
and  the  monotony  of  country  life  that  are  responsible  for  the  de- 
sertion of  rural  pursuits,  especially  by  the  young.  Experts  in 
mental  ailments  agree  that  women  in  remote  sections  are  the  chief 
sufferers  from  the  restriction  of  communication  and  social  inter- 
course, which  bad  roads  impose. 

Highway  conditions  in  Illinois  are  due  to  the  fact  that  prog- 
ress in  methods  of  transportation  and  travel  has  not  been  met 
with  corresponding  changes  in  our  system  o^  road  building  and 
maintenance.  Illinois  clings  to  the  obsolete  practice  of  placing 
the  burden  of  highway  improvement  on  the  townships.  Other 
states,  in  their  laws,  have  appreciated  that  highway  travel  is  no 
longer  entirely  local  and  that  the  main  arteries  carry  a  great 
amount  of  inter-county  and  inter-state  traffic.  Permanent  im- 
provement of  the  main  arteries,  which  carry  the  great  bulk  of 
traffic,  is  a  problem  which  affects  the  general  welfare,  and  these 
states  have  established,  successfully,  systems  of  state  aid  on 
such  highways. 

I  recommend  for  your  consideration  legislation  which  will 
promote  the  efficiency  and  economy  of  the  administration  of  the 
road  system  of  the  State.  This  legislation,  I  believe,  should 
incorporate  provisions  for  State  cooperation  with  counties  and 
townships  in  the  construction  of  main  highways  and  bridges;  and 


406  DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

the  proper  maintenance  of  all  roads  after  they  are  built ;  for  the 
compulsory  dragging  of  all  dirt  roads,  and  for  the  use  of  the 
State  automobile  tax  as  a  nucleus  of  a  fund  for  such  State  aid. 

CHICAGO'S  CRIPPLED  FINANCES. 

My  attention  has  been  called  by  the  mayor  and  corporate 
authorities  of  the  city  of  Chicago  to  the  fact  that,  under  a  recent 
decision  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  this  State,  construing  the  so- 
called  Juul  Law,  the  city  of  Chicago  is  now  so  seriously  crippled, 
financially,  as  to  be  unable  to  carry  on  successfully  its  ordinary 
corporate  functions.  Other  cities  of  the  State  may  soon  find 
themselves  in  like  condition. 

I,  therefore,  respectfully  suggest  that  the  corporate  authori- 
ties of  the  different  cities  of  the  State  be  given  an  immediate 
hearing,  and  that  such  amendatory  legislation  may  be  enacted  as 
will  conserve  and  protect  the  corporate  functions  of  the  cities  of 
the  State. 

AMEND  THE  JUVENILE  COURT  ACT. 

Under  the  existing  Juvenile  Court  Law,  a  dependent  can  be 
taken  from  the  care  and  custody  of  its  parents  and  deposited  be- 
yond the  jurisdiction  of  the  court  and  without  the  courts  of  the 
State — even  beyond  the  seas. 

I  respectfully  recommend  that  it  be  so  amended  as  to  prevent 
such  children  being  taken  without  the  jurisdiction  of  the  court. 

AMENDMENT  OF  THE  JURY  LAW  IN  CIVIL  CASES. 

I  became  convinced,  from  my  experience  on  the  bench,  some 
years  ago,  that  quite  frequently  there  was  a  miscarriage  of  justice 
in  civil  law  suits,  resulting  from  disagreements  of  juries,  procured 
by  corrupt  methods. 

In  nearly  all  of  such  cases  the  disagreements  arose  by  reason 
of  one  or  two  men  refusing  to  agree  with  their  fellow  jurors  upon 
verdicts,  which,  to  the  ordinary  person  hearing  the  evidence, 
would  seem  manifestly  fair  and  just.  Cases  occurred  in  which 
two  jurors,  evidently  in  anticipation  of  a  protracted  disagree- 
ment, had  prepared  themselves  for  the  expected  developments, 
and  fortified  themselves  with  sandwiches,  which,  when  hunger 
pressed  them,  they  produced  and  consumed  without  dividing  with 
the  honest  and  unprepared  members  of  the  jury. 

In  view  of  these  experiences.  I  would  respectfully  suggest 
that  the  laws  of  the  State,  relating  to  the  trial  of  civil  cases 
in  the  courts,  be  amended  so  as  to  permit  the  court  to  accept  a 


DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,  GOVERNOR  407 

verdict  signed  by  eleven  jurors  after  twelve  hours'  deliberation, 
and  by  ten  jurors  after  twenty-four  hours'  deliberation.  Such 
time  for  deliberation  would  give  ample  opportunity  to  an  honest 
minority  of  one  or  two  men  to  fully  present  their  views  to  their 
fellow  jurors,  and  convince  them,  if  they,  the  minority,  were 
in  the  right;  and  yet  would  prevent  a  miscarriage  of  justice,  if 
they  were  in  the  wrong,  and  actuated  by  corrupt  motives.  I  am 
of  the  opinion,  however,  that  in  all  criminal  cases,  involving  the 
life  or  liberty  t  of  a  citizen,  that  a  unanimous  verdict  should  still 
be  required. 

LAST  DAY  OF  LEGISLATIVE  SESSION. 

« 

I  have  been  informed  by  members  of  the  Legislature,  of 
much  experience,  that  on  the  last  day,  or  rather  night,  of  the 
session,  bills  are  read  and  voted  upon  in  the  midst  of  so  much 
confusion  and  turmoil  that  it  is  often  impossible  for  the  most 
vigilant  member  to  know  what  measure  is  being  voted  upon  and 
how  the  vote  is  being  recorded. 

On  the  assumption  that  such  is  the  fact,  I  would  respectfully 
suggest  that  the  last  day  of  all  sessions,  by  statute,  be  set  aside 
for  the  purpose  of  verifying  all  roll  calls  of  the  day  preceding 
and  for  the  transaction  of  no  other  business. 

The  people  have  imposed  upon  the  General  Assembly  and  the 
Executive  a  solemn  responsibility  in  the  discharge  of  which,  I 
trust,  there  will  be  friendly  cooperation  and  sympathetic  under- 
standing. Let  us,  therefore,  strive  earnestly,  untiringly,  to  re- 
deem the  pledges  we  have  given :  and  the  people 's  faith  in  our 
sincerity  will  be  our  reward. 


408  DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 


URGES  ELECTION  OF  LEWIS  AND 
SHERMAN  AS  SENATORS. 

STATEMENT  TO  THE  PUBLIC,  FEBRUARY,  1913. 

The  time  has  come  in  the  struggle  for  the  election  of  United 
States  Senators  when  a  plain,  frank  statement  is  due  to  the  members 
of  the  Legislature  and  the  people  of  the  State. 

At  the  advisory  election,  held  April  9,  1912,  Col.  James  Hamil- 
ton Lewis  received  228,872  votes  and  became  the  choice  of  the 
Democratic  party  for  United  States  Senator.  At  the  same  election 
Hon.  Lawrence  Y.  Sherman  received  178,083  votes  and  was 
selected  by  a  large  plurality  of  his  party  as  the  Republican  candi- 
date for  the  same  office. 

Since  this  primary  election  was  held,  the  United  States  Senate 
has  declared  that  the  position  held  by  United  States  Senator  Albert 
J.  Hopkins  has  never  been  filled,  thus  leaving  to  the  Legislature, 
under  the  Constitution  and  laws,  the  duty  of  selecting  two  United 
States  Senators,  one  to  succeed  Hon.  Albert  J.  Hopkins  and  the 
other  to  succeed  Hon.  Shelby  M.  Cullom,  the  present  United  States 
Senator. 

At  the  election  held  November  5,  1912,  the  Democratic  ticket 
prevailed  in  Illinois  by  a  very  large  plurality,  the  candidates  on 
that  ticket  being  elected  by  pluralities  ranging  from  80,000  to  125,- 
000  approximately. 

At  the  same  election  State  Senators  and  Representatives  were 
voted  for  and  elected,  resulting  in  the  Senate  being  composed  at 
the  present  time  of  24  Democrats,  24  Republicans  and  2  Progres- 
sives; and  the  House  of  Representatives  being  composed  of  50 
Republicans,  73  Democrats,  25  Progressives  and  4  Socialists. 

The  failure  of  the  Democratic  party  to  elect  a  majority  of  the 
members  of  the  General  Assembly  resulted  largely  from  the  inequi- 
table apportionment  made  by  a  Republican  Legislature  about  ten 
years  ago. 

This  unfortunate  situation,  under  which  no  party  controls 
either  House  on  joint  ballot,  has  resulted  in  delaying  the  inaugura- 
tion of  the  State  officials  for  three  weeks  and  has  prevented  up  to 
the  present  time  the  election  of  the  United  States  Senators,  placing 
this  State  in  the  unfortunate  position  of  being  unrepresented  in  the 
United  States  Senate  after  March  4,  1913,  unless  an  arrangement 


DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  409 

of  some  kind  is  made  between  two  or  more  of  the  parties  repre- 
sented in  the  Legislature. 

In  this  peculiarly  annoying  situation,  the  air  is  full  of  intrigues 
and  combinations,  which  may  end  eventually  in  a  scandal  and  the 
humiliation  of  the  citizens  of  Illinois. 

In  this  crisis,  I  believe  it  my  duty  to  appeal  to  the  members 
of  the  Legislature  and  the  public  at  large,  for  an  open  and  above- 
board  arrangement  between  the  discordant  elements  of  the  Legisla- 
ture, which,  in  my  judgment,  will  commend  itself  to  the  patriotic, 
law-abiding  and  law-respecting  citizens  of  the  State  and  preclude 
the  possibility  of  any  intrigue  or  scandal  which  might  bring  the 
fair  name  of  the  State  into  disrepute  among  the  states  of  the  Union. 

In  view  of  the  fact  that  no  political  party  has  sufficient  votes 
in  the  Legislature  to  secure  the  election  of  even  one  United  States 
Senator,  and  the  further  fact  that  it  is  absolutely  necessary  that  this 
deadlock  should  be  broken  in  a  way  creditable  to  the  members  of 
the  Legislature  and  the  State  of  Illinois,  in  order  that  public  busi- 
ness may  proceed,  I  would  respectfully  suggest  to  the  members  of 
the  Legislature  and  the  people  of  the  State  that  it  would  be  wise, 
prudent  and  patriotic  for  all  members  of  the  Legislature  who  believe 
in  the  right  of  the  people  to  advise  their  representatives  by  primary 
vote,  to  meet,  irrespective  of  party,  in  conference  and  agree  upon 
the  two  men  who  have  received  these  large  advisory  votes  of  con- 
fidence from  the  people,  to-wit :  Col.  Jas.  Hamilton  Lewis  and  Hon. 
Lawrence  Y.  Sherman,  selecting  Col.  Lewis  for  the  long  term  and 
Mr.  Sherman  for  the  short  term. 

The  selection  of  Col.  Lewis  for  the  long  term,  I  believe  to  be 
tnt;  duty  of  the  members  of  the  Legislature  in  view  of  the  fact: 
first,  that  he  received  a  much  larger  popular  vote  than  Mr.  Sher- 
man ;  second,  because  the  Democratic  membership  of  the  General 
Assembly  is  much  larger  than  the  Republican  membership;  and, 
third,  because  the  Democratic  party  carried  the  State  by  a  great 
plurality  at  the  last  election. 

In  this  great  crisis,  I  believe  that  the  welfare  of  the  common- 
wealth demands  that  the  members  of  the  Legislature  subordinate 
partisanship  to  patriotism,  that  they  lay  aside  their  bickerings  and 
select  as  United  States  Senators,  the  men  chosen  by  the  people  of 
the  State  for  these  offices  and  proceed  with  their  duties  as  legisla- 
tors in  enacting  into  law  the  measures,  the  advocacy  of  which 
brought  success  to  the  Democratic  ticket  last  November. 

As  a  Democrat,  I  would  much  prefer,  were  it  possible  without 
discreditable  bargaining  and  intrigue,  to  secure  the  selection  of 
two  Democratic  United  States  Senators,  committed  to  the  support 
of  the  policies  of  President-elect  Wilson.  This  much  desired  solu- 
tion of  the  present  difficulty  being  now  to  my  mind  impossible  of 


410  DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

accomplishment,  I  now  advise,  after  due  deliberation,  that  the  set- 
tlement of  the  senatorial  struggle  above  suggested  is  the  duty  of 
the  hour  and  the  only  safe,  sane  and  honorable  solution  of  the  pres- 
ent perplexing  situation.  Moreover,  it  is  a  solution  that  I  believe 
will  meet  with  the  approval  of  the  citizenship  of  the  State,  irre- 
spective of  party. 


DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  411 


ON  THE  DEDICATION  OF  LINCOLN 

HALL. 

ADDRESS  AT  UNIVERSITY  OF  ILLINOIS,  FEBRUARY  12,  1913. 
Mr.  Chairman,  Ladies  and  Gentlemen: 

I  deem  myself  peculiarly  fortunate  in  being  called  upon  as 
Governor  of  this  State,  at  the  beginning  of  my  term  of  office,  to 
participate  in  the  ceremonies  of  this  occasion. 

We  are  here  today  to  announce  officially  the  consummation  of 
a  great  educational  edifice  and  to  turn  it  over  to  the  University  of 
Illinois.  The  ceremony  signalizes  a  great  advance  in  the  higher 
educational  work  of  this  great  university,  of  which  we  Illinoisans 
are  so  justly  proud,  and  at  the  same  time  affords  us  an  opportunity 
of  unveiling — figuratively  speaking — another  great  monument  to  the 
first  citizen  of  Illinois,  and  the  greatest  philanthropist  of  his  age 
and  Nation. 

Like  that  other  great  statesman,  Thomas  Jefferson,  who  was 
instrumental  in  founding  the  University  of  Virginia,  Abraham  Lin- 
coln, the  great  emancipator,  was  largely  instrumental  in  laying  the 
foundation  stones  of  the  University  of  Illinois. 

The  same  hand  that  signed  the  Emancipation  Proclamation 
signed  the  Federal  land  grant  act  of  1862,  which  gave  birth  to  this 
great  university.  What  so-  appropriate  then  as  that  a  hall  dedicated 
to  the  study  of  the  humanities  of  this  university  should  be  called 
"Lincoln  Hall?"  What  day  so  appropriate  to  christen  this  hall 
and  turn  it  over  to  the  university  as  the  day  that  is  set  apart  by 
law  to  commemorate  the  name  and.  fame  of  Abraham  Lincoln,  the 
best  beloved  of  all  the  illustrious  men  given  to  the  Nation  by  our 
glorious  State.  Illinois  may  well  be  proud  of  the  galaxy  of  illus- 
trious names  which  she  has  emblazoned  on  the  pages  of  American 
history. 

Statesmen  like  Douglas,  Trumbull,  Oglesby,  Yates  and  Alt- 
geld  ;  soldiers  like  Grant,  Sheridan,  Logan  and  Shields ;  jurists  like 
Davis,  Breese  and  McAlister  have  stamped  the  name  of  Illinois  in 
golden  letters  on  the  pages  of  American  history.  But  great  as  are 
all  these  names  and  deeply  as  they  have  left  their  impress  upon 
American  history,  the  name  of  Abraham  Lincoln  towers  among 
them  as  that  of  Illinois'  greatest  son.  Among  the  illustrious  men 
who  have  been  called  to  the  highest  position  of  honor  in  the  Nation, 


412  DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

there  are  four  who,  aside  from  their  exalted  office,  have  gone  down 
and  will  go  down  in  American  history  as  colossal  figures.  Washing- 
ton, the  ideal  patriot;  Jefferson,  the  ideal  statesman;  Jackson,  the 
ideal  fighter ;  and  Lincoln,  the  ideal  humanitarian. 

Let  us,  then,  joyfully  and  proudly,  do  honor  today  to  the  last 
of  these  great  men  whom  Illinois  proudly  boasts  she  gave  to  the 
world  and  this  Nation,  by  naming  this  splendid  building  "Lincoln 
Hall." 

As  Governor  of  this  State,  it  is  my  proud  privilege,  in  behalf 
of  the  State,  to  turn  over  the  building,  now  so  named,  to  the  presi- 
dent and  trustees  of  the  University  of  Illinois,  for  the  purpose  of 
enabling  it  and  them  further  to  advance  the  cause  of  the  higher 
education  which  was  so  near  and  dear  to  the  heart  of  Abraham 
Lincoln. 


DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  413 


A  WASHINGTON  REINCARNATED. 

ADDRESS  TO  CREVE  COEUR  CLUB,  PEORIA,  FEBRUARY  22,  1913. 

Mr.  Toastmaster  and  Gentlemen: 

It  is  customary  upon  anniversaries  like  this,  in  discussing  the 
name  and  fame  of  an  illustrious  man,  whose  memory  we  gather  to 
honor,  to  attempt  to  reincarnate  the  dead,  place  him  in  the  living 
present,  surrounded  by  the  living  questions  of  the  day,  and  decide 
to  our  own  satisfaction  what  course  he  would  pursue  in  relation 
thereto. 

Ten  days  ago  I  listened  with  intense  interest  to  the  eloquent 
speech  of  ex-Senator  Bailey,  in  which  he  pictured  the  reincarnated 
Abraham  Lincoln  of  1913,  and  I  was  astonished  to  learn  that  if 
Lincoln  were  in  the  flesh  today,  he  would  have  been  a  stalwart 
upholder  of  the  Constitution  of  our  forefathers  adopted  in  1787. 

Now,  my  friends,  we  know  that,  under  that  same  old  Constitu- 
tion of  our  forefathers,  human  slavery  was  tolerated  and  for  three- 
quarters  of  a  century  practiced.  Bailey's  reincarnated  Lincoln 
would  have  vigorously  opposed  most  of  the  measures  of  the  new- 
born Progressive  party,  including  equal  suffrage. 

To  my  amazement  I  read  next  day  that  Theodore  Roosevelt 
had  reincarnated  the  same  Lincoln  on  the  same  night  down  East 
somewhere  and  made  that  reincarnated  Lincoln  declare  for  practi- 
cally all  of  the  National  Progressive  platform,  including  woman 
suffrage.  Such  glaring  contradictions  clearly  prove  that  Colonel 
Bryan  was  right  when  he  said,  what  a  man  or  principle  is,  depends 
upon  the  point  of  view  from  which  it  is  inspected.  I  do  not  pro- 
pose to  attempt  to  reincarnate  George  Washington  on  this  day, 
justly  dedicated  to  his  memory,  because,  if  I  did,  you  would  see 
him  viewed  through  my  glasses,  which  might  or  might  not  aid 
your  vision. 

I  will  content  myself  with  calling  attention  to  the  fact  that 
there  is  one  thing  that  all  historians  agree  upon  in  discussing  the 
character  of  Washington. 

They  all  agree  that  he  was  a  plain,  blunt,  vigorous  speaking 
soldier,  who  said  what  he  meant,  and  who  meant  what  he  said.  He 
never  ostensibly  advocated  a  measure  that  he  in  reality  opposed, 
or  opposed  a  measure  which  he  really  favored.  He  never  chased 
the  Devil  around  the  stump.  He  never  became  a  member  of  the 


414  DUNNE JUDGE>   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

society  of  the  "double  cross."  He  knew  nothing  about  the  gentle 
art  of  muddying  the  waters.  He  never  studied  the  habits  of  the 
cuttle-fish,  and  so  never  adopted  its  methods  in  the  politics  of 
his  day. 

In  the  politics  of  the  twentieth  century,  Washington,  if  rein- 
carnated, would  be  vulgarly  termed  a  ' '  back  number  "  or  a  ' '  jay. ' ' 

He  would  have  been,  on  such  questions  as  the  initiative  and 
referendum  or  the  abolition  of  the  State  Board  of  Equalization, 
either  in  favor  of  them  or  against  them,  He  would  not,  if  squarely 
faced  with  the  issues,  have  been  adroit  enough  to  answer,  "I  am  a 
tax  reformer  or  an  advocate  of  a  new  Constitution."  That,  how- 
ever, is  the  style  of  politics  which  prevails  today.  When  a  man 
tries  to  kill  a  project  that  he  dares  not  openly  oppose,  he  advocates 
some  other  harmless  project  as  of  paramount  importance,  in  the 
effort  to  sidetrack  the  other  measure.  He  muddies  the  water,  and 
tries  to  muddle  the  voter. 

This  is  exactly  what  is  being  done  in  Illinois  today.  On  two 
separate  occasions,  eight  years  ago,  and  two  years  ago,  the  people 
of  this  State  voiced  their  demand  at  the  ballot  box  for  the  initiative 
and  referendum  by  a  vote  of  about  five  to  one. 

A  Governor,  who  made  that  the  main  issue  of  his  campaign,  has 
been  placed  in  office  by  a  plurality  of  about  125,000.  In  his  inau- 
gural message,  he  requested  the  passage  of  a  constitutional  amend- 
ment which  will  enable  the  Legislature  to  place  the  initiative  and 
referendum  upon  the  statute  book  of  the  State. 

In  this  juncture,  although  746,521  voters  of  the  State  voted 
for  the  two  candidates  for  Governor  who  were  solemnly  pledged 
by  their  respective  platforms  to  this  great  reform  as  against  318,469 
voters  for  the  candidate  for  Governor  who  straddled  the  question, 
although  the  Senate  has  heretofore  voted  unanimously  for  this  meas- 
ure, and  although  98  out  of  145  of  the  members  of  the  lower  House 
were  elected  on  platforms  pledging  them  to  the  measure,  certain 
men,  .papers  and  organizations  in  this  State  hypocritically  raised  the 
cry  of  reform  of  taxation  or  revision  of  the  Constitution.  Not  until 
the  fruition  of  an  insistent  demand  of  the  people  for  this  reform 
was  imminent  in  the  last  Legislature  was  this  false  and  pharisaical 
cry  raised  by  these  men,  organizations  and  papers.  Now  that  the 
present  administration,  and  honorable  pledge-keeping  men  in  the 
Legislature  are  endeavoring  to  keep  faith  with  the  people  and 
amend  the  Constitution  so  as  to  secure  the  initiative  and  referen- 
dum, these  hypocritical  men,  organizations  and  newspapers  again 
lift  their  pharisaical  voices  in  the  demand  for  revenue  reform  and 
a  new  Constitution. 

It  is  anything  to  beat  the  initiative  and  referendum;  muddy 
the  political  waters;  drag  a  red  herring  across  the  trail;  yell  fire, 
and  pick  the  pockets  of  the  crowds  during  the  crush  which  follows. 


DUNJSTE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  415 

These  are  now  the  tactics  of  those  who  would  beat  the  initiative 
and  referendum. 

They  know  that,  under  the  Constitution,  only  one  amendment 
can  be  provided  for  at  the  present  session.  "Any  old  Morgan 
amendment ' '  will  do  in  preference  to  the  initiative  and  referendum 
amendment;  so  they  yell  for  a  tax  reform  amendment.  We  need 
such  an  amendment.  So  did  the  swimmer  whose  clothes  were  stolen 
need  a  necktie.  But  he  needed  much  more  a  pair  of  trousers.  The 
people  need  the  initiative  and  referendum,  much  more  than  they 
need  the  tax  reform.  Nine-tenths  of  the  evils  we  suffer  from  in 
our  tax  laws  can  be  cured  without  a  constitutional  amendment. 

Abolish  the  State  Board  of  Equalization,  and  create  an  efficient 
tax  commission  or  court  that  will  honestly,  impartially  and  vigor- 
ously enforce  the  levy  of  equitable  taxation.  Under  our  present 
Constitution,  I  believe  we  can  collect  sufficient  additional  income 
from  the  tax  dodgers  to  adequately  carry  on  all  the  functions  of 
government  without  adding  any  additional  burdens  upon  the  poor 
and  middle  classes  of  the  State. 

A  member  of  the  Cook  County  Board  of  Review  of  Chicago, 
recently  made  the  statement  that  there  were  over  1,000,000  tax 
dodgers  in  Cook  County.  He  ought  to  know ;  for  he  has  been  in  a 
position  for  many  years  past  where  he  came  in  personal  contact 
with  most  of  them. 

The  existence  of  tax  dodgers  elsewhere  throughout  the  State, 
if  not  to  as  great  an  extent,  at  least  to  some  extent,  cannot  be  ques- 
tioned. Under  the  present  laws  and  the  Constitution,  however, 
much  of  this  could  be  eliminated  by  a  scientific,  equitable  and  vigor- 
ous enforcement  of  the  present  laws. 


416  DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 


UPON  THE  ELECTION  OF  UNITED 

STATES  SENATORS  LEWIS 

AND  SHERMAN. 

ADDRESS  TO  GENERAL  ASSEMBLY,  MARCH  26,  1913. 

Gentlemen  of  the  Senate  and  of  the  House  of  Representatives: 

I  recognize  that,  hidden  under  the  keen  humor  of  Senator 
Sherman,  there  was  a  great  deal  of  truth  expressed  in  the  last 
two  sentences  that  he  uttered.  I  recognize  that  you  are  both  hun- 
gry and  thirsty,  and  that  you  are  tired,  as  the  result  of  the  tre- 
mendous strain  under  which  you  have  labored  for  the  last  two 
months,  and  particularly  today,  and  recognizing  that  he  told,  in 
his  humorous  and  witty  way,  the  truth,  I  am  going  to  keep  you 
here  but  a  few  seconds. 

I  simply  want  to  say,  my  friends,  and  I  call  you  my  friends, 
because  your  conduct  shows,  today,  that  you  are  acting  in  the 
interests  of  the  people  of  this  State,  and  the  man  who  acts  patriot- 
ically in  the  interests  of  the  people  of  this  State,  I  do  not  care 
whether  he  calls  himself  a  Democrat  or  Republican,  a  Progres- 
sive, or  a  Socialist,  is  my  friend  (applause),  that  I  believe 
you  have  acted  patriotically  and  consistently,  and  prudently  and 
wisely,  in  doing  the  thing  that  you  have  done  today. 

.  We  all  have  studied  arithmetic,  and  we  all  know  and  have 
known,  since  we  left  school,  that  97  votes  do  not  make  a  majority, 
and  that  a  party  that  has  only  97  votes,  and  that  lacks  6  or  7 
votes  of  a  majority,  cannot  elect  a  Senator  to"  the  United  States 
Senate,  without  receiving  votes  from  some  other  party,  and  there- 
fore I  thought,  three  weeks  ago,  after  I  had  spent  three  weeks 
here  in  the  vain  and  fruitless  effort  to  secure  two  United  States 
Senators  of  the  Democratic  party  from  this  State  (and  I  think 
I  am  as  intensely  Democratic  as  any  member  in  this  Assembly) 
I  reached  the  conclusion,  that  we  were  trying  to  do  the  impos- 
sible thing,  and  that  it  would  be  fair  and  just  to  present  some 
sort  of  a  proposition  to  the  membership  of  this  Joint  Assembly, 
and  to  the  whole  people  of  this  State,  that  would  meet  with  popu- 
lar approval  because  it  was  just  and  fair  and  reasonable,  under 
the  circumstances ;  and  therefore,  not  only  as  a  Democrat  but  as  a 
citizen,  and  as  the  executive  of  this  State,.!  thought  it  wise  to  take 
the  people  of  this  State  into  our  confidence,  gentlemen,  and  to 


DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  417 

propose  a  solution  of  this  situation  that  was  sane  and  just,  and 
prudent,  and  I  congratulate  you  that  after  reflection — I  congratu- 
late you,  my  Republican  friends — after  three  weeks'  reflection; 
and  I  congratulate  my  Democratic  friends,  that  after  reflection  of 
three  weeks,  they  have  seen  that  this  is  the  wise  and  the  prudent 
thing  to  do ;  and  I  think  that  I  can  safely  predict  that  over  ninety- 
five  per  cent  of  the  people  of  this  State,  no  matter  what  their 
political  affiliations  may  be,  will  approve  the  settlement  you  have 
reached,  upon  honorable  terms,  this  day,  without  dicker  and 
without  trade,  openly  and  above  board,  honorably  and  decently. 
I  congratulate  you  upon  the  result,  my  friends,  of  the  break- 
ing of  this  agonizing  and  unfortunate  deadlock,  that  was  delay- 
ing the  legislation  demanded  by  the  people  of  this  State ;  and  now 
that  it  is  dissolved,  let  us  get  to  work,  my  friends,  no  matter  what 
party  you  belong  to,  and  put  upon  the  statute  books  of  this  State 
the  laws  that  the  people  demand., 


—14 


418  DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 


MAKING  TWO  BUSHELS  GROW  WHERE 
ONE  GREW  BEFORE. 

ADDRESS  TO  FARMER  BOYS,  MARCH,  1913. 

My  Young  Farmer  Friends: 

I  have  never  had  the  honor  of  addressing  a  strictly  agricul- 
tural meeting,  and  I  consider  it  a  high  privilege  to  be  here  today, 
among  men  and  boys  engaged  in  so  useful  an  enterprise  as  modern, 
efficient  and  scientific  farming.  I  want  to  become  better  acquainted 
with  you  and  your  interests.  I  am  informed  that  the  members  of 
the  Top  Notch  Farmers'  Club  have  produced  one  hundred  or  more 
bushels  of  corn  to  an  acre  and  that  some  of  you  have  raised  as  high 
as  one  hundred  and  eighty  bushels  to  the  acre.  This  is  an  achieve- 
ment of  which  any  man,  no  matter  how  high  his  position  in  life, 
could  be  proud ;  for  the  man  who  makes  two  blades  of  grass  grow 
where  only  one  grew  before,  is  greater  than  he  who  conquers  an 
empire. 

What  shall  we  say  then  of  the  boy  or  the  man  who  makes  three 
blades  grow  where  only  one  grew? 

In  1912,  in  this  central  Illinois,  the  famous  cornbelt  of  the 
world,  the  average  yield  of  corn  was  only  thirty-nine  bushels  to  the 
acre,  for  the  3,099,754  acres  planted.  The  average  price  of  this 
corn  on  December  1,  1912,  was  39  cents  per  bushel,  making  the  total 
value  of  the  crop  $47,362,474.  The  estimated  cost  of  this  crop  was 
$28,574,482,  leaving  of  a  profit  to  the  growers  of  $18,832,806. 

Here  in  your  own  county  of  Sangamon,  you  planted  100,000 
acres  of  corn  and  harvested  3,400,000  bushels,  an  average  of  only 
thirty-four  bushels  to  the  acre.  The  farmer  boy  who  raised  100 
bushels  to  the  acre,  therefore,  made  three  blades  grow  where  only 
one  grew.  He  increased  the  money  value  of  his  crop  from  $13.26 
to  $39.00  per  acre.  Had  the  average  yield  in  this  cornbelt  been 
100  bushels  to  the  acre,  and  the  December  1  price  the  same,  the 
total  yield  would  have  been  309,957,400  bushels,  worth  $121,000,000, 
against  121,000,000  bushels  worth  $47,000,000. 

We  have  here  only  the  dollars  and  cents  result  of  making  two 
or  three  blades  grow  where  one  grew.  There  are  possibilities  in 
other  directions  equally  as  great.  Such  luxuriance  of  nature  means 
greater  beauty,  sweeter  home  environment,  reduction  of  the  sum  of 
poverty,  the  elevation  of  the  individual  standard  of  life,  the  better- 


DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  419 

ment  of  community  existence  and  ideal,  turning  of  the  tide  now 
cityward  back  to  the  country. 

In  good  agriculture — I  will  not  say  scientific  agriculture — the 
farmer  of  today  contends  with  less  competition  than  confronts  any 
other  business. 

Here  sit  about  me  some  fifty  young  men  who  have  raised  each 
100  or  more  bushels  of  corn  to  an  acre,  representing  fifty  acres  out 
of  100,000  acres  in  Sangamon  County,  producing  100  bushels  each. 
Is  there  any  reason  why  the  other  99,950  acres  cannot  do  as  well  on 
an  average  ?  Is  there  any  reason  why  they  should  not  ?  Is  not  the 
country  and  the  world  calling  for  more  bread,  more  meat,  more  of 
all  products  that  come  from  the  farm  ? 

The  call  of  today  is  the  call  of  the  city.  Our  young  people  are 
flocking  in  armies  to  the  cities  and  towns  to  congest  the  already 
congested  streams  of  professional,  industrial  and  mercantile  life. 
They  are,  by  their  competition,  cutting  down  average  earnings  and 
lessening  opportunity.  The  problem  of  the  period,  reduced  to 
its  elements,  is  the  young  man  and  the  young  woman  stranger  in 
our  cities.  Life  is  harder,  life  is  more  severe,  life  is  more  un- 
certain, life  is  more  unwholesome  and  impure  in  these  centers  of 
population,  because  they  cannot  receive  and  assimilate  the  on- 
rushing  flood  of  youth  who  are  pouring  from  their  natural  envi- 
ronment into  an  unnatural  environment. 

Meanwhile  in  the  country  lies  neglected  opportunity.  The 
appeal  of  the  country  is  drowned  in  the  mad  call  of  the  city  and 
no  ear  heeds  it.  Allurement  of  promised  fortunes  in  the  city  blind 
the  eye  to  the  gold  glittering  in  every  ear  of  corn.  The  smoke, 
grime,  dirt,  heat  and  sweat  of  toil  of  the  city  seem  to  fascinate 
and  draw  with  irresistible  power  our  youth  from  the  sweetness  and 
wholesomeness,  the  comforts  and  the  joys  of  life  in  the  free,  open 
air,  for  a  full  breath  of  which  there  is  no  greater  elixir. 

The  young  man  who  neglects  so  great  an  opportunity  as  coun- 
try life  presents  today — the  young  man  who  turns  his  back  upon 
the  farm  to  face  the  terrific  battle  of  city  life,  little  realizes  his 
mistake ;  it  is  almost  a  crime  of  self  obliteration.  The  lad  who 
sticks  by  the  farm  home,  each  year  finds  his  task  easier,  his  op- 
portunities wider  and  his  way  to  fortune  less  crowded  and  less 
obstructed  by  competitors. 

Good  agriculture  meanjs  a  highly  profitable  business.  It 
means  likewise  that  an  education  in  a  science  can  be  obtained 
without  loss  or  expenditure  of  time  and  money.  Each  lesson 
becomes  available  at  once  and  turns  up  from  the  soil  its  harvest 
of  dollars. 

One  may  not  become  an  engineer  by  digging  in  the  ditch,  nor 
an  astronomer  by  peering  at  the  stars,  nor  a  physician  by  reading 
materia  medica.  But  for  the  farmer  to  become  an  expert  farmer,  a 


420  DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

scientific  farmer,  if  he  will,  the  way  is  comparatively  easy.  He 
develops  as  he  lives  and  works,  adding  daily  to  his  knowledge  and 
his  facilities.  We  have  our  colleges  of  agriculture  with  their  labo- 
ratories and  experimental  farms.  It  is  characteristic  of  these  insti- 
tutions and  of  this  science  that  the  results  of  their  experiments  can 
be  stated  in  simple,  plain  terms,  understandable  by  all.  The  boy 
bred  to  the  land  may  understand  many  of  these  truths  and  put  them 
to  practical  use  while  in  his  teens.  All  that  these  institutions  learn 
by  research  and  experimentation  is  at  once  set  down  in  simple 
English  and  distributed  throughout  the  land.  Through  agricul- 
tural publications,  popular  magazines  and  daily  newspapers  this 
information  is  spread  over  wide  areas  and  any  tiller  of  the  soil  may 
avail  himself  of  it  almost  without  cost.  He  can  use  it  and  profit  by 
it  if  he  will.  It  is  through  such  means  that  you  have  learned  how 
to  raise  one  hundred  bushels  of  corn  to  the  acre.  Every  other 
land  owner  or  tenant  enjoys  the  same  opportunity  to  learn  and 
to  produce. 

So  I  say  agricultural  life  presents  an  opportunity  for  clean 
existence,  for  a  livelihood  and  decent  fortune,  without  destructive 
competition.  It  presents  untold  possibilities  in  monetary  rewards. 
It  offers  a  training  and  education.  You  enjoy  in  your  rural  homes 
more  of  our  modern  comforts  and  conveniences,  such  as  the  tele- 
phone, interurban  cars,  free  delivery  of  mail,  electric  light,  hot 
and  cold  water,  sewerage  systems,  than  the  city  population,  in 
proportion  to  its  numbers,  enjoys.  In  short  agriculture  is,  today, 
of  all  occupations,  an  occupation  of  respectability,  of  opportunity, 
of  the  gentleman  and  the  scholar. 


DUN^E — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  421 


COMMUNICATION  ON  "FISH  AND 
GAME." 

MESSAGE  TO  FORTY-EIGHTH  GENERAL  ASSEMBLY,  APRIL  23,  1913. 

Gentlemen  of  the  Forty-eighth  General  Assembly: 

An  investigation  of  the  Fish  and  Game  Departments  of  the 
State  Government,  made  at  my  direction  by  the  State  Civil  Ser- 
vice Commission,  has  shown  a  condition  to  exist  of  waste  and 
extravagance  in  the  expenditure  of  public  money,  coupled  with 
almost  utter  failure  properly  to  enforce  the  Fish  and  Game  Laws 
and  a  serious  neglect  to  conserve  great  natural  resources  of  the 
State. 

The  extent  of  the  public*  wealth  in  the  Illinois  River  fishing 
grounds  is  not  generally  known.  It  is  estimated  that  the  value  of 
fish  yielded  by  the  river,  which,  in  1908,  according  to  census  re- 
ports, was  $900,000.00,  has  increased  to  more  than  $1,500,000.00 
annually.  The  value  of  the  game  which  the  State  laws  seek  to 
protect  is  also  great,  though  incomparable  with  the  fish  product 
commercially.  In  the  great  fishing  grounds  of  the  Illinois  the 
State  has  a  natural  resource  which  will  increase  in  value  tremend- 
ously as  food  prices  become  higher  and  which  should  be  conserved 
by  wise  laws  firmly  and  impartially  enforced.  Our  present  laws 
are  not  enforced.  Owing  to  this,  the  destruction  of  commercial 
fish  has  reached  a  scale  that  is  alarming.  Unless  it  is  permanently 
checked  the  Illinois  River  will  eventually  cease  to  be  a  great 
natural  asset.  There  is  also  need  of  some  intelligent  effort  di- 
rected by  scientific  minds  to  provide  spawning  grounds  and  fish 
hatcheries  which  will  insure  the  continuance  of  the  fish  supply, 
and  this  need  the  present  system  makes  no  attempt  to  meet. 

Immediate  and  radical  action  is  required  to  reorganize  both 
the  Fish  and  the  Game  Departments  on  a  basis  which  will  insure 
enforcement  of  the  laws  and  protection  of  our  valuable  game  and 
fish.  In  my  judgment  this  can  best  be  accomplished  by  the  con- 
solidation of  the  two  departments  and  the  creation  of  a  Game 
and  Fish  Conservation  Commission,  with  authority  to  appoint 
wardens  who  shall  have  jurisdiction  in  the  enforcement  of  all  laws 
relating  to  both  subjects.  In  practically  every  other  state  of  the 
Union  such  consolidation  was  long  ago  effected  and  it  is  my  opin- 
ion that  the  same  consolidation  should  take  place  here. 


422  DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

Not  only  will  such  consolidation  effect  a  substantial  saving  in 
money  but  by  reorganizing  the  system  of  wardens  and  deputy 
wardens,  by  disposing  of  the  expensive  and  impractical  fish  boat, 
the  Steamer  Illinois,  and-  substituting  inexpensive  and  useful 
launch  patrols,  and  by  abolishing  the  game  farm  at  Auburn  or 
conducting  it  in  an  economical  manner  for  the  propagation  of 
game  birds  which  may  add  to  the  natural  wealth  of  the  State,  the 
money  which  is  expended  can  be  made  to  accomplish  a  great 
amount  of  real  good  where  now  it  accomplishes  little  or  nothing. 

As  organized  at  present,  the  Game  Department  consists  of  a 
game  commissioner,  who  is  paid  $4,700.00  a  year,  including  all  of 
his  various  salaries  and  allowances ;  sixteen  district  game  war- 
dens, who  are  paid  $75.00  a  month  and  expenses ;  100  deputy 
wardens,  who  are  paid  $2.00  a  day  and  expenses,  and  special  dep- 
uty game  wardens  without  compensation-  except  for  a  share  in 
fines  which  they  may  have  imposed.  I  am  reliably  informed  there 
are  in  the  neighborhood  of  500  of  these  special  deputies  in  Cook 
County  alone. 

The  Fish  Department  consists  of  a  commissioner  and  chief 
warden,  who  is  paid  $175.00  a  month  and  expenses  in  this  dual 
capacity;  two  commissioners,  who  are  paid  $100.00  a  month  and 
expenses ;  seven  district  fish  wardens,  who  are  paid  $75.00  a  month 
and  expenses,  and  forty-five  deputy  fish  wardens,  who  are  paid 
$2.00  a  day  and  expenses. 

In  the  report  of  the  Civil  Service  Commission,  facts  are  cited 
which  raise  grave  doubt  as  to  whether  the  employes  in  either  of 
these  departments  give  any  efficient  service  to  the  State.  Further 
facts  rgarding  failure  to  enforce  laws,  waste  of  money  in  the 
game  farm  and  on  the  fish  boat,  prevalence  of  fraudulent  per 
diem  claims  and  expense  accounts,  and  the  entire  absence  of  any 
intelligent  and  constructive  effort  to  conserve  the  public  wealth 
in  either  fish  or  game,  are  given  in  detail  in  the  report  of  the 
Civil  Service  Commission  and  in  the  reports  of  audits  of  these 
departments  conducted  under  the  direction  of  the  State  and  De- 
partment Auditor,  all  of  which  are  herewith  transmitted. 

I  recommend  that  a  bill  be  passed  abolishing  both  Fish  and 
Game  Departments  as  they  now  exist  and  substituting  therefor  a 
Game  and  Fish  Conservation  Commission,  to  be  composed  of  three 
commissioners,  the  president  to  be  the  executive  officer  and  to  be 
paid  $5,000.00  a  year,  and  the  remaining  two  commissioners  to 
be  persons  of  scientific  attainments,  versed  in  the  biology  of  fish 
and  game,  to  be  paid  $2,500.00  a  year  each. 

I  recommend  that  under  the  direction  of  this  commission  a 
force  of  six  wardens  at  $1,500.00  a  year  each  and  sixty  deputy 
wardens  at  $1,200.00  a  year  each  shall  be  employed  continually  in 


DUNNE — JUDGE,  MAYOR,  GOVERNOR  423 

the  enforcement  of  the  conservation  laws,  and  that  in  such  sea- 
sons as  extra  service  is  required,  not  more  than  sixty  deputy 
wardens  may  be  appointed  temporarily  at  $100.00  a  month  each. 
I  recommend  further  that  in  adopting  the  bill  for  such  re- 
organization and  consolidation,  particular  attention  shall  be  given 
to  the  drafting  of  wise  and  effective  measures  for  the  conserva- 
tion of  commercial  fishing  as  well  as  for  the  protection  of  the 
interests  of  sportsmen,  and  that  in  consideration  of  these  meas- 
ures the  advice  of  scientific  experts  shall  be  consulted. 
Respectfully  submitted, 

E.  F.  DUNNE,  Governor. 


424  DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOE,   GOVERNOR 


THE  PROGRESS  OF  THE  INITIATIVE 
AND  REFERENDUM. 

STATEMENT  TO  THE  PUBLIC,  MAY  2,  1913. 

The  resolution  providing  for  the  initiative  and  referendum 
has  already  passed  the  Senate  and  has  been  reported  for  passage 
by  the  Judiciary  Committee  of  the  House. 

Under  Article  IV  of  the  State  Constitution,  relating  to  the 
legislative  department,  as  now  phrased,  the  right  to  initiate  and 
veto  laws  is  not  reserved  to  and  by  the  people  of  Illinois. 

For  more  than  eight  years  the  people  of  this  State,  following 
precedents  set  by  other  republics  and  fourteen  sister  states  of 
the  American  Union,  have  been  insistently  demanding  the  right 
to  legislate  directly  for  themselves  by  the  initiative,  and  the  right 
to  veto  legislation,  passed  by  the  Legislature,  contrary  to  the 
wishes  of  the  people,  by  the  referendum.  Twice  within  the  last 
eight  years,  the  people  of  Illinois,  by  overwhelming  votes  at  the 
ballot  box,  in  the  ratio  of  about  five  to  one,  have  manifested  an 
urgent  desire  for  this  great  reform.  Their  demand  is  insistent 
and  just,  and  has  been  too  long  denied. 

"With  the  control  given  to  the  people  over  legislation  by  the 
possession  of  the  initiative  and  referendum,  corruption  in  the 
Legislature  would,  practically,  be  eliminated  and  all  laws,  finally 
enacted  either  by  the  Legislature  or  by  direct  vote  of  the  people, 
would  truly  express  the  will  of  the  people. 

This  control  of  the  law-making  power  by  the  people  them- 
selves can  only  be  secured  by  amending  Article  IV  of  the  Con- 
stitution, so  as  to  give  to  the  people  the  right,  by  popular  petition, 
to  originate  legislation  under  the  initiative,  and  to  veto  legis- 
lation by  the  referendum. 

I  confidently  hope  that,  at  this  session  of  the  Legislature,  the 
bill,  already  passed  in  the  Senate  and  now  pending  in  the  House, 
to  amend  Article  IV  of  the  Constitution,  so  as  to  secure  the 
"right  of  direct  legislation  by  the  people  themselves,  upon  a 
petition  of  eight  per  centum  of  the  voters  voting  at  the  last  gen- 
eral election,  and  to  secure  the  rights  of  veto  in  the  people,  by 
requiring  submission  to  the  people  "of  any  law  or  laws,  passed 
by  the  Legislature,  for  their  approval  or  disapproval,  upon  the 
filing  of  a  petition  of  five  per  centum  of  the  voters  voting  at  the 
last  general  election,"  will  be  passed. 


DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  425 

In  my  campaign  for  Governor,  the  initiative  and  referendum 
was  urged  by  me  as  one  of  the  most  vital  and  pressing  issues  of 
the  campaign,  and,  in  my  judgment,  my  plurality  of  approxi- 
mately 125,000,  was  largely  the  result  cf  the  persistency  with 
which  I  pledged  myself  in  favor  of  the  adoption  of  this  great 
reform.  In  the  late  gubernatorial  campaign,  the  initiative  and 
referendum  was  one  of  the  main  planks  in  the  platform  of  the 
Democratic  party.  My  vote  for  Governor  was  443,120.  Like- 
wise it  was  one  of  the  main  planks  in  the  platform  of  the  Progres- 
sive party.  Mr.  Funk,  the  Progressive  party's  candidate  for 
Governor,  received  303,401  votes.  It  was  a  plank  in  the  platform 
of  every  party  except  the  Republican,  and  it  was  a  plank  in  the 
platform  of  the  Republican  party  four  years  ago. 

In  the  late  election  the  Republican  candidate  for  Governor, 
Charles  S.  Deneen,  received  318,469  votes.  The  other  candidates 
for  Governor  in  the  same  campaign,  who  urged  the  adoption  of 
the  initiative  and  referendum,  received  a  total  of  844,411  votes. 
The  candidate  for  Governor  who  did  not  urge  the  adoption  of  the 
initiative  and  referendum  received  only  318,469.  These  figures 
speak  for  themselves. 

The  people  have  demonstrated,  in  no  uncertain  terms,  three 
times  at  the  ballot  box,  that  they  desire  this  reform  crystallized 
into  law,  and  I  say  again  that,  in  my  judgment,  it  was  mainly 
upon  this  issue  that  I  was  elected  Governor  of  this  State. 

The  Senate  has  done  its  duty  and  passed  the  resolution  for 
this  measure  by  an  almost  unanimous  vote.  -The  matter  has  been 
reported  favorably  in  the  House  of  Representatives  by  the  Judi- 
ciary Committee.  Within  the  next  few  days,  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives will  vote  upon  the  measure.  I  believe  all  friends  of 
good  government  in  the  House  of  Representatives,  all  those  who 
believe  in  the  right  of  the  people  to  rule,  all  those  who  believe  in 
respecting  the  will  of  the  people,  as  expressed  at  the  ballot  box, 
will  vote  for  the  resolution  now  pending,  that  the  measure  most 
strongly  advocated  by  this  administration  and,  through  the  advo- 
cacy of  which,  the  Governor  of  this  State  rolled  up  such  a  signi- 
ficant plurality,  may  be  enacted  into  law. 

Ohio  adopted  this  great  reform  in  its  constitution,  adopted 
last  year.  Let  the  State  of  Illinois,  at  the  thrice-expressed  man- 
date of  the  people,  do  the  same  at  this  session  of  the  Legislature. 
Let  us  be  loyal  to  the  will  of  the  people  expressd  at  the  polls. 


426  DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 


ADDRESS  IN  COMMEMORATION  OF 

THE  100TH  ANNIVERSARY  OF  THE 

BIRTH  OF  STEPHEN  A. 

DOUGLAS. 

ADDRESS  TO  FORTY-EIGHTH  GENERAL  ASSEMBLY,  APRIL  23,  1913. 

Gentlemen  of  the  Senate,  Gentlemen  of  the  House  of  Representp- 

tives,  Ladies,  Fellow  Citizens  of  the  State  of  Illinois: 

I  have  been  honored  by  the  Committee  on  Arrangements,  rep- 
resenting the  Joint  Assembly,  in  being  asked  to  preside  over  this 
memorable  meeting. 

One  hundred  years  ago,  in  a  little  village  in  Vermont,  there 
was  born  a  man,  who,  when  he  arrived  at  the  years  of  manhood, 
made  his  home  in  the  State  of  Illinois,  and  who,  from  the  time 
when  he  came  to  this  State,  until  the  time  of  his  untimely  death  in 
1861,  was  one  of  the  great  intellectual  leaders,  not  only  of  the 
State  of  Illinois,  but  of  the  United  States  of  America. 

In  the  political  struggles  which  attracted  the  attention  not 
only  of  this  State,  but  of  the  whole  United  States,  he  became  one 
of  the  great  moving  figures,  and  in  his  intellectual  combats  with 
another  great  Illinoisan,  Abraham  Lincoln,  he  riveted  the  atten- 
tion of  the  whole  of  the  United  States  upon  the  issues  of  his  day. 

These  two  great  sons  of  Illinois  became  so  prominent  in  the 
political  life  of  the  United  States  that  they  were  both  nominated 
for  the  highest  executive  office  in  the  gift  of  the  people  of  the 
United  States,  and  after  a  most  memorable  struggle,  Abraham 
Lincoln,  his  competitor,  was  elected  President  of  the  United 
States. 

At  this  juncture  this  Nation  was  faced  with  a  situation  full  of 
peril,  if  not  complete  extinction,  and  upon  that  great  occasion  the 
man  whose  name  we  now  meet  to  commemorate,  proved  himself 
a  patriot  among  patriots,  and  next  to  Abraham  Lincoln,  himself, 
did  more  for  the  preservation  of  the  integrity  of  the  United  States 
than  any  other  man  within  its  confines. 

You  are  exceptionally  fortunate,  my  friends,  in  being  ten- 
dered an  intellectual  treat  this  afternoon ;  and  in  view  of  the  fact 
that  there  are  so  many  eminent,  and  so  many  eloquent  speakers 
here  today,  I  shall  confine  myself,  from  this  time  on,  to  the  pleas- 
ant duty  of  introducing  to  this  audience  these  distinguished 
gentlemen. 


DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  427 


SEEKS   HELP   FOR   PEOPLE   IN   THE 

FLOODED  DISTRICT  ON  OHIO 

RIVER. 

MESSAGE  TO  FORTY-EIGHTH  GENERAL  ASSEMBLY,  MAY  7,  1913. 

Gentlemen  of  the  Forty-eighth  General  Assembly: 

I  beg  to  transmit  herewith  reports  of  Frank  S.  Dickson,  the 
Adjutant  General,  and  Amos  Sawyer,  Acting  Secretary  of  the 
State  Board  of  Health,  covering  the  protective,  rescue,  relief  and 
sanitary  work  of  the  State  in  the  flooded  territory  on  the  Ohio 
River. 

These  reports  evidence  at  once  the  absolute  necessity  and  the 
thoroughness  and  extent  of  the  relief  work.  I  invite  your  atten- 
tion to  the  fact  that  in,  carrying  on  this  work  there  were  on  active 
duty,  twenty-four  companies  of  the  Illinois  National  Guard  and 
three  divisions  of  the  Illinois  Naval  Reserve,  rendering  coura- 
geous and  effective  service  in  protecting  levees,  building  bulk- 
heads, filling  and  placing  sandbags,  and  carrying  relief  to  dis- 
tressed persons. 

Help  was  given  to  thousands  of  our  citizens  in  thirty-one 
flooded  sections  through  the  establishment  of  twenty  relief  sta- 
tions, from  which  food,  clothing  and  tents  were  issued  by  methods 
which  conserved  the  interests  both  of  the  State  and  of  those 
organizations,  societies  and  individuals  that  so  generously  for- 
warded aid,  and  which  also  fully  met  the  equitable  requirements 
of  the  flood  sufferers. 

The  relief  and  sanitary  work  were  so  coordinated  as  to  be 
doubly  effective.  I  feel  no  stronger  evidence  may  be  presented  of 
the  dispatch  and  thoroughness  with  which  the,ir  duty  was  per- 
formed by  those  having  this  work  in  charge  than  the  statement, 
that  in  the  wide  extent  of  devastation  all  possible  disease  epidem- 
ics were  anticipated ;  no  man,  woman  or  child  was  permitted  to 
suffer  from  hunger,  or  left  without  clothes  or  shelter ;  and  not  a 
single  life  was  lost  in  the  rising  waters. 

I  am  satisfied  that  the  prompt  and  effective  action  of  the 
State  authorities  in  this  matter  prevented  the  loss  of  millions  of 
dollars  worth  of  property  belonging  to  the  citizens  of  Illinois. 

The  cost  to  the  State  is  presented  in  the  itemization  prepared 
by  the  Adjutant  General  and  transmitted  in  connection  herewith, 
which  may  be  summarized  as  follows : 


428  DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

Expenditures  for  protective,  rescue,  relief  and  sanitation  in 
connection  with  the  refugees,  $65,118.99.  Of  this  amount,  item- 
ized bills  in  the  sum  of  $45,118.99  are  in  the  hands  of  the  Adju- 
tant General,  the  remaining  $20,000.00  being  a  carefully  prepared 
estimate  of  the  outstanding  indebtedness,  based -upon  computa- 
tions of  the  different  matters  for  which  bills  have  not  been  re- 
ceived. I  have  received  from  various  sources,  voluntary  dona- 
tions, approximately  $15,500.00  in  flood  relief  subscriptions.  The 
residue  of  this  fund  is  approximately  $13,600.00,  leaving  a  balance 
of  approximately  $52,000.00  at  present  unprovided  for. 

Expenditures  connected  with  the  active  service  of  the  Illinois 
National  Guard  and  Illinois  Naval  Reserve  on  flood  duty  v/ere 
$81,647.68.  The  balance  in  the  emergency  fund  at  the  inception 
of  the  flood  was  $23,356.56.  This  balance  has  been  exhausted 
and  there  is  an  unpaid  liability  of  $58,291.12. 

I  recommend  that  a  bill  be  passed  appropriating  $52,000.00 
or  so  much  thereof  as  may  be  necessary  for  the  purpose  of  defray- 
ing the  indebtedness  incurred  on  the  part  of  the  State  in  furnish- 
ing relief  to  flood  sufferers. 

I  recommend  the  passage  of  a  bill  appropriating  to  the  emer- 
gency fund  of  the  Illinois  National  Guard  and  Illinois  Naval 
Reserve,  $58,291.12  to  defray  liabilities  contracted  by  reason  of 
the  necessary  use  of  the  military  and  naval  force  in  the  protection 
of  life  and  property  in  the  flooded  territory.  In  view  of  the 
fact  that  the  liability  above  indicated  has  been  contracted  and 
is  now  unpaid,  it  is  respectfully  urged  that  the  bills  Be  passe<1 
with  emergency  clauses  attached. 
Respectfully  submitted, 

E.  F.  DUNNE,  Governor. 


DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  429 


INITIATIVE  AND   REFERENDUM. 

MESSAGE  TO  FORTY-EIGHTH  GENERAL  ASSEMBLY,  JUNE  5,  1913. 

To  the  Honorable,  the  House  of  Representatives  of  the  Forty- 
eighth  General  Assembly: 

In  my  candidacy  for  Governor,  I  sought  election  upon  a  decla- 
ration of  principles,  among  which  the  Initiative  and  Referendum 
was  the  most  vital  and  important  part. 

A  very  great  majority  of  your  Honorable  Body,  as  well  as 
myself,  were  elected  upon  the  pledge  that  we  would  incorporate 
such  an  amendment  into  the  Constitution  of  this  State. 

The  question  of  the  adoption  of  the  resolution  providing  for 
the  Initiative  and  Referendum  comes  up  today  before  your  Hon- 
orable Body.  If  adopted  by  your  vote,  the  proposed  amendment 
to  the  Constitution  is  again  submitted  to  our  constituents — the 
people  of  this  State — for  their  final  acceptance  or  rejection. 

In  view  of  the  thrice-recorded  vote  of  the  people  at  the  polls 
in  favor  of  the  principles  of  the  Initiative  and  Referendum  I  re- 
spectfully, but  earnestly,  submit  that  we  ought  to  obey  the  ex- 
pressed* will  of  the  people  and  adopt  the  resolution  providing 
for  this  great  reform. 

Thus  we  will  place  it  within  the  power  of  the  people  finally 
to  adopt  or  reject  this  proposed  amendment  to  the  Constitution 
and  thus  we  will  redeem  the  pledges  we  have  made  to  the  people. 

Respectfully, 

E.  F.  DUNNE,  Governor. 


430  DUNNE — JUDGE,  MAYOR,  GOVERNOR 


HIS  ATTITUDE  TOWARDS  THE  UNI- 
VERSITY OF  ILLINOIS. 

STATEMENT  TO  THE  PUBLIC,  JUNE  7,  1913. 

In  view  of  the  fact  that  certain  anonymous,  false  and  other- 
wise misleading  pamphlets  have  been  circulated  throughout  the 
State  tending  to  create  the  impression  that  the  Governor  and  the 
chairmen  of  the  Appropriation  Committees  of  the  Senate  and 
House  of  Representatives  were  endeavoring  to  cripple  financially 
the  University  of  Illinois  or  subject  the  university  to  inconven- 
ience in  the  management  of  its  financial  affairs,  I  make  this  state- 
ment to  the  public  in  order  that  it  may  know  exactly  what  the 
situation  really  is. 

For  many  years  past  the  University  of  Illinois  has  been  draw- 
ing its  finances  from  the  State  treasury  out  of  the  appropriations 
made  by  the  Legislature  in  bulk  sums  upon  requisitions  signed 
by  the  treasurer  of  the  board  of  trustees  of  the  university  at- 
tested by  its  secretary.  The  drafts  drawn  the  last  two  years 
have  been  in  the  following  amounts  and  upon  the  dates  indicated : 

STATISTICS  OF  DRAFTS. 

August  5,  1911,  to  H.  A.  Haugan,  treasurer,  $408,230.26. 
October  31,  1911,  to  H.  A.  Haugan,  treasurer,  $322,025.00. 
November  17,  1911,  to  II.  A.  Haugan,  treasurer,  $40,000.00. 
December  2,  1911,  to  H.  A.  Haugan,  treasurer,  .$16,206.56. 
January  12,  1912,  to  H.  A.  Haugan,  treasurer,  $314,625.00. 
April  15,  1912,  to  H.  A.  Haugan,  treasurer,  $541,825.00. 
May  1,  1912,  to  H.  A.  Haugan,  treasurer,  $300,000.00. 
July  2,  1912,  to  H.  A.  Haugan,  treasurer,  $65.000.00. 
August  1,  1912,  to  H.  A.  Haugan,  treasurer,  $418,057.96. 
January  8,  1913,  to  H.  A.  Haugan,  treasurer,  $492,125.00. 
January  31,  1913,  to  H.  A.  Haugan,  treasurer,  $466,133.08. 
February  5,  1913,  to  H.  A.  Haugan,  treasurer,  $210,000.00. 

The  sums  so  drawn  from  the  State  treasury  have  under  the 
old  system  been  deposited  with  the  local  treasurer  of  the  uni- 
versity and  used  to  pay  university  bilis.  The  bills  or  vouchers 
so  paid  under  the  old  system  were  then  sent  to  the  Governor's 
office  after  payment,  to  be  approved  in  the  Governor's  office. 


,433 

DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYCR,   GOVERNOR  -± 

These  bills  ran  far  up  into  the  thousands  and  the  moneys 
represented  thereby  aggregate  millions. 

Under  the  system  which  has  been  followed  in  past  years,  the 
Governor  has  thus  been  compelled  to  pass  upon  and  approve,  in 
round  numbers,  fifty  thousand  vouchers  each  biennium  aggregat- 
ing approximately  three  and  a  half  million  dollars.  The  Gover- 
nor has  been  required  to  approve  these  vouchers  three  or  four 
months  after  the  expenditures  are  made  and  at  a  time  when  his 
refusal  to  approve  a  single  item  would  stop  the  payment  of  any 
and  all  moneys  of  the  university  by  the  State  Treasurer. 

Under  the  old  system  the  Governor  was  placed  in  the  attitude 
of  perfunctorily  approving  hundreds  of  thousands  of  dollars' 
worth  of  vouchers  long  after  the  money  had  been  spent. 

The  Governor  has  been  advised  by  expert  accountants,  and  so 
believes,  that  this  method  of  doing  business  in  so  far  as  it  com- 
pels the  Executive  to  pass  upon  paid  vouchers  perfunctorily,  is 
ridiculous  and  absurd.  The  Governor,  therefore,  upon  confer- 
ence with  the  State  Auditor  and  Chairman  of  the  Appropriation 
Committees  has  asked  that  this  absurd  and  unsatisfactory  system 
be  changed. 

The  Governor  is  insisting  that  money  drawn  by  the  univer- 
sity shall  be  upon  itemized  vouchers  approved  by  the  board  of 
trustees  of  the  university,  then  presented  to  the  Auditor  of 
Public  Accounts,  whose  duty  it  is  to  audit  all  vouchers  in  the 
same  manner  as  is  followed  by  other  public  institutions  of  the 
State  and  then  paid  by  the  State  Treasurer. 

In  the  false  and  misleading  pamphlets  the  statement  is  made 
that  the  Governor  demands  the  right  to  approve  or  disapprove 
vouchers  for  the  university  expenditures  in  advance  of  payment. 

The  Governor  does  not  desire  or  demand  that  he  be  permitted 
to  approve  expenditures  of  the  university,  either  before  or  after 
the  vouchers  are  paid,  but  he  does  insist  that,  if  he  be  called  upon 
by  law  or  procedure  to  pass  upon  the  vouchers,  that  these  vouch- 
ers shall  be  submitted  to  him  before  the  moneys  are  paid  when 
approval  or  disapproval  would  be  of  some  effect. 

The  Governor  is  desirous  that  he  shall  be  relieved  of  the  respon- 
sibility in  the  matter  of  approving  these  vouchers  and  that  the  bo\ard 
of  trustees  of  the  university  shall  perform  the  duty,  and  that  when 
they  have  approved  the  vouchers  that  the  Auditor  of  Public  Ac- 
counts shall  audit  these  vouchers  before  payment  by  the  State 
Treasurer. 

The  pamphlet  entitled,  "State  of  the  Proposals,"  sent  out 
from  the  university  creates  an  entirely  false  and  erroneous  im- 
pression. The  Governor  is  in  favor  of  absolutely  divorcing  the 
University  of  Illinois  from  politics.  The  claim  is  made  that  the 


-^  DUNNE— JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

Governor  is  in  favor  of  taking  the  fees  earned  by  the  students 
and  to  "confiscate  it  to  the  State  treasury." 

The  Governor  is  willing  and  favors  the  reappropriation  to 
the  University  of  Illinois  of  all  of  its  revenue,  of  all  Federal 
funds,  of  all  gifts,  donations,  trust  funds,  etc.,  made  by  private 
individuals,  alumni  and  others. 

Certain  individuals,  apparently,  have  been  attempting  to 
create  the  impression  that  the  Governor  and  the  Chairman  of  the 
Appropriation  Committees  are  attempting  to  handicap  the  Uni- 
versity of  Illinois  by  changing  its  financial  system. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  Governor  and  the  Chairman  of  the 
Appropriation  Committees  are  in  favor  of  doing  everything  pos 
sible  to  bring  about  a  greater  efficiency  in  the  university  and 
only  are  asking  that  the  appropriations  made  for  the  university 
remain  in  the  hands  of  the  State  Treasurer  to  be  paid  out  on 
itemized  vouchers,  approved  by  the  university  trustees  and 
audited  by  the  Auditor  of  Public  Accounts  instead  of,  as  has 
been  the  custom  in  the  past,  permitting  the  university  to  deposit 
the  moneys  of  the  university  in  the  hands  of  a  local  treasurer  and 
compelling  the  Governor  to  approve  vouchers  long  after  they 
have  been  paid. 


DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  433 


VETO  OF  SO-CALLED  KLEEMAN  BILL. 

MESSAGE  TO  FORTY-EIGHTH  GENERAL  ASSEMBLY,  JUNE  16,  1913. 

To  the  Honorable,  the  House  of  Representatives  of  the  General: 

Assembly  of  Illinois: 

I  return  herewith,  without  my  approval,  House  Bill  No.  38. 
This  bill  authorizes  the  Sanitary  District  of  Chicago  "to  con- 
struct a  public  harbor  so  far  as  feasible  within  the  meander  lines 
of  Lake  Calumet,  Cook  County,  not  less  than  500  acres  in  extent." 

It  authorizes  the  said  district  "to  build  permanent  retaining 
walls  around  said  basins  and  slips." 

It  authorizes  the  said  district  further  "to  operate  wharves, 
docks,  levees,  elevators,  warehouses,  vaults,  disposal  stations, 
reduction  plants,  terminal  railroad  tracks  and  other  terminal 
facilities. ' ' 

It  authorizes  the  district  to  build  "connecting  channels  be- 
tween said  harbor  basis  and  the  Calumet  River,  Calumet  Harbor, 
Lake  Michigan  and  other  waterways  in  or  adjoining  the  Sanitary 
District"  when  required  in  the  judgment  of  the  corporate  au- 
thorities of  the  said  Sanitary  District,  and  the  district  is  re- 
quired, after  making  such  connections,  "forthwith  to  build  suit- 
able bridges  across  such  waterways."  It  provides  that  the  ripar- 
ian rights  of  the  owners  of  property  adjoining  the  lake  shall  not 
be  affected  without  making  just  compensation  therefor. 

It  further  authorizes  the  Sanitary  District  to  acquire  by  pur- 
chase, condemnation  or  otherwise,  so  much  land  as  may  be  re- 
quired for  use  by  the  Sanitary  District  of  Chicago  to  afford  faeil' 
ities  for  railroads  connecting  with  said  harbor. 

It  will  be  seen  from  the  above  that  the  rights  given  to  the 
Sanitary  District  are  far-reaching  in  their  nature,  and  if  this 
bill  were  permitted  to  become  a  law  an  enormous  burden  might 
be  imposed  upon  the  taxpayers  of  the  Sanitary  District  of 
Chicago. 

In  view  of  the  enormous  powers  so  given,  I  deem  it  unwise 
to  approve  this  bill  until  a  concrete  scheme  is  formulated,  the 
cost  of  same  to  be  approximately  ascertained  so  that  the  tax- 
payers of  the  district  might  know  what  their  burden  in  the  future 
would  be. 


434  DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

The  excavating  of  500  acres  in  the  lake  and  the  necessary 
connections  from  such  excavation  to  the  Calumet  River  at  the 
south  of  the  lake,  and  docking  the  same  with  timbers,  I  have  as- 
certained, from  careful  investigation,  would  alone  cost  over  three 
million  dollars.  What  it  would  cost  to  acquire  the  riparian 
rights  of  the  owners  of  property  around  Lake  Calumet  to  build 
connecting  waterways  with  Lake  Michigan  and  other  waters  and 
the  building  of  bridges  thereover,  I  have  not  been  able  to  ascer- 
tain, but  it  might  run  into  enormous  figures. 

To  extinguish  the  riparian  rights  of  the  owners  of  property 
surrounding  Lake  Calumet  would  require  the  expenditure  of 
more  moneys. 

In  my  judgment,  as  the  location  of  a  harbor  in  Lake  Calumet 
would  tend  to  increase  much  in  value  the  properties  surrounding 
the  lake,  the  owners  thereof  should  be  compelled,  before  locating 
any  such  great  enterprise  in  that  neighborhood,  to  release  and 
quit-claim  all  such  riparian  rights  before  such  an  undertaking 
is  entered  upon. 

In  the  absence  of  a  formulation  of  a  concrete  scheme  which 
would  show  at  least  approximately  the  cost  of  the  proposed  enter- 
prise, and  in  the  absence  of  any  showing  that  the  owners  of  the 
property  surrounding  Lake  Calumet  are  willing  to  relinquish 
and  convey  their  riparian  rights,  I  deem  it  my  duty,  in  the  in- 
terests of  the  taxpayers  of  the  Sanitary  District,  to  veto  this 
bill.  Accordingly,  I  withhold  my  approval  of  the  same  and  re 
turn  same  to  you  without  my  approval. 

Respectfully  submitted, 

E.  F.  DUNNE,  Governor. 


DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  435 


FAVORS    PRINCIPLE    OF    RELIEF    TO 
PARENTS  OF  DESTITUTE  CHIL- 
DREN LAW. 

STATEMENT  TO  GOOD  HOUSEKEEPING,  JUNE  16,  1913. 

In  response  to  your  inquiry,  relative  to  home  aid  for  dependent 
children  in  Illinois,  I  beg  to  state  that  I  am  in  full  accord  with  this 
law  and  consider  the  principles  it  inculcates  are  fundamentally  sane 
and  sound. 

The  law,  though  somewhat  crude  and  incomplete,  has  worked 
out  well  in  Illinois  and  with  some  changes  will  place  the  dependent 
child  problem  in  our  State  on  an  entirely  new  basis. 

The  motive  back  of  the  passage  of  this  law,  I  consider,  contains 
all  three  elements  mentioned  in  your  letter.  It  is  not  only  based 
on  humanitarianism  and  sympathy,  but,  in  the  course  of  time,  will 
prove  to  be  a  good  business  investment  for  the  State. 

That  a  mother  should  be  required  to  part  with  her  offspring 
simply  because  of  poverty  or  adverse  circumstances  over  which  she 
has  no  control,  is  nothing  short  of  an  outrage,  and  should  not  be 
tolerated  in  any  civilized  country ;  nor  is  the  crime  much  less  when 
the  child  must  be  recorded  as  a  dependent  in  order  to  enable  the 
mother  to  procure  the  needed  help. 

A  bill  has  just  passed  the  Senate  and  doubtless  will  become  a 
law,  eliminating  the  necessity  of  the  child  being  tried  and  found 
dependent.  If,  after  careful  investigation,  the  mother  is  found  to 
be  needy,  by  due  process,  without  the  child  being  recorded  as  a 
dependent,  she  may  receive  a  suitable  compensation,  enabling  her 
to  remain  at  home  and  care  for  her  child  or  children.  While  these 
cases  come  within  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Juvenile  Court,  the 
mother's  pension  law  should  be  separate  and  distinct  from  the  so- 
called  Juvenile  Court  law  and  under  the  provisions  of  the  bill  now 
pending  it  is  made  so,  while  the  interest  of  the  State  and  the  chil- 
dren are,  in  our  opinion,  safeguarded,  the  home  being  under  strict 
supervision  of  a  competent  probation  officer  with  penalties  fixed 
for  violation  of  the  law. 

The  present  law  providing  home  aid  for  dependent  children 
has  grown  in  favor  and  wherever  put  in  practice  has  continued. 
A  number  of  counties  outside  of  Cook,  where  the  law  has  become 
most  popular  because  of  good  results  achieved,  are  putting  it  to 
practice  with  equally  good  results. 


436  DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

Hon.  Arthur  D.  Deselm,  county  judge,  Kankakee  County,  in 
his  report  for  June,  1912,  to  the  Board  of  Administration,  of  chil- 
dren placed  during  the  quarter  shows  that  twenty-three  children 
were  found  dependent;  of  these,  one  was  placed  in  a  foster  home, 
three  sent  to  an  institution  and  nineteen  were  pensioned.  I  have 
just  been  informed  by  the  judge  that  the  work  has  proven  a  great 
success  and  decidedly  helpful  in  lessening  pauperism  in  his  county. 
The  enactment  and  proper  enforcement  of  this  law  gives  both  the 
mother  and  the  child  a  square  deal. 

In  Illinois,  contracts  are  often  made  by  boards  of  supervisors 
with  institutions  to  take  their  dependent  children  for  a  stipulated 
price  ranging  from  $25.00  to  $50.00.  The  argument  often  presented 
to  the  board  is  that  it  is  cheaper  to  dispose  of  the  child  in  this  way 
than  to  attempt  to  keep  it  in  the  county.  There  will  be  less  need 
for  the  signing  of  such  contracts  when  the  mothers'  pension  law 
becomes  the  universal  practice,  which  is  bound  to  be  the  case  sooner 
or  later.  If  this  law  is  properly  enforced,  you  are  correct  in  assum- 
ing that  it  is  cheaper  to  pay  the  pension  to  the  mother  than  to  put 
this  class  of  children  in  an  institution.  One  case  in  question,  and 
there  are  numerous  others  that  have  come  to  me  within  the  past 
few  weeks  as  a  result  of  the  work  of  certain  child-saving  societies, 
is  worthy  of  consideration.  Three  little  girls  because  of  the  poverty 
of  their  mother  were  placed  with  an  association  for  temporary  care ; 
one  of  these  had  recently  been  taken  from  the  mother's  breast.  She 
signed  the  contract  that,  if  she  was  financially  able  to  care  for  the 
children,  they  would  be  returned  to  her  in  three  months ;  she  failed 
in  her  attempt ;  the  children  were  scattered  and  the  mother  died,  her 
death  being  supposedly  hastened  because  of  her  grief.  Later  an 
appeal  was  made  to  the  department  of  visitation  of  children  and, 
after  several  weeks  of  earnest  search,  the  three  sisters  were  found 
and  reunited  in  a  state  outside  of  Illinois.  Other  institutions  in  the 
State  are  at  the  present  time  receiving  and  disposing  of  children  on 
the  same  conditions.  This  law,  properly  executed,  will  relieve  the 
State  of  this  diabolical  practice  and  insure  to  the  poor  mother  the 
sacred  right  of  rearing  her  own  child  or  children.  We  unhesitat- 
ingly recommend  the  law  and  are  confident  that  very  soon  each  state 
in  the  Union  will  have  such  a  law  fully  enforced  for  the  protection 
of  this  class  of  poor,  deserving  mothers  and  their  children. 


DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  437 


STATEMENT  OF  GOVERNOR  DUNNE 
REGARDING  PUBLIC  UTILITIES. 

(House  Bill  907.) 

STATE  OF  ILLINOIS, 
EXECUTIVE  DEPARTMENT, 
SPRINGFIELD,  ILL.,  June  80,  1913. 

To  the  People  of  Illinois: 

Satisfactory  control  of  public  service  corporations  is  manifestly 
necessary.  No  one  will  dispute  the  accuracy  of  this  statement. 

Such  control  by  a  commission  should  be  given  every  reasonable 
trial  in  this  State.  If  that  fails,  all  will  concede,  there  is  no  alterna- 
tive but  public  ownership.  A  public  ownership  law  has  just  been 
passed  by  the  Legislature  at  my  request. 

Public  utility  legislation,  I  believe,  is  no  longer  in  the  experi- 
mental state.  It  has  been  adopted  by  the  states  of  New  York,  New 
Jersey,  Massachusetts,  Oregon,  Wisconsin,  Ohio,  Indiana,  Califor- 
nia and  other  states,  some  twenty  in  all,  and  with  results  that  have 
proved  satisfactory  to  those  communities.  The  .public  utilities  bill 
in  the  form  in  which  it  comes  tp  me  for  approval,  notwithstanding 
that  there  has  been  eliminated  from  it  certain  home  rule  provisions, 
which  I  earnestly  supported  and  tried  to  have  placed  in  the  act,  is 
in  many  respects  the  best  measure  of  its  kind  that  has  found  its  way 
into  the  laws  of  a  state.  It  is  elastic;  it  is  workable;  it  provides 
ample  authority  for  a  Public  Utilities  Commission,  when  appointed, 
to  deal  efficiently  with  all  problems  it  may  undertake.  It  is  in  my 
judgment  better  than  the  Wisconsin  law  which  has  been  regarded 
as  a  model  in  that  it  eliminates  two  questionable  features  of  that 
law,  to-wit:  first,  giving  the  commission  control  of  public  owned 
utilities,  and,  second,  giving  private  corporations  indeterminate 
franchises. 

The  Democratic  State  platform  of  1912,  upon  which  I  was 
elected  to  the  office  of  Governor,  said :  ' '  We  demand  enactment  of 
legislation  creating  a  commission  that  will  consolidate  supervision 
and  control  over  public  service  and  public  utilities  corporations, 
that  unjust  and  intolerable  practices  shall  cease." 

The  Republican  State  platform  of  1912  said:  "We  favor  the 
enactment  of  public  utilities  legislation  that  will  place  all  railroad, 


438  DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,  GOVERNOR 

telegraph,  telephone,  electric  light  and  power  companies,  street  rail- 
ways, distributors  of  gas,  express  companies  and  common  carriers 
of  all  kinds  under  the  control  of  a  commission  or  commissions  having 
authority  over  the  issuance  of  stocks  and  bonds,  the  fixing  of  valua- 
tion of  plants  of  these  corporations  and  regulation  of  their  rates  and 
services  so  as  to  treat  fairly  the  interests  of  investors  and  of  the 
public." 

The  Progressive  platform  also  declared  in  favor  of  a  State 
Utility  Commission. 

Thus  it  will  be  seen  that  the  Democratic  platform,  and  the  plat- 
forms of  the  Progressive  and  Republican  parties  contained  planks 
demanding  the  creation  of  a  Public  Service  Commission,  so  that 
the  electorate  of  Illinois  substantially  voted  as  a  unit  in  favor  of 
this  proposition. 

Taking  into  consideration  all  the  facts,  it  is  manifest  to  me  that 
the  people  of  the  State  of  Illinois  desire  a  Public  Utilities  Commis- 
sion. It  is  true  the  Legislature  repudiated  the  doctrine  of  home 
rule,  and  it  is  regretable  that  it  did  not  accept  the  provisions  of 
Article  6  of  the  original  bill,  which  would  have  enabled  the  city  of 
Chicago  and  all  other  cities  in  the  State,  if  they  so  elected,  to 
govern  and  control  their  own  utilities. 

In  the  original  public  utilities  bill  that  was  prepared  under  my 
direction  by  Professors  Kinley,  Fairlie  and  Dodd  of  the  Illinois 
State  University,  upon  consultation  with  Professor  Bemis,  the  home 
rule  feature  for  cities  was  incorporated.  I  conferred  with  Mayor 
Harrison,  Corporation  Counsel  Sexton,  members  of  the  Committee 
on  Public  Utilities  of  both  Houses  and  others,  and  after  many  con- 
ferences certain  changes  were  made  in  the  bill  elaborating  on  the 
home  rule  article. 

When  the  bill  was  introduced  in  the  House  it  contained  the 
home  rule  feature.  The  House  of  Representatives,  however, 
amended  the  bill  by  striking  out  the  home  rule  feature.  The  bill 
then  went  to  the  Senate.  Before  the  vote  on  the  bill  in  the  Senate, 
I  appeared  before  that  body,  and  urged  them  to  restore  the  home 
rule  section.  The  Senate  replaced  the  home  rule  provision  in  the 
bill,  and  sent  it  back  to  the  House  of  Representatives  for  concur- 
rence in  the  amendments. 

In  the  meantime  I  spoke  to  about  fifty  members  of  the  House 
of  Representatives  individually  (all  I  could  reach  personally)  and 
urged  them  to  concur  in  the  amendments  of  the  Senate,  and  replace 
home  rule  in  the  bill.  On  the  roll  call  in  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives only  seventy  votes  were  cast  to  concur  in  the  Senate  amend- 
ments, whereas  seventy-seven  were  needed.  The  bill  then  went  back 
to  the  Senate  and  on  motion  the  Senate  receded  from  its  amend- 
ments and  the  bill  comes  to  me  in  its  present  form  without  the  home 
rule  feature. 


DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,  GOVERNOR  439 

Home  rule  can  be  provided  for  hereafter,  if  public  sentiment 
crystallizes  sufficiently  to  influence  the  State  Legislature  at  the  next 
session  to  amend  the  act  so  that  provisions  of  article  6  of  the  orig- 
inal bill  may  be  restored  to  it.  This  can  be  done  without  prejudice 
to  the  rest  of  the  State. 

No  criticism  is  offered  of  the  provisions  of  the  bill  except  on 
the  single  point  that  it  does  not  provide  for  home  rule.  It  is  mod- 
eled on  the  Wisconsin  law,  with  some  features  copied  from  the 
statutes  of  other  states.  Every  section  has  been  approved  by  official 
representatives  of  the  city  of  Chicago.  It  is  admittedly  as  good  a 
bill  as  could  be  framed  in  the  light  of  the  experience  of  those  states 
which  preceded  Illinois  in  this  vital  public  reform. 

It  writes  into  the  law  of  this  State  the  principle  that  the  charges 
of  public  service  corporations  shall  be  based  upon  a  fair  return  on 
actual  investment.  It  takes  questions  of  public  utility  service  and 
charges  out  of  politics  and  leaves  questions  of  regulation  to  be 
determined  after  scientific  investigation,  publicly  made. 

I  sincerely  favor  the  principle  of  home  rule  and  used  my  best 
efforts  to  induce  the  Legislature  to  write  it  into  the  statute. 

Chicago  is  where  I  have  lived  most  of  the  years  of  my  life,  and 
I  would  not  knowingly  do  anything  that  would  in  any  way  harm 
or  impede  the  progress  of  that  city.  I  do  not  believe,  however,  that 
it  would  be  fair  for  me,  as  Governor  of  the  whole  State,  to  veto  this 
bill  if  such  veto  would  deprive  the  rest  of  the  State  of  material 
benefits.  It  has  required  many  years  of  effort  to  induce  the  State 
Legislature  to  take  the  first  step  toward  the  scientific  regulation  of 
public  utilities.  It  is  the  judgment  of  those  best  informed  upon 
legislative  methods  that  it  would  be  far  easier  to  induce  the  next 
Legislature  to  amend  the  existing  law  than  to  sacrifice  the  bill 
already  passed  and  require  ground  to  be  broken  anew  in  1915. 

To  refuse  to  approve  the  measure  in  view  of  the  history  of 
public  utility  legislation  in  other  states,  would  be  tantamount  to 
running  the  risk  of  putting  off  such  legislation  indefinitely.  Its 
enactment  by  the  Legislature  during  the  session  just  ended  was 
almost  psychological.  For  the  first  time  in  the  history  of  the  State, 
all  of  the  political  parties  had  united  in  demanding  such  legislation. 
That  demand  was  the  outgrowth  of  years  of  misconduct  and  rapac- 
ity on  the  part  of  the  corporations. 

The  act  does  not  become  effective  until  January  1,  1914.  The 
Governor  has  thirty  days  following  that  date  in  which  to  name  the 
members  of  the  Public  Utility  Commission.  Experience  has  shown 
that  a  considerable  time  must  elapse  before  such  a  board  can  ade- 
quately organize  to  proceed  intelligently  with  the  work  which  it  is 
empowered  to  perform.  Fortunately  the  board  will  be  prepared  to 
proceed  immediately  with  the  work  of  the  State  Board  of  Railroad 


440  DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

and  Warehouse  Commissioners,  but  the  task  of  dealing  with  other 
public  service  corporations  will  require  preparation  and  organi- 
zation. 

The  time  of  the  commission  will  be  mostly  occupied  in  looking 
after  interurban  utilities  and  performing  the  work  of  the  Railroad 
and  Warehouse  Commission  until  the  next  session  of  the  Legisla- 
ture, even  if  no  special  session  should  be  called,  when  the  act 
should  be  speedily  amended  so  as  to  restore  to  the  cities  their 
present  control  of  utilities,  and  I  will  urge  the  General  Assembly 
to  do  this. 

To  me,  the  proposition  is  just  simply  this : 

Were  I  to  veto  the  present  bill,  public  utilities  legislation  might 
not  be  had  for  years  to  come.  With  this  bill  on  the  statute  books 
and  public  sentiment  heartily  in  favor  of  home  rule,  there  should 
be  no  serious  doubt  about  having  the  home  rule  feature  incorporated 
in  the  law  at  the  next  session.  Experience  has  shown  that  it  is 
always  easier  to  amend  the  existing  law  than  to  have  an  entirely  new 
bill  passed  by  the  Legislature. 

Having  in  mind  the  words  of  the  Democratic  State  platform 
upon  which  I  was  elected,  and  having  in  mind  the  fact  that  /  \am 
Governor  of  the  whole  State,  I  deem  it  my  duty  to  sign  the  bill  as 
passed  and  insure  to  Illinois  without  further  delay  the  creation  of 
a  commission  that  will  consolidate  the  supervision  and  control  of 
the  public  service  and  public  utilities  corporations,  and  I  say  here 
that  at  the  next  session  of  the  Legislature,  no  one  in  Illinois  will 
more  energetically  or  more  earnestly  try  to  incorporate  in  the  bill 
the  home  rule  feature,  than  myself. 

The  people  of  the  State  can  depend  upon  it  that  whatever  the 
advantages  of  home  rule  are  as  a  matter  of  principle,  the  Public 
Utilities  Commission  to  be  appointed  by  me  will,  to  the  best  of  my 
judgment  and  ability,  be  constituted  of  men  of  such  character  and 
ability  as  to  place  the  cities  of  the  State  under  no  practical  dis- 
advantage by  reason  of  the  failure  to  include  the  home  rule  amend- 
ment. 

In  accordance  with  my  recommendation,  the  Legislature  has 
enacted  a  law  giving  to  cities  the  power  to  own  and  operate  their 
public  utilities.  If  the  work  of  the  public  utilities  commission  is 
unsatisfactory  and  the  commission  cannot  properly  control  the  utili- 
ties, public  ownership  is  the  only  alternative,  and  this  has  been 
amply  provided  for  in  the  splendid  public  ownership  measure  just 
placed  upon  our  statute  book  and  signed  by  me  within  the  last 
forty-eight  hours. 

Public  ownership,  in  my  judgment,  must  be  the  ultimate  solu- 
tion of  the  complex  problems,  which,  forever,  are  arising  from  the 
attempts  of  the  people  to  exercise  legitimate  and  lawful  control  over 


DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  441 

public  utility  corporations ;  but  realization  of  the  benefits  of  public 
ownership  may  be  deferred  for  a  long  time,  hence  it  is  urgently 
essential  that  there  shall  be  centralized  control  and  authority  now. 
This  law,  in  principle  and  form,  is  nearly  identical  with  laws, 
the  passage  of  which  was  procured  by  such  eminent  leaders  of  mod- 
ern thought  as  "Woodrow  Wilson,  of  New  Jersey,  and  Senator  La 
Follette,  of  Wisconsin,  in  their  respective  states. 

E.  F.  DUNNE. 


442  DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 


THE  VALUE  OF  FISH  AND  GAME  IN 
ILLINOIS. 

ADDRESS  TO  STATE  GAME  AND  FISH  CONSERVATION  COMMISSION, 

JULY  5,  1913. 

Gentlemen  : 

In  my  campaign  I  pledged  my  best  efforts  to  the  conserva- 
tion of  our  fish  and  game,  and  to  place  those  departments  on  a 
basis  of  efficiency  and  economy.  The  superficial  glimpses  which 
\ve  were  able  to  get  of  the  protected  fish  and  game  departments 
warranted  me  in  publicly  assailing  them  as  incompetent  and 
wasteful. 

One  of  my  first  official  acts  as  Governor  was  to  order  a 
searching  investigation  of  these  two  departments.  Accordingly 
investigation  was  made  by  the  State  Civil  Service  Commission, 
which  was  assisted  by  a  firm  of  certified  public  accountants. 

Their  reports  were  submitted  by  me  to  the  General  Assembly 
in  a  special  message  on  April  13,  1913.  Extensive  accounts  of 
their  findings  appeared  in  all  the  newspapers  of  the  State.  How 
fair  and  truthful  these  investigations  were  has  been  vividly 
demonstrated  by  the  complete  silence  with  which  their  disclosures 
have  been  received,  both  by  the  political  organization  which 
profited  l»y  the  misdeeds  and  by  the  men  who  were  directly  re- 
sponsible for  their  commission. 

The  reports  of  these  investigations  revealed  a  state  of  in- 
efficiency in  organization  and  operation  and  a  mess  of  corruption 
and  waste  in  the  expenditure  of  public  money,  so  great  that  I  at 
onoo  ex-Teased  my  prerogative  and  in  the  interest  of  public  moral- 
ity, summarily  removed  from  office  those  men  who  had  been  guilty 
either  of  manifest  offenses,  or,  without  protest,  had  stood  by  com- 
placently and  witnessed  •them. 

Botli  the  departments  and  the  laws  had  become  a  by-word,  a 
joke  and  a  scandal.  Our  political  nomenclature  had  been  en- 
riched by  the  contemptuous  terms,  "rabbit  shepherds"  and 
"carp  nurses".  The  conservation  of  that  part  of  our  natural 
wealth,  represented  in  fish  and  game,  had  been  completely  lost 
in  the  mad  rush  after  partisan  and  personal  spoil.  Employes 
were  discovered  defrauding  the  State  for  time  they  had  been  paid 


DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  443 

for  by  private  employers.  Others  were  duplicating  expense 
bills  and  securing  money  for  services  and  material  never  fur- 
nished. The  game  farm,  so-called,  was  costing  a  vast  sum  of 
money  without  adequate  return  to  the  State. 

The  General  Assembly,  on  my  recommendation,  has  wisely 
consolidated  the  fish  and  game  commissions-  under  a  plan  of  re- 
organization that  is  comprehensive  and  scientific  and  in  accord 
with  progressive  ideas  and  withal  capable  of  operation  and  en- 
forcement. 

I  have  named  you  three  men  as  the  commissioners  to  carry 
out  its  terms. 

The  fishing  industry  along  the  Illinois  River  is  annually 
worth  a  million  and  a  half  dollars,  and  is  growing  rapidly.  I  have 
seen  the  statement,  that  the  output  of  the  Illinois  River  is  second 
in  value  to  that  of  the  Columbia  River.  All  our  streams,  lakes 
and  ponds  should  be  conserved,  the  supply  of  fish  replenished  and 
protected  to  the  end  that  from  these  sources  of  food  enough  may 
be  taken  to  influence  the  cost  of  living  downward. 

Our  game,  especially  our  birds,  perform  theijr  service  in  an- 
other way  and  we  cannot  estimate  their  value  in  dollars  and 
cents,  but  we  know  that  the  farmers'  best  friends  are  those  birds 
which  fight  the  pests  and  parasites  of  his  fields.  How  much  of 
our  magnificent  yields  of  corn  and  other  grains  and  fruits  of  all 
kinds  should  be  credited  to  our  birds  we  cannot  even  approxi- 
mate. 

Illinois  can  and  should  cooperate  with  the  general  Govern: 
ment  in  this  work  of  conservation.  It  is  too  extensive  and  its 
possibilities  too  varied  for  me  to  attempt  enumeration  today.  The 
new  law  affords  you  a  wonderful  opportunity  to  perform  a  great 
service  that  will  benefit  our  people  financially  and  socially.  1 
hope  you  will  measure  up  to  the  demands  and  opportunities.  It 
is  my  desire  that  you  shall  so  enforce  this  law  that  it  may  be 
raised  to  a  plane  of  dignity  and  respectability,  and  so  administer 
your  department  that,  when  you  leave  it,  you  will  leave  a  monu- 
ment to  efficiency  and  an  asset  to  the  public  service. 

Further,  let  me  say  that  the  investigations  of  the  game  and 
fish  departments  have  impressed  me  with  the  necessity  for  ap- 
plying, especially  to  fish,  a  system  of  culture  and  conservation 
that  will,  in  years  to  come,  assure  the  people  of  the  State  of 
Illinois  a  needed  auxiliary  food  supply.  Our  beef  food  supplies 
are  diminishing  year  by  year  at  a  rate  that  is  startling  to  con- 
template. The  last  decennial  census  disclosed  that,  notwith 
standing  there  has  been  an  increase  in  population  aggregating 
nearly  twelve  millions,  the  cattle  supply  of  the  Nation  had  dimin- 
ished from  seventy-seven  millions  to  fifty-seven  millions.  This, 


444  DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

obviously,  can  mean  but  one  thing.     The  people  sooner  or  later 
will  be  forced  to  seek  new  forms  of  food  supply. 

My  investigations  disclosed  that  the  State  of  Illinois  possesses 
elementary  sources  of  food  supply  that  are  equal  to  those  of  any 
other  State  in  the  Union.  The  Illinois  River  alone  should  become, 
under  thoughtful,  skillful  management  by  the  new  Game  and 
Fish  Conservation  Commission,  one  of  our  greatest  and  most, 
enduring  sources  of  wealth. 

I  would  respectfully  suggest  that,  as  soon  as  the  new  com- 
mission has  been  organized  and  is  ready  for  business,  the  question 
of  fish  conservation  be  taken  up  in  a  broad,  intelligent  manner 
with  Professor  Stephen  A.  Forbes  of  the  State  University,  who 
is  acknowledged  to  be  the  most  eminent  biologist  in  the  country. 
Professor  Forbes  is  wonderfully  interested  in  our  natural  re- 
sources and  possesses  a  vast  fund  of  important  information  which 
can  readily  be  applied  to  existing  conditions. 

I  wish  you  gentlemen  to  go  to  work  at  once  and  divide  the 
State  into  districts,  each  to  be  overlooked  by  a  district  warden. 
The  deputy  wardens  you  will  assign  to  such  places  where  you 
think  they  are  most  needed.  It  might  not  be  a  bad  suggestion 
to  have  some  of  the  district  wardens  continually  traveling 
throughout  the  State  to  see  that  the  deputy  wardens  are  properly 
performing  their  duties. 

All  wardens  should  be  required  to  make  a  daily  report  show- 
ing what  work  they  have  done  and  where  their  time  has  been 
spent.  Every  man  who  accepts  a  position  as  a  deputy  or  district 
game  warden  is  expected  to  perform  honest  work  for  the  com- 
pensation he  receives  from  the  State. 

.  I  shall  hold  you  gentlemen  responsible  for  the  proper  conduct 
of  the  Fish  and  Game  Department  and  for  the  conservation  of 
our  great  natural  resources.  I  hope  you  will  do  your  duty  and 
you  shall  find  me  at  all  times  cooperating  with  you. 


DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  445 


FAVORS  ABOLITION  OF  BOARD  OF 
EQUALIZATION. 

ADDRESS  TO  DEMOCRATIC  MEMBERS  OF  THE  STATE  BOARD  OP 
EQUALIZATION,  AUGUST  15,  1913. 

Gentlemen: 

I  am  pleased  to  meet  you  gentlemen  and  to  say  a  word  to  you 
in  reference  to  the  duties  you  are  charged  by  law  to  perform.  I 
understand  that  for  the  first  time  in  its  history  the  State  Board  of 
Equalization  is  a  Democratic  board.  Such  being  the  case,  I  hope 
you. will  do  your  duty  faithfully,  energetically  and  fearlessly  that 
the  great  corporations,  which  have  evaded  just  taxation  in  the  past 
may  pay  the  share  that  they  should  pay.  In  my  announcement  of 
my  candidacy  for  Governor,  which  was  made  a  year  ago  last  Jan- 
uary, I  advocated  the  abolition  of  the  State  Board  of  Equalization. 
Largely  at  my  suggestion  the  following  plank  was  incorporated  in 
the  Democratic  State  platform,  which  was  adopted  at  Peoria: 

"We  demand  the  abolition  of  the  State  Board  of  Equalization; 
its  functions  to  be  performed  by  a  commission  of  experts  appointed 
by  the  Governor,  approved  by  the  Senate,  who  shall  sit  the  year 
round  in  open  session  and  preserve  daily  minutes  and  records  of 
its  proceedings. ' ' 

I  have  heretofore  believed,  and  I  still  believe,  that  the  State 
Board  of  Equalization  should  be  abolished.  It  is  the  system  that  I 
believe  ie  wrong  and  should  be  changed. 

Nevertheless,  under  the  law,  you  gentlemen  have  certain  duties 
to  perform.  It  is  now  a  Democratic  board  and  I  urge  you  to  so 
perform  your  duties  that  it  may  be  said,  for  once  in  its  history,  that 
the  Board  of  Equalization  has  become  a  people's  board;  that  it 
takes  its  orders,  not  from  the  great  corporations,  but  from  the  peo- 
ple of  the  State.  I  hope  you  will  do  your  duty  honestly ;  that  you 
will  show  no  favoritism  but  will  assess  fairly  and  justly  the  prop- 
erty of  all  those  that  come  before  you.  Let  your  honesty,  integrity 
and  industry  be  such  that  it  may  redound  to  the  credit  of  the 
party  to  which  you  belong  and  that  this  session  of  the  board  may 
make  a  record  for  future  members  to  follow. 


446  DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,  GOVERNOR 


CUTS  TIME  OF  HONOR  PRISONERS  ON 
PUBLIC  ROADS. 

LETTER  TO  WARDENS  E.  M.  ALLEN  AND  W.  V.  CHOISSER, 
AUGUST  22,  1913. 

Dear  Sirs: 

Pursuant  to  my  inaugural  message,  the  Legislature  has  wisely 
passed  a  law  permitting  the  utilization  of  convicts  whose  uiiexpired 
term  of  imprisonment  does  not  exceed  five  years,  upon  the  public 
roads  of  the  State  of  Illinois,  in  the  way  of  improving  the  public 
roadways. 

This  humane  measure,  in  my  judgment,  will  permit  many  con- 
victs to  be  engaged  in  healthful  occupation ;  which  will  work  to  the 
material  betterment  of  these  convicts. 

The  law  does  not  provide  specifically  for  any  reward  to  convicts 
employed  in  this  manner,  but  in  my  discretion,  as  the  possessor  of 
the  power  of  pardon  and  commutation,  I  have  reached  the  conclu- 
sion that  all  convicts,  so  employed,  should  receive  in  addition  to  the 
good  time,  now  allowed  them  by  law,  a  further  reward  for  honest 
and  industrious  work  thus  performed  upon  the  public  roads  of  the 
State. 

You  can  announce  to  the  inmates  of  your  institution  that  I 
shall  commute  the  sentences  of  all  employes  engaged  in  this  work 
whom  you  report  to  me  have  honestly  and  efficiently  worked  upon 
the  public  roads  of  this  State  on  the  following  basis:  For  every 
three  days  work  honestly  and  efficiently  performed  on  the  roads  in 
the  State,  I  shall  commute  the  sentence  of  the  convict  so  performing 
such  work  to  the  extent  of  one  day. 

In  other  words,  for  every  three  days  work  performed  the  con- 
vict shall  receive  by  executive  clemency  a  reward  of  one  day.  The 
convict  so  employed  for  three  months  shall  receive  a  commutation 
of  one  month.  The  convict  so  employed  for  three  years  shall  receive 
a  commutation  of  one  year. 

You  are  hereby  directed  to  read  this  letter  to  the  convicts  of 
your  institution  at  your  early  convenience. 


DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  447 


INSTRUCTIONS  TO  A  NEWLY 
APPOINTED  BOARD. 

ADDRESS  TO  STATE  HIGHWAY  COMMISSION,  AUGUST,  1913. 

Gentlemen: 

I  have  called  you  gentlemen  here  today  to  discuss,  what  I 
believe  to  be,  one  of  the  most  important  subjects  with  which  this 
administration  has  to  deal.  The  matter  of  good  roads  touches  vitally 
the  agricultural,  commercial,  educational,  social,  religious  and  eco- 
nomic welfare  of  the  State  and  involves  the  conservation  of  natural 
resources. 

Legislation  adopted  by  the  Forty-eighth  General  Assembly 
makes  possible  the  improvement  of  the  roadways  of  the  State. 
Sentiment  throughout  the  State  is,  and  has  been,  strong  for  better 
roads.  Better  roads  means  that  the  farmer  can  get  his  produce 
to  the  market  quickly;  it  means  better  schools,  larger  neighbor- 
hood communities  and  better  social  conditions  of  all  kinds.  It 
means  that  Chicago  is  closer  to  Springfield  and  Springfield  closer 
to  Cairo.  It  directly  connects  the  different  communities  of  the 
State  with  each  other. 

In  my  inaugural  address  to  the  Forty-eighth  General  Assem- 
bly, I  dwelt  at  considerable  length  on  the  question  of  the  improve- 
ment of  the  highways  of  the  State.  I  recommended  the  passage  of 
laws  which  would  promote  the  efficiency  and  economy  of  the  ad- 
ministration of  the  road  system  of  the  State.  The  General  Assem- 
bly has  wisely  enacted  into  law  measures  to  this  end  and  I  have 
appointed  you  three  gentlemen  as  members  of  the  State  Highway 
Commission,  under  whose  control  will  lie  the  enforcement  of  the 
good  roads  bill. 

In  the  improvement  of  public  highways,  Illinois  has  been  too 
backward.  Reports  of  the  Federal  Department  of  Agriculture  show 
that  about  10  per  cent  of  the  95,000  miles  of  Illinois  roads  are 
improved  in  a  permanent  manner,  as  against  38  per  cent  in  the 
neighboring  state  of  Indiana,  20  per  cent  in  Wisconsin,  20  per  cent 
in  Kentucky,  28  per  cent  in  Ohio  and  50  per  cent  in  Massachusetts. 
Considered  from  the  standpoint  of  improved  roads,  Illinois  is  the 
twenty-fourth  in  the  list  of  states. 

The  loss  to  farmers,  because  of  inaccessible  primary  markets, 
and  the  abnormal  expense  of  transportation,  due  to  bad  roads,  must 


448  DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,  GOVERNOR 

be  considered  as  a  contributing  cause  of  the  high  cost  of  living.  In 
some  Illinois  counties,  highways  are  impassable  to  ordinary  loads 
for  a  full  third  part  of  the  year.  Bad  roads  not  only  hinder  crop 
production  and  marketing  but  they  keep  the  rural  consumer  away 
from  the  store  of  the  merchant  for  weeks  at  a  time.  They  keep 
pupils  from  the  schools,  and  voters  from  political  gatherings,  and 
from  participation  in  elections.  They  impair  the  efficiency  of 
churches,  and  social,  fraternal  and  other  organizations,  which  de- 
pend largely  on  public  gatherings  for  the  efficacy  of  their  work. 

Bad  roads  contribute  to  the  unattractiveness,  the  isolation  and 
the  monotony  of  country  life  that  are  responsible  for  the  desertion 
of  rural  pursuits,  especially  by  the  young.  Experts  in  mental  ail-, 
ments  agree  that  women  in  remote  sections  are  the  chief  sufferers 
from  the  restrictions  of  communication  and  social  intercourse,  which 
bad  roads  impose. 

Highway  conditions  in  Illinois  are  due  to  the  fact  that  prog- 
ress in  methods  of  transportation  and  travel  has  not  been  met  with 
corresponding  changes  in  our  system  of  road  building  and  mainte- 
nance. Illinois  clings  to  the  obsolete  practice  of  placing  the  burden 
of  highway  improvement  on  the  townships.  Other  states,  in  their 
laws,  have  appreciated  that  highway  travel  is  no  longer  entirely 
local  and  that  the  main  arteries  carry  a  great  amount  of  intercounty 
and  interstate  traffic.  Permanent  improvement  of  the  main  arteries, 
which  carry  the  great  bulk  of  traffic,  is  a  problem  which  affects  the 
general  welfare,  and  these  states  have  established,  successfully,  sys- 
tems of  State  aid  on  such  highways. 

In  my  message  to  the  General  Assembly,  I  also  recommended 
that  provision  be  made  for  the  employment  of  the  inmates  of  the 
penitentiaries  in  road  work.  The  Legislature  has  adopted  a  bill 
to  that  effect  and  this  will  lead  to  much  good  results. 

I  want  you  gentlemen  to  give  to  the  positions,  to  which  I  have 
appointed  you,  the  best  that  is  in  you  and  to  work  in  cooperation 
with  me  for  the  improvement  of  our  roads.  Nothing  that  we  can 
do  will  mean  more  to  the  State  of  Illinois  than  to  improve  its  road- 
ways. I  leave  to  you  the  working  out  of  the  necessary  details. 
Yours  is  a  big  undertaking  but  I  think  I  have  selected  men  compe- 
tent to  fill  the  places  that  have  been  given  them.  I  place  the  matter 
in  your  hands  and  hope  that  when  our  terms  of  office  shall  be  ended 
we  will  turn  over  to  our  successors  a  vastly  improved  system  of 
roadways  in  the  State  we  all  have  been  called  upon  to  serve. 


DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  449 


THE  VALUE  OF  GOVERNORS' 
CONFERENCES. 

STATEMENT  TO  THE  PUBLIC,  SEPTEMBER  3,  1913. 

I  have  just  returned  from  the  governors'  conference  held  in 
Colorado  Springs,  Colorado. 

It  was  attended  by  twenty-three  governors,  two  lieutenant 
governors  and  several  ex-governors. 

It  proved  to  be  a  very  interesting  and,  I  believe,  a  very  in- 
structive gathering,  at  which  were  discussed  the  questions  of 
"State  Department  of  Efficiency  and  Economy,"  "Distrust  of 
State  Legislatures,"  "State  Assumption  of  Nomination  and 
Election  Expenses,"  and  the  "Growth  of  the  Control  of  Public 
Utilities." 

Some  very  radical  and  startling  ideas  were  enunciated  by 
some  of  the  Governors.  Notably  by  Governor  Hodges  of  Kansas, 
who  advocated  a  single  legislative  chamber,  composed  of  some 
eight  to  sixteen  men,  who  would  sit  the  year  around  in  confer- 
ence with  the  governor  and  formulate  laws  for  the  government 
of  the  state.  The  suggestion  did  not  seem  to  meet  with  the 
approbation  of  the  Governors'  Conference.  A  very  entertaining 
and  instructive  debate  was  held  upon  this  proposition,  but  the 
majority  of  those  present  seemed  to  favor  the  present  system  of 
two  houses. 

Quite  a  sentiment  developed  among  some  of  the  western  gov- 
ernors in  favor  of  state  assumption  of  nomination  and  election 
expenses,  but  the  general  sentiment  of  the  governors  seemed  to 
oppose  this  novel  idea.  Also  quite  a  number  of  the  governors 
were  in  favor  of  the  state  compelling  all  candidates  for  office  to 
pay  a  printing  fee  of  from  $100  to  $300  and  with  this  fund  dis- 
tribute platforms  and  arguments  of  each  of  the  candidates  at 
public  expense. 

The  paper  read  by  the  Governor  of  Illinois  upon  the  "Con- 
trol of  Public  Utilities  by  Commissions"  was  very  generously  and 
favorably  discussed  at  the  convention,  and  seemed  to  meet  with 
practically  universal  approval. 

One  of  the  governors  went  so  far  as  to  say  he  was  about  to 
call  a  special  session  of  the  legislature  of  his  state  for  the  pur- 
pose of  putting  up  for  passage  a  law  similar  to  the  Public  Utility 
Act  just  passed  by  the  Legislature  of  Illinois. 

—15 


450  DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

From  participation  in  this  conference.  I  have  reached  the 
conclusion  that  these  conferences  are  of  great  value  in  the  inter- 
change of  ideas  and  recommendations  from  the  governors  of  the 
states  of  the  Union. 

While  no  formal  action  is  ever  taken  in  the  way  of  a  vote 
of  approval  or  disapproval,  it  affords  an  opportunity  for  the 
discussion  of  the  questions  most  vitally  affecting  the  people  of 
the  several  states,  and  such  discussions  tend  toward  uniformity 
of  action  in  the  different  states  and  the  crystallization  into  la^r 
of  progressive  policies. 

I  was  informed  by  several  of  the  governors  that  the  confer- 
ence of  1913  was  probably  the  most  interesting  and  successful  of 
the  many  conferences  heretofore  held. 

I  believe  that  these  conferences  will  grow  into  general  favor 
and  be  productive  of  excellent  results. 

The  citizens  and  commercial  bodies  of  Colorado  Springs  and 
Denver  were  extremely  hospitable  and  did  everything  in  their 
power  to  make  the  social  features  of  the  gathering  a  distinct 
success. 

The  climate  and  surrounding  scenery  of  Colorado  Springs 
make  that  place  a  most  desirable  and  comfortable  place  for  such 
conferences  in  midsummer  in  contrast  with  that  of  Washington, 
D.  C.,  during  the  trying  midsummer  weather. 

I  think  that  this  great  Nation  ought  to  be  able  to  provide  a 
place  for  the  sessions  of  Congress  in  midsummer  in  a  place  of 
lika  character  where  the  strain  upon  the  health  and  .strength 
of  the  Senators  and  Congressmen  would  not  be  so  severe  as  it  is 
in  the  present  Capital  of  the  United  States. 


DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,  GOVERNOR  451 


THE  TWO  BATTALION  SYSTEM  IN 
FIRE   DEPARTMENTS. 

STATEMENT  TO  MASSACHUSETTS  FIREMEN,  SEPTEMBER  4,  1913. 

I  became  convinced,  while  mayor  of  Chicago,  that  the  work- 
ing hours  of  firemen  were  unduly  protracted  and  that  a  limita- 
tion ought  to  be  placed  by  law  upon  the  consecutive  hours  during 
which  the  firemen  ought  to  be  on  active  duty.  I  therefore  advo- 
cated what  is  known  as  the  two  platoon  system  and  had  it  in- 
stalled in  one  battalion  in  the  Chicago  city  fire  department. 

According  to  the  reports  made,  after  a  fair  trial,  the  system 
•worked  well  and,  if  I  had  longer  continued  in  office  as  mayor,  it 
was  my  intention  to  have  extended  the  system  further  through- 
out the  city.  Upon  my  being  retired  from  the  mayoralty,  the 
two  platoon  system  was  abandoned  by  my  successor. 

Upon  my  election  as  Governor  of  Illinois,  I  again  did  what 
I  could  to  secure  the  passage  of  a  State  law  and  had  the  satis- 
faction, on  June  26,  1913,  of  affixing  my  official  signature  as 
Governor  to  a  law  which  limits  the  hours  of  a  fireman  to  14  out 
of  each  24. 

I  hope  the  firemen  of  Massachusetts  will  surest  m  having 
passed  a  like  humane  or  better  law  in  that  state  in  the  near 
future. 


452  DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 


IMPORTANT  RESULTS  OF  THE  BAT- 
TLE OF  LAKE  ERIE. 

ADDRESS  AT  PUT  IN  BAY,  OHIO,  SEPTEMBER  11,  1913. 

Mr.  Chairman,  Ladies  find  Gentlemen: 

In  a  lagoon  within  Jackson  Park  in  the  city  of  Chicago,  there 
have  stood  at  anchor  for  many  years  past  three  tiny,  grotesque 
and  highly 'decorated  vessels  known  as  the  "Nina,"  "Pinta, "  and 
"Santa  Maria." 

They  look  like  the  playthings  of  boys,  and  utterly  unfit  for 
the  winds  and  waves  of  even  an  inland  lake,  and  yet,  without 
a  doubt,  these  tiny  vessels,  in  so  far  as  their  dimensions  and  gen- 
eral strength  are  concerned,  are  practically  duplicates  or  repli- 
cas of  the  vessels  in  which  Columbus  and  his  men  crossed  the 
great  and  stormy  Atlantic  five  hundred  years  ago,  and  made  the 
discovery  of  this  great  continent,  now  teeming  with  nearly  two 
hundred  million  men. 

With  such  insignificant  instruments  was  one  of  the  greatest 
accomplishments  of  history  achieved. 

The  other  day  in  Chicago,  I  saw  within  our  harbor  a  little 
two  masted  schooner  of  about  100  feet  in  length  or  thereabout, 
which  we  know  was  rebuilt  upon  the  hull  and  keel  of  the  vessel, 
which  with  its  tiny  consorts  compelled,  under  the  command  of 
Oliver  H.  Perry,  an  English  admiral  with  a  more  powerful  fleet 
to  strike  their  colors  and  surrender  their  men  and  vessels. 

It  seems  almost  incredible  that  so  tiny  a  vessel  as  the  re- 
incarnated Niagara  and  its  sister  ships  of  smaller  dimensions' 
should  have  been  the  instruments  with  which  the  momentous 
battle  of  Put  in  Bay  was  won. 

Neither  Perry  nor  his  men,  nor  Barclay  and  his  men,  who 
fought  under  the  British  flag  on  the  memorable  10th  of  Septem- 
ber, 1813,  could  appreciate  the  tremendous  and  far-reaching  con- 
sequences of  that  battle.  To  them  it  meant  the  mastery  of  Lake 
Erie.  To  them  it  meant  the  possession  of  the  facilities  for  trans- 
ferring men  and  supplies  from  one1  portion  of  the  lake  to  the 
other,  but  the  far-seeing  statesmen  of  that  day,  upon  reflection, 
might  have  seen  what  everyone  a  century  later  can  readily 
perceive,  and  that  is,  that  the  naval  conflict  near  Put  in  Bay 
decided  the  destinies  of  a  territory  now  teeminer  witi->  50,000,000 


DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  453 

of  population,  .a  territory  as  rich  in  fertility  of  soil  and  in  fruit- 
fulness  01  agricultural  and  mineral  resources  as  there  exists  upon 
the  face  of  the  civilized  globe. 

That  conflict,  insignificant  in  so  far  as  the  strength  and  arma- 
ment of  the  vessels  and  the  number  of  men  engaged  was  con- 
cerned, decided  definitely  the  question  whether  the  British  or 
the  American  flag  should  wave  thereafter  over  the  country  now 
known  as  the  states  of  Ohio,  Indiana,  Illinois,  Wisconsin,  Michi- 
gan, Minnesota,  Iowa,  Missouri,  Arkansas,  Nebraska,  Colorado, 
North  Dakota,  South  Dakota,  Idaho  and  Montana. 

It  will  be  remembered  that  at  the  time  of  the  battle  of  LaKe 
Erie  there  were  no  railroads  in  existence,  and  that  these  now 
rich  and  populous  states  were  but  sparsely  settled ;  that  there  were 
scarcely  a,  thousand  human  beings  inhabiting  the  south  shore  of 
Lake  Erie ;  that  the  only  means  of  transportation  was  upon  the 
water  or  in  the  primitive  ox  and  horse  carts  of  that  day;  and 
that  there  were  practically  no  wagon  roads  built  through  the 
wilderness  of  these  states. 

Under  these  circumstances,  the  only  way  to  control  the 
transportation  of  men  and  supplies  was  by  boats  upon  the  bosom 
of  Lake  Erie. 

If  the  British  war  vessels  under  Barclay  had  maintained  their 
control  of  that  lake,  the  red-coated  soldiers  of  the  British  empire, 
trained  by  military  warfare  for  many  years,  could  have  been 
Transported  across  the  lake  to  the  northern  boundary  of  Ohio,  and 
by  taking  possession  of  strategic  points  between  Lake  Erie  and 
the  Ohio  River,  could,  and  would  have  maintained  the  supremacy 
of  the  British  flag  over  the  whole  of  the  state  of  Ohio  and  lowe^ 
Michigan.  Once  intrenched  and  fortified  in  these  states  they 
could,  and  would  have  prevented  the  western  spread  of  the  thir- 
teen colonies  over  this  rich  and  fertile  territory,  and  the  terri- 
tory west  of  these  states. 

In  the  War  of  1812,  prior  to  the  battle  of  Lake  Erie,  the 
military  forces  of  the  colonies  in  the  inland  lakes  and  the  terri- 
tory surrounding  was  lamentably  weak  and  ineffective. 

Hull  had  disgracefully  surrendered  Detroit.  Mackinaw  had 
been  captured  by  the  British  forces  and  the  far-seeing  British 
statesmen  of  that  day  intended,  by  the  placing  of  Barclay's  fleet 
in  Lake  Michigan,  not  only  to  secure  control  of  the  lake,  but  to 
extend  the  British  dominion  across  Lake  Erie  and  Lake  Huron 
into  the  states  of  Ohio  a"nd  Michigan. 

Perry's  celebrated  victory  in  Lake  Erie  demolished  all  these 
plans.  It  gave  the  Americans  absolute  control  of  Lake  Erie,  and 
permitted  them  to  land  their  troops  and  supplies  where  they 
saw  fit. 


454  DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

Thus  did  the  celebrated  battle  of  Lake  Erie,  insignificant 
in  the  armament  of  the  vessels  and  the  number  of  the  men  en- 
gaged, decide  for  all  time  to  come  the  possession  over  this  great 
territory,  which  is  now  the  heart  of  the  American  Nation;  teem- 
ing with  wealth;  and  populated  with  tens  of  millions  of  Ameri- 
can citizens. 

In  my  judgment,  the  two  great  decisive  battles  in  American 
history,  previous  to  the  War  of  the  Rebellion,  were  the  battles  of 
Saratoga  and  Lake  Erie.  The  former  has  been  enumerated  by 
Creasy  in  his  "Fifteen  Decisive  Battles."  The  battle  of  Saratoga 
was  the  first  important  success  of  the  Revolutionary  arms  against 
the  British  forces.  It  proved  to  the  French  government  at  a 
critical  moment,  when  that  government  was  hesitating  whether 
or  not  it  should  give  assistance  to  the  Revolutionary  arms,  that 
the  yeomanry  of  America  was  capable  of  making  a  successful  fight 
for  the  independence  of  the  colonies.  It  banished  the  hesitation 
then  prevailing  at  the  French  court,  and  secured  the  cooperation 
of  the  French  nation,  which  culminated  in  the  overthrow  of  the 
British  armies  at  Yorktown.  It  decided  the  fate  of  the  thirteen 
colonies,  and  secured  for  them  their  independence. 

But  Avhen  Creasy  wrote  his  work  about  the  middle  of  the 
nineteenth  century,  he  had  not  discovered  or  appreciated  the 
tremendous  opportunities  lying  undeveloped  in  the  valley  of  the 
Mississippi,  west  of  New  York  and  Pennsylvania.  He  did  not 
even  dream  of  the  powerful  empire  lying  west  of  Pennsylvania 
now  known  as  the  Middle  "West.  He  did  not  sense  the  far-reach- 
ing sagacity  of  the  British  design  in  1813  to  control  Lake  Erie, 
and  through  possession  of  that  lake  secure  control  of  this  tre- 
mendous empire. 

The  American  people  do  well,  now  that  the  full  significance 
of  this  battle  is  understood,  to  commemorate  the  decisive  success 
of  the  American  arms  under  the  command  of  the  gallant  Perry, 
who  saved  Lake  Erie  for  the  American  Republic,  and,  by  saving 
Lake  Erie,  added  to  the  thirteen  colonies  a  territory  which  is 
probably  the  choicest  and  richest  on  the  western  hemisphere,  and 
which  is  capable  of  sustaining  upon  its  fertile  fields  a  population 
of  200,000,000  inhabitants. 

At  the  celebration  of  this  victory,  with  its  tremendous  con- 
sequences to  the  American  people,  we  can  also  appropriately  and 
properly  celebrate  the  centennial  of  final  peace  between  this  coun- 
try and  Great  Britain. 

We  trust  that  we  have  seen  the  last  of  the  wars  between  these 
two  great,  powerful  and  intelligent  nations.  We  believe,  and 
hope  that  the  era  of  war  has  passed,  not  only  between  these  great 
nations,  but  between  all  the  great  civilized  nations  of  the  earth. 


DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,  GOVERNOR  455 

The  day  of  peace  and  arbitrament  is  here;  the  day  of  peace 
and  arbitrament,  not  only  between  these  great  nations,  but  be- 
tween all  nations  and  America.  The  policy  of  peace  and  arbitra- 
ment is  the  policy  of  the  present  administration. 

"We  are  holding  out  at  Washington  under  the  guidance  of 
our  great  Secretary  of  State,  the  olive  branch  of  peace  to  the 
nations  of  the  earth.  We  not  only  celebrate  today  the  centenary 
of  peace  between  the  two  great  English  speaking  nations,  but 
we  celebrate  and  glory  in  the  fact  that  there  always  and  ever 
has  been  peace  between  this  country  and  nearly  all  of  the  nations 
of  Europe,  Great  Britain  and  Spain  excepted. 

We  have  always  been  at  peace  with  liberty  loving  France. 
Indeed,  we  owe  to  her  in  a  great  measure  the  outcome  of  the  war 
for  our  independence.  Were  it  not  for  her  valiant  assistance  at 
a  critical  time  the  outcome  might  have  been  doubtful.  French 
succor  and  assistance  added  materially  to  the  establishment  of  the 
great  American  Republic,  and  ever  since  that  day  we  have  been 
at  peace  with  the  French  nation  under  all  forms  of  government, 
and  hope  we  will  always  remain  in  that  position. 

There  has  been  eternal  and  perpetual  peace  between  us  and 
the  great  German  nation,  the  Italian  nation,  the  Austro-Hungary 
nation,  and  the  Russian  nation;  from  all  of  them  we  have  drawn 
the  manhood  and  womanhood  that  is  now  making  the  American 
Republic  the  most  powerful  cosmopolitan  people  in  the  world. 
Europe,  not  England,  is  the  mother  country  of  America. 

In  this  year  of  1913,  let  us  not  only  commemorate  the  battle 
of  Lake  Erie  and  the  peace  of  one  hundred  years  which  has 
prevailed  between  Great  Britain  and  America,  but  also  let  us 
hope  that  the  peace  and  harmony  wrhich  prevails  between  this 
Nation  and  all  the  nations  of  Europe  and  the  world  may  never  be 
disturbed  by  the  conflict  of  battle  or  the  red  ruin  of  war. 


456  DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 


STOPS   MAUDLIN   SENTIMENT   OVER 
CONVICTS. 

LETTER  TO  HON.  E.  M.  ALLEN,  WARDEN,  JOLIET  PENITENTIARY, 
SEPTEMBER  15,  1913. 

Warden,  Joliet  Penitentiary: 

Am  informed  by  Mayor  Brinton,  Dixon,  Illinois,  that  some 
misguided  enthusiasts  are  proposing  to  give  automobile  rides  and 
theater  parties  to  convicts  working  on  roads  at  Grand  Detour.  This 
is  either  effervescent  emotionalism,  or  a  scheme  to  advertise  a 
theater.  Stop  it  at  once. 

E.  F.  DUNNE,  Governor. 


DUNNE — JUDGE,  MAYOR,  GOVERNOR  457 


THE  CAREER  OF  MICHAEL  KELLY 
LAWLER. 

LETTER  TO  PEOPLE  OF  EQUALITY,  SEPTEMBER  22,  1913. 

Until  today  I  had  indulged  in  the  hope  that  I  could  be  person- , 
ally  present  at  the  unveiling  of  the  Lawler  monument  in  Equality 
on  September  24,  but  find  this  morning  that  owing  to  the  press 
of  public  business  here  in  Springfield,  and  the  fact  that  I  am  to  be 
present  in  Piano  tomorrow  at  the  convention  of  the  Farmers'  Alli- 
ance, that  it  will  be  impossible  for  me  to  reach  Equality  and  be 
present  at  the  services  without  sacrificing  public  interest  here  at 
Springfield. 

In  this  situation,  I  have  asked  Captain  Frank  B.  Wendling  to 
act  as  my  representative  and  spokesman  at  the  unveiling  of  this 
monument. 

Michael  Kelly  Lawler  was  one  of  the  vigorous  and  fearless  pio- 
neers of  this  State,  who  was  ever  ready  to  respond  to  his  country's 
call  in  time  of  war.  The  splendid  services  that  he  rendered  to  his 
Government  as  commander  of  soldiers  recruited  in  Illinois  will 
long  be  remembered  by  the  people  of  this  State. 

It  is  eminently  fit  and  proper  that  his  memory  should  be  per- 
petuated by  the  monument  which  is  being  unveiled  tomorrow  in 
Equality.  His  career  is  one  of  which  every  citizen  in  the  State  of 
Illinois  is  proud.  May  that  career  serve  as  an  example  to  young 
men  of  the  rising  generation. 

Wishing  you  and  the  people  of  your  section  of  the  State  a  most 
successful  celebration,  I  am. 
Respectfully, 

E.  F.  DUNNE,  Governor. 


458  DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,  GOVERNOR 


THE  SOIL  WE  TILL  THE  SOURCE  OF 
ALL  WEALTH. 

ADDRESS  TO  FARMERS'  NATIONAL  CONGRESS,  PLANO,  ILLINOIS, 
SEPTEMBER  23,  1913. 

Mr.  Chairman  and  Gentlemen: 

A  very  pleasant  duty  falls  to  my  lot  today,  and  that  is,  as  the 
Executive  of  this  great,  premier  agricultural  State  of  the  United 
States,  to  address  a  few  words  of  hearty  welcome  to  the  members 
of  the  Farmers '  National  Congress,  upon  the  occasion  of  your  assem- 
bling here,  in  Piano,  Illinois,  on  the  true  vein  of  the  most  fertile 
soil,  I  believe,  on  the  face  of  the  earth,  not  excepting  the  far-famed 
valley  of  the  Nile.  At  the  outset,  I  wish  to  express  my  appreciation 
of  the  fact  that  my  distinguished  colleague,  the  governor  of  the 
great  state  of  Ohio,  a  farmer  himself,  has  taken  occasion  to  leave 
his  varied  and  manifold  duties  in  that  great  state  and  come  out  to 
our  State  and  address  a  few  words  of  wisdom  to  the  members  of 
this  great  Congress. 

At  home  in  Springfield  yesterday  I  was  visited  by  your  distin- 
guished fellow  citizen,  Representative  Charles  F.  Clyne,  who  was 
kind  enough  to  me  to  suggest  that  he  would  be  very  happy  to  be 
with  me  here  today.  Knowing  of  his  oratorical  ability,  and  know- 
ing of  his  facility  in  catching  the  crowd,  arid  knowing  that  he  has 
made  such  a  distinguished  record  in  the  State  of  Illinois,  as  a  man 
who  introduced  into  and  put  through  the  Legislature  probably  one 
of  the  most  beneficial  laws  that  this  State  has  upon  its  statute  books, 
the  great  public  ownership  bill,  passed  by  the  last  Legislature,  it 
occurred  to  me  that  I  could  probably  make  a  better  impression  vica- 
riously, by  getting  this  eloquent  and  able  gentleman  to  represent 
me  here  today  and  make  my  speech.  I  don't  know  what  terms  he 
forced  upon  the  modest  mayor  of  this  city — (Laughter) — because, 
since  he  has  made  that  record  for  eloquence  and  perseverance  in 
the  Legislature,  he  has  been  raising  his  price.  But  I  do  know  that, 
when  we  discussed  the  subject  matter  of  representing  me  here  today, 
his  price  was  so  exorbitant  that  I  concluded  I  would  leave  Spring- 
field and  come  here  myself.  (Loud  applause.) 

I  am  here,  my  friends,  in  all  sincerity  in  behalf  of  the  great 
State  of  Illinois,  the  greatest  agricultural  state  in  the  United  States, 
to  bid  you  welcome  to  this  State ;  to  wish  you  wisdom  in  your  con- 


DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  459 

ferences,  and  to  express  the  hope  that  the  results  of  this  Congress 
will  be  for  the  betterment  of  the  people  who  live  by  tilling  the  soil 
of  the  United  States.  I  recognize,  my  friends,  that  the  backbone 
of  all  the  wealth  of  this  Nation,  and  of  most  nations,  is  the  soil  from 
which  we  produce  the  crops.  You  can  raze  from  the  earth  every 
palace,  every  great  monumental  structure  built  by  the  accumulated 
wealth  of  a  century ;  you  can  raze  them  from  the  face  of  the  earth, 
though  they  have  cost  untold  millions — yea,  billions — by  an  earth- 
quake, a  conflagration,  or  by  any  other  great  catastrophe,  and  such 
is  the  fertility  of  the  soil  of  the  State  of  Illinois,  and  so  hard- 
working and  industrious  are  the  men  caring  for  and  tilling,  the  soil, 
that  in  a  half  century  you  wouldn't  notice  the  difference.  All  the 
great  temples  and  palaces  erected  in  the  past  were  built  upon  the 
foundation  of  all  wealth — the  soil  we  till. 

Knowing  that  the  soil  is  the  backbone  of  all  the  wealth  of 
the  country,  my  friends",  it  is  wise  for  you  men  who  till  the  soil 
to  meet  in  conference  for  the  purpose  of  advancing  the  best  in- 
terests of  the  tillers  of  the  soil.  Because  you  till  the  soil,  my 
friends,  and  because  I  happen  to  be  by  accident, — or  by  the  will 
of  the  voters  as  you  may  prefer  to  put  it, — the  Chief  Executive  of 
the  premier  agricultural  State  of  the  United  States,  I  am  here 
today  to  participate  with  you  for  a  short  time  in  your  conferences. 

This  State  is  the  premier. agricultural  State.  For  years  she 
has  led  in  the  production  of  the  greatest  of  agricultural  products 
of  the  United  States — corn ;  and  she  is  the  second  greatest  of  the 
states  in  the  production  of  oats.  Eecognizing  the  value  of  agri- 
culture and  recognizing  the  need  of  fostering  the  interests  of 
those  who  till  the  soil,  this  great  State,  out  of  the  abundance  of 
its  wealth,  and  through  the  wisdom  of  the  men  who  preceded  me, 
has  established  in  the  State  of  Illinois  a  great  agricultural  school 
in  the  State  University,  which  I  honestly  believe, — and  I  think 
you  will  agree  with  me — is  the  greatest  agricultural  college  in 
the  United  States. 

And  yet,  my  friends,  while  we  are  fortunately  in  possession  of 
boundless  wealth  in  the  great  fertility  of  our  soil,  and  have  in 
addition  what,  perhaps,  does  not  exist  elsewhere  on  the  face  of 
the  earth,  the  richest  coal  mines  under  a  fertile  soil  that  can  be 
found  on  the  face  of  the  earth.  "While  we  have  all  this  wealth 
of  soil  and  wealth  of  mine,  however,  we  must  admit  that  in  this 
great  agricultural  State  and  right  in  the  county  where  we  now 
are,  the  population  of  the  rural  districts  of  the  State  of  Illinois, 
notwithstanding  that  the  population  of  the  State  as  a  whole  has 
been  increasing  by  leaps  and  bounds,  has  been  decreasing.  You 
have  not  as  many  people  in  the  county  of  Kendall  today  as  you 
had  ten  years  ago, — the  rural  population  is  falling  off.  It  makes 


460  DUNNE — JUDGE,  MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

us  pause  also  to  be  compelled  to  admit  that  the  fertility  of  the 
soil  of  this  great  State  is  decreasing,  that  it  is  not  as-  rich  today 
as  it  was  some  years  ago,  owing  to  the  fact  that  we  have  not  been 
paying  the  same  scientific  attention  to  the  needs  of  the  soil  that 
other  people,  with  broader  and  longer  experience,  have  been  ex- 
hibiting in  the  use  of  their  soils.  I  know  little  about  farming; 
my  farm  education  was  in  early  years  sadly  neglected.  I  lived  in 
cities  from  the  time  of  my  boyhood  to  the  time  of  my  maturity 
and  to  the  time  of  my  election  to  public  office  and  didn't  get  as* 
practical  an  experience  in  farming,  such  as  my  friend  Governor 
Cox,  the  farmer  governor  of  Ohio,  may  have  had.  But,  my 
friends,  I  know  this  to  be  a  fact,  that  after  a  thousand  of  years 
of  tillage  in  the  great  empire  of  Germany,  where  they  have  tilled 
the  soil  from  the  time  the  Roman  centurions  and  legions  fought 
with  the  Allemani — although  they  have  tilled  the  soil  for  over  a 
thousand  years — they  produce  today  in  the  empire  of  Germany 
twenty-nine  bushels  of  wheat  to  the  acre,  while  you  here  in  Illi- 
nois, on  a  much  richer  soil  that  has  not  been  exhausted  and  can 
not  be  exhausted,  in  this  great  fertile  valley  of  the  Mississippi,  on 
a  more  fertile  soil  than  they  have  in  Germany — a  soil  that  you 
have  not  tilled  for  over  fifty  years, — you  are  only  producing  six- 
teen bushels  of  wheat  to  the  acre.  Think  of  it,  my  farmer 
friends!  These  men  that  farm  a  soil  that  has  been  tilled  for  a, 
thousand  years  are  producing  twenty-nine  bushels  to  the  acre, 
and  you  on  a  soil  that  has  not  been  tilled  for  over  fifty  years, 
are  producing  only  sixteen.  This  shows,  my  friends,  that  there 
is  need  of  conferences  among  American  farmers.  "When  the 
population  is  drifting  from  the  rich,  fertile  soil  of  the  rural  dis- 
tricts of  this  State  into  the  great  cities  of  the  State,  when  you, 
with  all  the  intelligence  and  With  all  the  instruction  that  we  can 
give  in  the  greatest  agricultural  college  in  the  United  States,  can- 
not produce  as  much  from  your  fertile  soil  as  the  German  produces 
out  of  his  exhausted  soil,  it  is  time  for  conference  and  delibera- 
tion. It  is  time  for  you  to  take  steps  for  more  intelligent 
methods  in  farming,  to  take  steps  toward  intelligent,  scientific 
farming.  It  is  time  for  you  to  begin  to  devise  schemes  that  will 
keep  your  boys  and  girls  at  home  in  the  rural  communities,  in- 
stead of  producing  these  greatly  congested  cities  and  weakening 
the  population  of  your  farms. 

That,  my  friends,  if  you  will'  pardon  a  suggestion,  can  be 
done,  if  you  will  organize  in  rural  communities  domestic  circles 
and  social  circles  where  amusements  can  be  given, — consolidate 
little  schools  where  less  than  twenty  are  going  to  school  into 
schools  where  at  least  fifty  can  be  taught  by  competent  teachers, 
where  the  schoolhouse  will  be  the  center  of  the  social  life,  social 


DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  461 

intelligence,  and  the  center  where  not  only  education  can  be  given 
in  the  day  time  but  where  amusements  and  little  pleasures  can 
be  given  to  the  young  at  night. 

Think,  my  friends,  of  these  things.  Then  devise,  as  I  know 
you  will  devise,  with  the  advice  of  the  intelligent  grey-haired 
men  and  women  that  I  see  around  me,  methods  of  producing  more 
from  the  great  fertile  soil  that  belongs  to  you,  and  devise  methods 
for  making  rural  life  more  congenial  to  the  children  that  you  are 
blessed  with  today,  and  that  I  hope  you  will  continue  to  be  blessed 
with  for  many  years  to  come. 


462  DUNNE — JUDGE,  MAYOR,  GOVERNOR 


SUGGESTS  A  THESIS  OR  LECTURE  ON 
PRACTICAL  FARMING. 

LETTER  TO  PRESIDENT  JAMES  OF  UNIVERSITY  OF  ILLINOIS, 
SEPTEMBER  27,  1913. 

Dear  Sir: 

Would  it  not  be  a  good  idea  to  prescribe,  as  part  of  the  cur- 
riculum of  the  students  in  the  agricultural  department  of  the  uni- 
versity, during  the  last  or  senior  year,  the  duty  of  preparing  a 
thesis  or  lecture  upon  practical  farming  in  the  State  of  Illinois,  and 
require  these  students,  before  graduation,  to  deliyer  the  same  at 
one  or  more  of  the  township  schools  of  the  State  ? 

The  requiring  of  the  preparation  of  such  a  thesis,  near  the  close 
of  the  student's  curriculum,  would  not  only  fire  his  ambition  to 
excel  therein,  but,  if  the  most  successful  and  practical  of  these  theses 
were  approved  by  the  university  authorities  and  actually  delivered 
in  the  township  schools,  it  would  bring  home  to  the  sons  of  the 
farmers  who  might  not  be  able  to  attend  the  university,  much 
practical  information  of  value  to  them  in  future  life.  The  delivery 
of  the  lecture  might  be  accompanied  by  practical  illustrations  in 
the  fields,  if  necessary.  "What  do  you  think  of  this  idea? 

E.  F.  DUNNE. 


DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  463 


ON  THE  PARDONING  OF  TWO 
CONVICTS. 

STATEMENT  TO  THE  PUBLIC,  SEPTEMBER  29,  1913. 

I  today  commuted  the  sentences  of  two  prisoners  in  the  peni- 
tentiary at  Joliet,  to  take  effect  on  October  1,  1913. 

The  first  of  these  cases  is  that  of  Sidney  B.  Creek,  who  was 
convicted  at  the  April,  1894,  term  of  the  Circuit  Court  of  DuPage 
County  for  the  crime  of  murder. 

It  appears  from  the  report  of  the  prison  physician  that  this 
man  has  tuberculosis  of  the  left  lung  and  both  testicles;  he  is  also 
suffering  from  prolapse  of  rectum  complicated  with  internal  hemor- 
rhoids and  ulcers.  He  has  paralysis  of  the  left  leg.  His  other 
organs  are  in  comparatively  good  condition.  He  has  been  bedridden 
for  six  years. 

I  have  liberated  him  to  die  outside  the  walls  of  the  penitentiary. 

The  other  case  is  that  of  John  Williams,  who  was.  convicted  at 
the  September,  1890,  term  of  the  Circuit  Court  of  Grundy  County 
for  the  crime  of  murder.  His  record  up  to  the  date  of  his  pardon  is 
reported  to  me  to  be  without  a  flaw.  He  was  40  years  of  age  when 
he  committed  the  crime.  Upon  prison  commutation,  making  allow- 
ance for  good  conduct,  he  has  served  a  45-year  sentence,  and  has 
been  in  fact  in  the  penitentiary  for  23  years.  He  is  now  about  67 
years  of  age,  and  his  petition  for  pardon  has  been  signed  by  every 
warden  and  deputy  warden  and  employes  of  the  penitentiary,  ex- 
cepting one.  He  has  also  recently  been  suffering  bad  health.  In. 
my  judgment,  he  has  paid  the  penalty  of  his  crime. 


464  DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 


HIS  ATTITUDE  ON  STATE  CIVIL 
SERVICE  LAW. 

STATEMENT  TO  THE  PUBLIC,  OCTOBER  1,  1913. 

The  Governor  has  been  shown  a  copy  of  an  anonymous  com- 
munication, inspired  by  the  friends  of  employes  suspended  on 
charges,  which  has  been  sent  to  the  various  newspapers  of  the  State, 
relative  to  the  attitude  of  the  administration  on  the  enforcement  of 
the  civil  service  law. 

The  Governor  is,  and  always  has  been,  a  firm  believer  in  honest 
civil  service.  He  has  advised  President  Burdett  of  the  State  Civil 
Service  Commission,  that  he  wants  the  civil  service  law  of  the  State 
fairly,  impartially  and  honestly  administered.  The  Governor  has 
requested  the  resignation  of  no  employe  under  civil  service,  although 
it  has  been  sought  repeatedly  to  have  him  do  so.  Employes  under 
civil  service  have  called  upon  the  Governor,  and  declared  their  will- 
ingness to  tender  their  resignations,  if  he  requested  them  so  to  do, 
but  the  Governor  has  uniformly  refused  to  make  such  requests  of 
civil  service  employes. 

Mr.  Moulton  was  president  of  the  Illinois  Civil  Service  Com- 
mission and  Mr.  Robinson  was  the  secretary  under  Governor  Deneen. 
Mr.  Moulton  is  still  a  member  of  the  board  and  Mr.  Robinson  is  the 
secretary.  Mr.  Moulton  has  been  endorsed  to  the  Governor  by  the 
various  civil  service  reform  associations,  who  have  requested  that  he 
be  retained  on  the  Civil  Service  Commission.  The  Governor  has 
heard  no  protest  from  Mr.  Moulton,  Mr.  Robinson  or  anyone  else 
relative  to  the  enforcement  of  the  civil  service  law,  except  from 
officeholders  against  whom  charges  have  been  filed  because  of  incom- 
petency  or  worse,  or  because  it  is  alleged  they  were  illegally 
appointed. 

Temporary  appointments  have  been  legally  made  where  there 
were  no  eligible  lists  to  fill  the  various  places. 

The  Civil  Service  Commission  of  the  State  consists  of  James  H. 
Burdett,  A.  B.  Culhane  and  W.  B,  Moulton,  and  they  have  been 
honestly  enforcing  the  law,  and  in  so  doing  they  have  the  hearty 
cooperation  of  the  Governor. 


DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  465 


ON  FIXING  STATE  FIRE  PREVENTION 

DAY. 

STATEMENT  TO  THE  PUBLIC,  OCTOBER  2,  1913. 

By  proclamation  issued  on  September  1,  1913,  the  Governor  of 
the  State  of  Illinois  has  set  aside  the  9th  of  October  as  the  anniver- 
sary of  the  great  Chicago  Fire,  as  "State  Fire  Prevention  Day." 

I  cannot  too  strongly  urge  upon  the  citizens  of  this  State  the 
observance  of  the  recommendations  in  said  proclamation. 

The  records  of  1912  show  that  the  average  losses  per  month  in 
the  State  of  Illinois  by  fire  were  $1,000,000,  or  $12,000,000  per  year, 
and  that  these  losses  have  been  increasing  rather  than  diminishing 
in  number. 

During  that  same  year,  400  people  lost  their  lives  by  fire.  Most 
of  these  fires  were  preventable  by  the  exercise  of  reasonable  care 
and  caution. 

Let  me  again  recommend  that  on  October  9,  all  heating  appa- 
ratus and  chimneys  be  carefully  gone  over  and  placed  in  a  proper 
condition  for  winter  use,  and  that  the  proper  authorities  in  all  of 
the  cities  and  villages  of  the  State  make  a  careful  inspection  on  that 
day  of  all  public  and  private  institutions,  hotels,  asylums,  factories 
and  theaters,  and  make  such  suggestions  as  will  minimize  the  risk 
of  fires. 

Fire  drills  should  be  held  on  that  day  also,  and  teachers  in  the 
public  schools  should  instruct  their  pupils  with  short  talks  on  the 
dangers  of  fire  and  the  simpler  means  of  fire  prevention. 

The  last  Legislature  passed  a  wise  law,  requiring  that  all  gaso- 
line must  be  stored  in  metal  receptacles,  painted  a  bright  red,  and 
marked  "gasoline,"  and  the  observance  of  this  law  will  obviate 
many  fires,  entailing  loss  of  lives,  and  serious  injury. 

I  am  informed  by  the  fire  marshal,  that  most  of  the  fires  that 
occur  during  the  months  of  October  and  November  are  those  result- 
ing from  defective  and  dangerous  flues  in  chimneys. 

I  earnestly  hope  that  there  will  be  a  general  observance  of  the 
admonitions  in  the  proclamation. 


466  DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 


ADVISES  DEMOCRATS  TO  VOTE  FOR 
C.  C.  CRAIG. 

LETTER  TO  DEMOCRATIC  VOTERS,  OCTOBER  12,  1913. 

On  October  20,  Monday,  an  election  will  be  held  in  the  Fifth 
Judicial  District  for  Justice  of  the  Supreme  Court  to  fill  the  vacancy 
caused  by  the  resignation  of  Justice  Hand. 

The  Fifth  Judicial  District  is  comprised  of  the  following 
counties:  Knox,  Henry,  Peoria,  Bureau,  LaSalle,  Grundy  and 
"Woodford. 

The  Democratic  nominee  is  Hon.  C.  C.  Craig,  of  Galesburg. 
Mr.  Craig  is  a  lawyer  of  standing,  and  a  man  of  integrity.  He  is 
the  son  of  the  late  Justice  Craig  of  the  Supreme  Bench,  and,  in  my 
judgment,  he  will  worthily  fill  the  place  which  was  held  so  creditably 
a'nd  honorably  by  his  father. 

I  believe  it  to  be  the  duty  of  every  Democrat,  and  every  Demo- 
cratic newspaper  in  the  Fifth  Judicial  District  to  energetically  and 
enthusiastically  support  the  candidacy  of  Mr.  Craig  for  this  office, 
to  which  I  sincerely  hope  Mr.  Craig  will  be  elected. 


DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  467 


LEGISLATION  FOR  IMPROVING  FARM 

LIFE. 

STATEMENT  TO  SUCCESSFUL  FARMING,  OCTOBER  17,  1913. 

In  answer  to  yours  of  the  14th  instant,  would  state  that  in  my 
judgment  legislation  along  the  following  lines  is  essential  for  the 
improvement  of  farming  conditions  in  the  State  of  Illinois  and 
the  surrounding  states: 

First.  The  national  banks  should  be  permitted  to  make  loans 
for  at  least  one  year  upon  the  security  of  farms  worth  at  least 
double  the  value  of  the  loan. 

Second.  The  small  school  districts  in  farming  communities 
should  be  consolidated  so  that  the  schools  would  be  attended  by 
from  50  to  100  pupils  in  each  school  instead  of  being  attended 
by  from  5  to  15  pupils,  as  is  frequently  the  case. 

Third.  In  connection  with  the  common  schools  there  should  be 
established  exhibition  halls  and  gymnasiums  in  which  public 
entertainments  could  be  held  for  the  benefit  of  the  children  and 
their  parents  in  these  communities.  In  other  words,  in  connec- 
tion with  the  schools  there  should  be  established  social  centers 
where  lectures,  stereopticons  and  other  moral  and  educational 
entertainments  could  be  given  for  the  people  in  the  farming  com- 
munities. 

Fourth.  There  should  be  coordination  between  the  great  uni- 
versities and  the  township  schools  in  the  way  of  having  lecturers 
from  the  universities  to  deliver  lectures  upon  scientific  and  inten- 
sive farming,  with  practical  illustrations  upon  the  land.  This 
could  be  achieved  by  requiring  every  student  of  an  agricultural 
college  in  a  university,  before  he  receives  an  agricultural  diploma, 
to  write  a  thesis  or  essay  upon  scientific  farming  which  would 
meet  with  the  approval  of  the  staff  of  the  university.  This  should 
be  made  a  compulsory  part  of  his  curriculum,  and  before  receiving 
his  diploma,  the  senior  student  should  be  compelled  to  deliver 
this  lecture,  with  practical  illustrations,  in  one  or  more  of  the 
primary  schools  of  the  State. 

In  this  way  the  benefit  of  scientific  agricultural  education 
could  be  communicated  to  the  children  of  farmers  who  might  not 
be  able  to  receive  the  higher  education  in  the  university. 


468  DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

Fifth.  Farmers  should  request  the  distribution  of  pamphlets 
upon  scientific  farming  which  are  published  in  the  great  universi- 
ties of  the  agricultural  states  and  evoke  and  direct  the  attention 
of  their  children  to  these  pamphlets,  and  make  every  effort  to  put 
in  force  practically  on  the  land  the  suggestions  contained  in  such 
pamphlets. 

These  are  among  some  of  the  things  that  in  my  judgment 
should  be  brought  about  by  legislation  and  cooperation  with  the 
higher  institutions  of  learning. 


DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  469 


PROTESTS  AGAINST  ACCUSATION 
AGAINST  JEWISH  RELIGION. 

TELEGRAM  TO  JUDGE  EDWARD  0.  BROWN,  OCTOBER  17,  1913. 

Answering  your  of  the  sixteenth  instant,  regret  to  say  that  it 
will  be  impossible  for  me  to  be  in  Chicago  Sunday  afternoon  to 
attend  meeting  of  citizens  protesting  against  blood  ritual  accusa- 
tion in  Beilie  case. 

No  intelligent  person  believes  for  a  moment  that  the  Jewish 
religion  calls  for  the  sacrifice  of  human  blood  under  any  of  its 
rituals.  To  make  such  an  accusation,  even  in  a  court  of  justice  in 
any  land  in  the  twentieth  century,  brands  the  accuser  as  a  malig- 
nant perjurer  or  a  gullible  fool. 

The  wonderment  is  that  any  self-respecting  court  could  be 
prevailed  upon  to  consider  seriously  such  an  accusation. 

Am  in  hearty  sympathy  with  the  object  of  your  meeting, 
which  I  understand  is  to  protest  against  the  farcical  claims  being 
made  in  a  so-called  court  of  justice. 

Kindly  express  my  views  as  above  to  the  meeting. 


470  DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 


OPPOSES  TEACHING  SEX  HYGIENE  IN 

SCHOOLS. 

LETTER  TO  PRESIDENT  JAMES  OF  THE  UNIVERSITY  OF  ILLINOIS, 
OCTOBER  18,  1913. 

Dear  Sir: 

Yours  of  the  15th  instant  has  been  placed  before  me  on  my 
return  from  Hannibal,  Missouri. 

As  to  the  first  resolution  proposed,  to-wit:  "Resolved,  That 
it  is  the  sentiment  of  the  board  of  trustees  of  the  University,  of 
Illinois  that,  as  soon  as  feasible,  a  public  health  laboratory  shall 
be  established  in  the  university  which  shall  cooperate,  as  best 
it  may,  with  all  the  forces  now  directed  to  combating  human 
disease,"  you  may  record  me  as  voting  "aye". 

With  reference  to  the  second  resolution,  to-wit:  "Resolved, 
further,  That  such  instruction  in  .sex  hygiene  should  be  given  in 
the  schcol  of  education  and  in  the  college  of  medicine  of  the 
L)  niversity  of  Illinois  as  may  enable  teachers  in  the  public  and 
private  schools  of  the  State  to  acquire  the  information  necessary 
to  enable  them  to  give  suitable  instruction  and  guidance  in  this 
delicate  and  important  subject,"  you  may  record  me  as  voting 
"no". 

Modesty  is  the  chief  charm  of  womanhood.  The  moral  teach- 
ings of  the  Christian  religion,  if  impressed  upon  the  youth  of  the 
country  in  the  home,  are  the  surest  guarantee  of  the  preservation 
of  chastity  and  moral  cleanliness  in  the  minds  of  the  young. 

I  honestly  fear  that,  if  sex  hygiene  be  taught  in  the  schools 
and  young  boys  and  young  girls  in  the  open  classroom  are  made 
aware  of  things  which  may  be  taught  in  the  line  of  sex  hygiene, 
it  may 'create,  and  probably  will  create,  in  their  young  minds  a 
prurient  curiosity  which  will  induce,  rather  than  suppress,  im- 
morality and  unchastity. 

Personally  I  would  not  permit  my  young  and  innocent  daugh- 
ters to  be  sent  to  either  a  public  or  private  school  where  sex 
hygiene  is  discussed  in  public,  in  their  hearing  and  in  the  hearing 
of  children  of  their  tender  age. 

I  think  you  can  trust  the  mothers  and  fathers  of  the  land  to 
guard  their  children  much  better  at  home. 

I  will  vote  emphatically  "no"  upon  this  proposition. 


DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,    GOVERNOR  471 


WAS  PLEASED  TO  SIGN  WOMAN'S 
SUFFRAGE  BILL. 

LETTER  TO  MRS.  P.  L.  DE\TOIST,  OCTOBER  20,  1913. 

Dear  Madam: 

In  answer  to  yours  of  the  17th,  am  pleased  to  say  that  it 
gave  me  great  pleasure,  as  Governor  of  this  State,  to  sign  the 
Woman's  Suffrage  bill  passed  by  the  last  Legislature  of  the  State 
of  Illinois. 

This  decided  and  remarkable  step  forward  in  the  State  of 
Illinois  resulted  from  a  sane  and  intelligent  presentation  of  the 
rights  of  women  to  a  deliberative  body  without  bluster,  violence 
or  violations  of  the  laws  of  the  State. 

I  have  long  been  an  advocate  of  the  rights  of  women  to  the 
suffrage  and  am  clearly  of  the  opinion  that  the  way  to  bring 
about  this  great  reform  is  by  an  appeal  to  reason  and  not  by  in- 
timidation or  violence. 

I  wish  you  in  Minnesota  success  in  your  efforts  to  procure 
for  the  women  of  that  state  the  rights  of  citizenship. 


472  DUNNE — JUDGE,  MAYOR,  GOVERNOR 


VALUE  OF  BUILDING  AND  LOAN 
ASSOCIATIONS. 

ADDRESS  BEFORE  ILLINOIS  BUILDING  ASSOCIATION  LEAGUE, 
OCTOBER  23,  1913. 

% 

Mr.  Chairman  and  Gentlemen: 

It  gives  me  great  pleasure  to  be  your  guest  here  today  and 
to  welcome  you  to  Springfield  in  the  name  of  the  State  of  Illinois. 
The  association  which  you  represent  has  been  long  known  to 
me  and  1  have  watched  its  progress  with  great  interest.  The 
work  you  are  doing,  and  will  attempt  to  do,  has  for  its  object 
conservation  of  the  interests  of  a  movement  than  which  no  other 
has  done  more  to  promote  material  and  lasting  welfare  of  a  very 
great  portion  of  the  community. 

It  would  seem  that  building  and  loan  associations  had  their 
origin  in  England  about  the  beginning  of  the  eighteenth  century, 
among  the  workmen  in  factories  and  mills,  who  had  formed  build- 
ing societies.  The  movement  was  inaugurated  in  the  United 
States  in  1861  in  a  very  humble  way,  but  its  growth  was  imme- 
diate and  steady,  due  to  wise  and  efficient  management,  until 
today  there  are  six  thousand  local  building  and  loan  associations, 
having  a  membership  of  two  and  one-half  million  members,  who 
own  cooperatively  over  more  than  a  billion  dollars  assets,  and  I 
believe  that  approximately  twelve  and  one-half  per  cent  of  the 
total  membership  is  in  Illinois. 

C.  S.  Cellarius,  secretary  of  the  National  League  of  Local 
Building  and  Loan  Associations,  shows  that  these  associations  are 
among  the  most  economically  managed  financial  institutions  in 
the  world,  and  that,  even  in  localities  where  the  lending  rates  are 
comparatively  low.  they  have  no  difficulty,  as  a  rule,  of  declaring 
dividends  of  at  least  five  per  cent.  Hence  an  excellent  and  very 
safe  medium  for  the  small  investor. 

It  should  not  be  imagined,  however,  that  the  building  and 
loan  society  can  assure  investors  of  absolute  safety.  There  have 
been  at  times  mistakes  and  worse,  abuses  of  management,  bring- 
ing home  to  investing  members  the  important  fact  that  they  are 
not  depositors  entitled  to  interest,  but  stockholders,  every  one 
entitled  to  his  proportion  of  the  profits,  but  also,  liable  for  his 
proportion  of  the  losses. 


DUNNE JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  473 

But  after  all,  the  record  of  these  local  societies  is  remarkably 
clean.  Next  to  the  carefully  regulated  savings  banks,  probably 
no  other  kind  of  institution  is  more  fit  to  cater  to  the  needs  of 
the  small  investor. 

It  would  be  a  wholesome  thing  to  see  them  commanding  a 
large  part  of  the  small  savings  of  the  Nation,  to  the  exclusion  of 
some  of  the  more  modern  installment,  investment  schemes  of 
doubtful  stability. 

Not  only  are  local  building  and  Joan  associations  beneficial, 
as  an  incentive  to  thrift  and  conservative  and  profitable  invest- 
ments, but  they  are  likewise  essentially  democratic  in  their  in- 
fluences, tending  as  they  do  to  promote  a  strong  fraternal  feeling 
among  their  members.  These  associations  should  remain  local 
institutions.  A  great  authority  on  these  matters,  Judge  Sey- 
mour Dexter,  says  in  part :  *  *  *  "The  moment  these  institu- 
tions become  extended  in  the  conduct  of  their  business  over  large 
territory,  that  moment  many  of  the  elements  of  safety  involved  in 
the  local  association  methods  are  necessarily  eliminated,  and 
dangerous  ones  substituted  in  their  place.  They  are  no  longer 
building  and  loan  associations,  because  no  longer  conducted  on 
the  methods  on  which  these  associations  have  won  their  success 
and  grown  into  fame." 

The  usual  and  well  known  investments,  customary  in  insur- 
ance business,  such  as  endowment,  paid  up  policies  and  loan 
values,  in  themselves,  are  very  beneficial,  but  building  and  loan 
associations  provide  immediate  returns  to  the  investor  and  much 
of  the  future  profits,  so.  to  speak,  are  enjoyed  at  first  hand, 
whereas  insurance  regulations  compel  the  investor  to  depend  on 
future  benefits. 

The  laws  of  the  State  of  Illinois  governing  homestead,  build- 
ing and  loan  associations,  are  very  benign,  both  to  the  members 
in  their  corporate  capacity  and  as  investors,  insuring  justice  to 
the  one  and  protection  to  the  other,  promoting  the  while  equit- 
able and  just  cooperation.  It  is  not  contended,  however,  that 
these  laws  are  perfect,  nor  yet  even  closed  to  improvement,  but  in 
their  present  form  they  work  hardships  on  none  and  serve  the 
purpose  for  which  they  were  enacted. 


474  DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 


URGES  PUBLICATION  OF  LINCOLN'S 
GETTYSBURG  ADDRESS. 

ADDRESS  TO  THE  PUBLIC,  NOVEMBER  3,  1913. 

In  connection  with  the  exercises  which  the  Superintendent  of 
Public  Instruction  has  authorized  and  directed  in  the  public  schools 
and  other  educational  institutions  of  the  State  on  Gettysburg  Day, 
November  19,  1913,  pursuant  to  the  Governor's  proclamation  of 
October  16,  1913,  it  has  been  suggested  to  me,  and  I  believe  it  to 
be  a  wise  and  patriotic  act  so  to  do,  that  the  newspapers  of  the  State 
should  publish  in  full  on  that  day,  the  brief  but  immortal  address 
of  President  Lincoln,  delivered  on  the  Gettysburg  battlefield. 

Every  citizen,  young  or  old,  in  the  State  will  be  pleased  to  have 
called  to  his  recollection  this  great  address  on  the  50th  anniversary 
of  its  delivery. 


DUNNE JUDGE,    MAYOR,    GOVERNOR  475 


CONSERVING  POWER  RIGHTS  AT 
JOLIET. 

LETTER  TO  SANITARY  DISTRICT,  NOVEMBER  11,  1913.. 

I  am  in  receipt  of  an  argument  signed  by  the  Illinois  and  Michi- 
gan Canal  Commissioners,  which  in  substance  sets  out  that  the 
project  of  the  Sanitary  district  to  develop  and  utilize  the  water 
power  below  Joliet  at  Brandon  road,  will,  if  carried  out,  produce  a 
water  power  worth  $18,000,000.00  or  thereabout,  and  that  the  cost 
of  so  doing  would  be  $7,000,000.00,  leaving  to  the  Sanitary  district 
a  net  profit  of  $11,500,000.00  or  thereabout. 

They  also  contend  that,  in  the  prosecution  of  said  work,  the 
Sanitary  district  would  take  from  the  State  and  destroy  a  water 
power  worth,  $4,750,000.00  as  follows:  water  power  at  Jackson 
Street,  $3,500,000.00;  water  power  on  Channahon  level,  $250.000.00 ; 
water  power  rights  between  Jackson  and  South  Streets,  $1,000,- 
000.00.  Their  contention  is  that  before  the  administration  should 
commit  itself  to  the  project  suggested  by  the  Sanitary  district, 
some  arrangement  should  be  made  to  compensate  the  State  for 
the  water  power  now  owned  by  it,  which  they  value  at  said 
$4,750,000.00. 

In  view  of  the  fact  that  before  you  can  succeed  in  carrying 
out  your  proposed  project,  as  outlined  to  me,  in  the  recent  confer- 
ence in  the  Governor's  office,  it  will  be  necessary  for  you  to  carry 
to  a  conclusion  the  condemnation  proceedings,  now  pending  against 
the  Public  Service  Company,  which  owns  the  property  sought  to  be 
condemned,  I  have  reached  the  conclusion  that  you  should  carry  on 
your  condemnation  suit  to  a  final  examination  in  a  court  of  last 
resort.  As  the  condemnation  suit  was  commenced  some  years  ago, 
when  the  property  probably  was  not  as  valuable  as  it  is  today,  in 
my  judgment,  it  would  be  a  great  mistake  to  abandon  the  law  suit 
now,  and  be  compelled  to  commence  another  suit  hereafter,  if  the 
State  or  any  arm  of  the  government  in  the  State  should  deem  it 
necessary  to  acquire  the  water  power  rights  and  property  at  Bran- 
don road. 

I  think  that  the  final  disposition  of  the  question  as  to  whether 
the  State  itself,  or  the  Sanitary  district,  or  the  Illinois  and  Michi- 
gan Canal  Commissioners  should  develop  a  water  power  at  Brandon 
road,  ought  to  be  left  in  abeyance  until  they  dispose  of  the  con- 


476  DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

demnation  suit.  It  will  take  some  time  to  dispose  of  this  litigation 
in  court,  and  after  the  Sanitary  district  has  acquired  the  property 
at  Brandon  road  in  question,  it  will  be  then  time  enough  to  deter- 
mine whether  the  water  power  which  can  be  created  at  this  point 
should  be  owned  and  developed  by  the  State  itself,  the  Sanitary 
district,  the  Illinois  and  Michigan  Canal  Commissioners,  or  some 
special  corporation,  organized  for  that  purpose,  and  upon  what 
terms  and  conditions,  as  between  the  State  and  the  corporate  body, 
which  finally  conserves  and  created  the  power. 

Of  course,  we  all  agree  that  the  water  power,  there  potentially 
existing,  should  be  conserved  for  the  public,  but  it  is  at  the  present 
time  unnecessary  to  find  and  determine  what  particular  arm  of  the 
Government  should  develop  and  utilize  it. 

I  would,  therefore,  respectfully  state,  in  my  judgment,  that  the 
Sanitary  district  should  push  through  its  condemnation  proceedings 
to  finally  determine  and  acquire  the  rights  of  Brandon  road  by 
condemnation,  as  cheaply  and  quickly  as  possible. 


DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  477 


EUROPE,    NOT    ENGLAND,    IS    THE 

MOTHER  COUNTRY  OF 

AMERICA. 

LETTER  TO  JOHN  A.  STEWART,  NOVEMBER  18,  1913. 

John  A.  Stewart,  Chairman  of  the  Executive  Committee  of  the 
"American  Committee  for  the  Celebration  of  the  100th  Anniver- 
sary of  Peace  Among  English-Speaking  Peoples,"  wrote  Governor 
Dunne  requesting  him  to  take  certain  action  favoring  the  cele- 
bration. 

November  21,  the  Governor  wrote  Mr.  Stewart  that  he  was  in 
favor  of  broadening  the  scope  of  this  celebration.  In  his  letter  to 
Chairman  Stewart,  Governor  Dunne  said: 

' '  I  am,  however,  very  strongly  in  favor  of  broadening  the  scope 
of  this  celebration.  We  should  celebrate  not  only  peace  which  lasted 
for  a  century  between  English-speaking  peoples,  but  peace  between 
this  country  and  every  other  great  nation  of  Europe  with  whom  we 
have  been  forever  at  peace. 

Why  discriminate  between  these  nations  and  Great  Britain? 
Europe,  not  England,  is  the  mother  country  of  America. 

I  note  that  your  Committee  in  Richmond  is  broadening  the 
scope  of  this  celebration  so  as  to  take  in  Germany,  France,  Russia, 
Norway,  Sweden  and  other  European  countries.  Cannot  this  be 
arranged  before  the  committees  are  designated  ? ' ' 

January  6,  1914,  Mr.  Stewart  wrote  Governor  Dunne,  asking 
him  to  take  the  initiative  with  the  Legislature  in  bringing  about 
such  action  as  would  mean  official  State  participation  in  the  celebra- 
tion of  the  ''American  Committee  for  the  Celebration  of  the  100th 
Anniversary  of  Peace  Among  English-Speaking  Peoples, ' '  and  ask- 
ing him  to  make  some  public  recommendation. 

Mr.  Stewart,  in  his  letter,  also  requested  Governor  Dunne  to 
kindly  increase  the  number  of  the  State  committee  to  100  or  more. 

In  answer  to  that  letter,  Governor  Dunne  sent  Mr.  Stewart  the 
following  communication : 


January  27,  1914. 

DEAR  SIR:  Your  favor  of  the  6th  instant  requesting  me  to 
take  the  initiative  with  legislative  representatives  of  the  State 
of  Illinois  in  bringing  about  official  State  participation  in  the 
approaching  celebration  on  the  17th  and  18th  of  February,  1915, 


478  DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

and  asking  me  to  appoint  a  State  committee  of  100  or  more  to  co- 
operate in  the  celebration  reached  me  in  due  course. 

I  did  not  answer  promptly  because  1  thought  the  matter  was 
worthy  of  careful  consideration,  and  because  there  are  several 
matters  in  connection  with  this  celebration  which  had  given  me 
considerable  thought,  and  which  I  wished  to  discuss  dispassion- 
ately with  you  before  taking  action. 

Some  time  since  I  wrote  you  suggesting  that  the  scope  of  the 
celebration  should  be  widened  so  as  to  take  in  all  the  nations  with 
whom  we  have  been  at  peace  for  a  century  or  over.  I  learn 
from  your  letter  some  such  action  has  been  taken.  In  other  words, 
that  you  are  to  take  in  "France,  Germany  and  other  nations  of 
the  world."  I  find,  however,  that  your  committee  still  retains 
the  name  "The  American  Committee  for  the  Celebration  of  the 
One  Hundredth  Anniversary  of  Peace  Among  English-Speaking 
Peoples,"  and  I  find,  by  examining  the  printed  account  of  the 
proceedings  held  by  the  American  committee,  in  conference 
December  3  and  4,  1913,  at  Eichmond,  Virginia,  that  your 
program  is  almost  exclusively  concerned  with  exercises  and  ser- 
vices in  commemorations  between  this  country,  Great  Britain  and 
Canada,  while  but  very  little,  and  those,  very  obscure  arrange- 
ments, are  made  for  celebrating  peace  with  the  other  great  nations 
of  the  world. 

I  am  in  favor  of  celebrating  a  century  of  peace  between  this 
country  and  Great  Britain  or  any  country,  and  earnestly  hope 
that  such  peace  will  be  continuous,  but  it  must  be  remembered 
that  while  we  have  had  peace  for  a  century  with  Great  Britain, 
we  have  had  peace  perpetually  with  France,  Germany,  Russia, 
Sweden,  Norway,  Austro-Hungary,  Italy,  Japan,  China,  and  most 
of  the  great  nations  of  the  world. 

We  have  had  two  wars  with  Great  Britain  and  none  with 
these  other  countries,  and  the  peace  between  the  United  States 
and  Great  Britain  was  seriously  imperiled  during  our  War  of  the 
Rebellion.  "Europe,  and  not  England,  is  the  mother  country 
of  the  United  States."  This  is  particularly  true  of  the  great 
State  of  Illinois.  Within  the  confines  of  this  State  we  have 
hundreds  of  thousands  of  Germans;  hundreds  of  thousands  of 
Poles;  thousands  of  Swedes;  a  large  Italian  population;  many 
thousands  of  Austro-Hungarians ;  Bohemians ;  Greeks  and  Rou- 
manians. All  of  these  elements  are  gradually  being  moulded  into 
good  American  citizenship. 

If  I  appoint  a  committee  of  100  to  participate  in  this  cele- 
bration of  peace,  and  they  find  that  it  is  under  the  auspices  of 
an  organization  whose  very  name  indicates  that  it  is  to  celebrate 


DUNNE JUDGE,    MAYOR,    GOVERNOR  479 

"peace  between  English-speaking  peoples,"  these  representa- 
tives of  the  different  nationalities  who  have  come  from  all  the 
different  nations  of  Europe  or  which  are  descendants--from  those 
who  have  come  from  the  other  nations  of  Europe  may  be  in- 
clined to  question  why  they  are  called  upon  to  participate  in  a 
celebration  which  is  limited  to  a  celebration  "among  English- 
speaking  peoples." 

I,  therefore,  respectfully  suggest  that  it  would  be  wise  on 
the  part  of  your  committee  to  take  action  changing  the  name  of 
the  organization  to  one  organized  for  the  celebration  "of  a 
century  of  peace"  without  the  limitation  "among  English-speak- 
ing peoples."  This  celebration  would  then  be  a  cosmopolitan 
celebration  at  which,  could  be  present,  in  some  of  the  great  cities 
of  the  country,  the  ambassadors  of  Great  Britain,  France,  Ger- 
many, Russia,  and  other  great  countries  with  whom  we  have  been 
at  peace  for  a  century  or  over,  and  the  proceedings  would  be 
divested  of  the  narrowness  arising  from  a  celebration  between 
Great  Britain  and  this  country. 

Upon  the  committee  of  100  named  by  me  ought  to  be  citizens 
of  not  only  English,  Irish,  Scotch  and  Welsh  blood,  but  of  Ger- 
man, French,  Norwegian,  Swedish,  Russian  and  Italian,  and  other 
of  the  bloods  represented  in  this  great  commonwealth. 

The  era  for  the  solving  of  all  disputes  by  international  arbi- 
tration is  upon  us.  I  am  heartily  in  favor  of  celebrating  a  cen- 
tury of  peace  with  all  nations,  but  I  am  firmly  of  the  opinion  that 
it  ought  to  be  so  wide  in  character  so  as  to  embrace  not  only  two 
nations,  but  all  nations  who  have  been  at  peace  for  a  centurv 
and  over. 

Governor  Dunne  is  now  extremely  pleased  to  note  that  the 
title  of  this  organization  has  been  changed  from  the  "American 
Committee  for  the  Celebration  of  the  One  Hundredth  Anniversary 
of  Peace  Among  English-Speaking  Peoples"  to  the  "American 
Peace  Centenary  Committee." 

February  28,  1914,  Mr.  Stewart  wrote  to  Governor  Dunne 
requesting  the  Governor  to  write  to  certain  Congressmen  and 
United  States  Senators,  urging  favorable  consideration  of  a  meas- 
ure to  appropriate  $100,000  for  the  expenses  of  a  commission  of 
several  members  to  be  known  as  "The  Peace  Centenary  Com- 
mission." 

Complying  with  that  request,  Governor  Durnie  on  March  3, 
1914,  wrote  the  following  letter  to  Hon.  John  J.  Fitzgerald,  chair- 
man of  the  appropriations  committee  of  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives, and  to  certain  United  States  Senators: 


480  DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

March  3,  1914. 
Dear  Mr.  Fitzgerald: 

1  am  requested  by  Mr.  John  A.  Stewart,  chairman  of  the 
American  Peace  Centenary  Committee,  to  write  to  you,  requesting 
your  favorable  consideration  of  House  Bill  No.  9302,  introduced 
by  Hon.  Charles  Bennett  Smith,  carrying  an  appropriation  of 
$100,000  for  the  payment  of  expenses  of  a  commission  of  seven 
members  to  be  known  as  the  "Peace  Centenary  Commission." 

The  American  Peace  Centenary  Committee  was  originally  or- 
ganized and  called  "The  American  Committee  for  the  Celebration 
of  the  One  Hundredth  Anniversary  of  Peace  Among  English- 
Speaking  Peoples." 

They  wrote  letters  to  a  great  many  people  in  public  life, 
including  myself,  soliciting  our  support  in  the  movement.  "When 
they  wrote  me  I  answered,  stating  in  substance  that  I  was  in  favor 
of  the  celebration  of  a  centenary  of  peace  between  this  Nation  and 
Great  Britain,  and  all  other  countries,  but  that  I  saw  no  good 
reason  why  they  should  have  selected  simply  the  English-speaking 
peoples  nations  as  those  to  whom  the  celebration  should  be 
confined. 

I  reminded  these  gentlemen  that  this  country  has  had  eternal 
peace  with  the  great  German  nation,  with  the  great  French  Re- 
public, Norway,  Sweden,  Italy,  Austro-Hungary,  and  most  of  the 
great  nations  of  the  world.  That  not  only  had  we  eternal  peace 
with  the  French  Republic,  but  that  the  French  people  had  enabled 
us  by  their  assistance  and  support,  at  a  critical  time,  to  become 
a  nation. 

I  pointed  out  to  them  that  the  best  brain  and  brawn  of  Ger- 
many, France,  Sweden,  Russia,  and  other  great  nations  had  con- 
tributed to  the  upbuilding  of  this  great  cosmopolitan  Nation,  and 
that  "Europe,  not  Great  Britain,  is  the  mother  country  of 
America,"  and  suggested  that  their  celebration  was  too  narrow 
in  its  avowed  objects,  that  the  very  name  of  the  association  in- 
dicated that  it  was  to  be  a  British-American  celebration,  and 
that  the  program  agreed  upon  seemed  confined  to  the  glorifica- 
tion of  peace  between  Great  Britain  and  this  country,  to  the  ex- 
clusion of  all  other  nations. 

In  answer  to  my  letters  to  them  on  this  line  they  now  an- 
nounce that  they  have  changed  the  name  from  "The  American 
Committee  for  the  Celebration  of  the  One  Hundredth  Anniversary 
of  Peace  Among  English-Speaking  Peoples,"  to  "American  Peace 
Centenary  Committee,"  which  I  am  glad  to  approve.  They  have 
also  announced  in  their  literature  that  they  intend  to  make  the 
celebration  cosmopolitan  in  its  character. 


DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,    GOVERNOR  481 

Upon  this  understanding  I  cheerfully  recommend  the  making 
of  an  appropriation  for  the  purpose  of  celebrating  a  century  of 
peace  between  this  country  and  most  of  the  great  nations  of  the 
earth,  and  that  the  bill,  in  my  .-judgment,  should  mention  the 
names  of  the  other  countries,  as  well  as  Great  Britain,  and  that 
the  bill  should  provide  that  the  funds  should  be  expended  for  a 
cosmopolitan  celebration  in  which  the  ministers  and  ambassadors 
of  all  the  countries  of  Europe  and  the  Orient  should  be  invited 
to  participate. 

I  had  much  pleasure  in  meeting  you  in  Washington  recently, 
and  think  that  you  will  agree  with  me  that  the  above  suggestions 
are  wise  and  prudent. 


-16 


482  DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 


BISHOP  JOHN  L.  SPALDING. 

LETTER  TO  PEORIA  KNIGHTS  OP  COLUMBUS,  NOVEMBER  20,  1913. 

The  press  of  public  business  here  in  Springfield  will  prevent 
my  being  present  at  the  banquet  to  be  given  by  your  organization 
in  honor  of  the  Golden  Jubilee  Celebration  of  the  Most  Reverend 
John  Lancaster  Spalding,  Titular  Archbishop  of  Scitopolis,  on  next 
Monday. 

In  common  with  thousands  of  my  fellow  citizens,  I  have  always 
had  intense  admiration  for  Bishop  Spalding  not  only  as  an  ecclesi- 
astic of  our  church,  but  as  a  citizen  of  the  Republic.  His  sympa- 
thies, public  utterances  and  public  writings  on  civic  matters  have 
ever  and  always  sounded  true  in  their  advocacy  of  popular  rights. 
His  sterling  democracy  has  endeared  him  to  all  who  believe  in  the 
rule  of  the  people. 

His  labors  for  education  and  religion  have  accomplished  won- 
ders in  Peoria  and  throughout  the  land.  I  hope  and  trust  that  his 
life  may  long  be  spared  to  continue  the  splendid  work  he  is  further- 
ing in  education,  religion  and  patriotism.  Love  of  God  and  love  of 
country  has  always  manifested  itself  in  everything  he  has  said,  done 
and  written. 

I  regret  exceedingly  that  I  cannot  be  personally  present  and 
participate  with  you  in  doing  him  the  honor  he  so  well  deserves. 


DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,    GOVERNOR  483 


UPON  THE  CONDITION  OF  STATE 
TREASURY. 

STATEMENT  TO  THE  PUBLIC,  DECEMBER  9,  1913. 

Upon  my  return  from  Washington,  I  find  in  the  public  press 
of  December  3,  a  statement  by  former  Governor  Deneen,  in  answer 
to  the  statement  issued  on  November  29  by  the  State  Tax  Com- 
mission of  this;  State,  in  which  it  is  pointed  out  that,  by  failure  to 
fix  adequate  tax  rates  in  the  year  1911  and  1912,  the  State  Tax 
Commission  of  the  last  administration  created  a  deficiency  between 
the  amount  ordered  by  law  to  be  raised  and  the  amount  actually 
raised  by  taxation  of  $5,424,730. 

In  this  statement  of  Governor  Deneen,  he  does  not  deny  these 
facts  but  attempts  to  muddy  the  waters  by  declaring,  "That  there 
was  on  hand  in  the  treasury  on  January  1,  1913,  a  cash  balance  of 
$4,258,664.21,  and  in  the  various  State  institutions  $1,012,546.39, 
making  a  total  of  $5,271,210.60." 

Why  he  should  select  January  1,  1913,  as  the  pregnant  date 
upon  which  to-  show  the  condition  of  the  public  treasury,  I  cannot 
understand.  Why  did  he  not  take  February  3,  1913,  that  being  the 
date  that  Mr.  Mitchell,  former  Treasurer,  turned  over  the  money 
in  the  treasury  to  William  Ryan,  Jr.,  the  present  State  Treasurer. 
On  that  date,  February  3,  1913,  Mr.  Mitchell  turned  over  to  William 
Ryan,  Jr.,  the  present  incumbent,  $3,564,689.49,  against  which  there 
were  outstanding  on  that  date  $904,293.05  in  warrants  actually 
issued  by  his  administration,  leaving  a  net  balance  on  that  date  in 
the  treasury  of  only  $2,660,396.44,  against  which  there  remained  on 
that  date  a  balance  of  unexpended  appropriations  made  by  the 
Forty-seventh  General  Assembly  of  $8,234,853.88.  Moreover  Gov- 
ernor Deneen  does,  not  state  that,  during  the  month  of  January, 
1913,  he  signed  requisitions  for  funds  for  H.  A.  Haugin,  Treasurer 
of  the  University  of  Illinois,  aggregating  $958,158.08. 

In  other  words,  when  Mr.  Deneen,  former  Governor,  Mr. 
Mitchell,  former  Treasurer,  and  Mr.  McCullough,  former  Auditor, 
stepped  out  of  office  there  was  only  $2,660,396.44  in  the  treasury 
over  and  above  outstanding  warrants,  most  of  which  outstanding 
warrants,  amounting  to  $904,293.05  were  presented  for  payment 
within  a  few  days.  This  balance,  $2,660,396.44,  was  all  that  was 


484  DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

left  in  the  treasury  to  take  care  of  liabilities  created  by  appropria- 
tions, then  in  existence  and  unpaid,  aggregating  $8,234,853.88. 

Moreover  in  addition  to  this  lamentable  condition  of  the  treas- 
ury, the  Forty-eighth  General  Assembly  found,  upon  assembling, 
that  it  was  necessary  to  enact  deficiency  appropriation  bills  to  cover 
liabilities  incurred  prior  to  that  date  by  the  Secretary  of  State's 
office,  Board  of  Contracts,  Treasurer's  office,  Auditor's  office,  and 
Live  Stock  Board,  aggregating  $500,000.00  or  thereabout. 


DUNNE JUDGE,    MAYOR,    GOVERNOR  485 


AGAIN   OPPOSES   TEACHING   OF   SEX 
HYGIENE  IN  SCHOOLS. 

ADDRESS  TO  THE  ILLINOIS  STATE  TEACHERS'  ASSOCIATION, 
DECEMBER  29,  1913. 

Mr,  Chairman,  Ladies  and  Gentlemen: 

It  gives  me  much  pleasure,  as  the  Governor  of  this  State,  to 
address  a  few  words  of  welcome  to  the  hard-working  teachers  of  the 
Illinois  State  Teachers '  Association,  and  to  wish  from  my  heart  that 
their  deliberations  and  discussions,  during  the  present  meeting,  will 
be  fruitful  of  good  results,  not  only  to  the  teaching  profession,  but 
to  the  children,  pupils  of  this  State. 

Yours  is  a  profession  of  the  utmost  importance  to  the  commu- 
nity. The  fathers  and  mothers  of  this  State  are  placing  under  your 
control,  for  their  development  and  education,  the  children  whose 
future  is  a  matter  of  the  utmost  importance  to  the  parents. 

If  wisely  and  effectively  instructed,  both  from  the  material  and 
moral  standpoint,  their  children  will  develop  into  useful  citizens  of 
the  community.  If  instructed  in  a  haphazard  and  inefficient  man- 
ner, these  children  will  not  become  as  useful  citizens  as  though  well 
instructed. 

Yours  is  a  profession  calling  for  patience,  self-abnegation,  con- 
stant industry,  intelligence  and  tact,  without  the  larger  remunera- 
tion which  is  often  the  return  in  other  professions.  Necessarily  you 
are  men  and  women  of  intelligence  and  of  good  education.  Other- 
wise you  could  not  fill  the  positions  that  you  now  occupy,  and  yet 
the  rewards  for  your  intelligence  and  education  in  your  profession 
are  frequently  not  the  rewards  that  follow  the  prosecution  of  other 
professions. 

I  have  always  had  a  warm  spot  in  my  heart  for  the  teachers  of 
this  State,  since  the  time  that  I  found,  when  I  was  in  public  office, 
that  they  were  among  the  most  aggressive  and  intelligent  leaders  of 
public  thought  on  the  great  questions  of  the  day.  When  I  was 
mayor  of  the  city  of  Chicago,  I  had  with  me,  in  sympathy  of  action, 
the  teachers  of  that  great  city,  in  the  effort  to  .bring  about  reforms 
of  momentous  importance. 

I  do  not  pretend  to  be  at  all  familiar  with  pedagogic  science, 
and  I  have  no  doubt,  if  I  were  able  to  spare  the  time  to  attend  all 
the  deliberations  of  your  conference,  that  I  might  be  most  intelli- 


486  DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

gently  instructed  upon  the  science  of  teaching,  but  the  press  of 
public  business  will  debar  me  from  availing  myself  of  the  oppor- 
tunities that  might  be  presented  by  attending  these  conferences. 

I  have  but  a  few  words  to  say  upon  a  topic,  which,  by  reason  of 
my  official  position,  I  have  been  compelled  to  express  myself  upon 
within  the  last  few  days. 

As  ex-officio  trustee  of  the  University  of  Illinois,  ,one  of  the 
greatest  institutions  of  learning  in  the  Northwest,  I  have  been  called 
upon  to  record  my  vote  on  the  question  as  to  whether  or  not  the 
university  should  provide  in  its  curriculum  for  a  series  of  lectures 
or  a  course  of  instruction  which  would  enable  the  teachers  of  this 
State  to  teach  sex  hygiene  to  the  pupils  of  the  State. 

On  this  question  I  hold  firm  views  as  a  husband  and  father, 
which  I  think  it  will  not  be  amiss  for  me  to  state  to  this  conference. 

If  the  teachers  of  this  State  are  to  be  prepared  for  the  giving 
of  lectures  or  instructions  upon  sex  hygiene,  it  contemplates  inevi- 
tably that  such  teaching  will  be  given  to  those  whom  they  are  to 
instruct.  Those  whom  they  are  to  instruct  are  almost  without  excep- 
tion children  of  tender  years. 

Owing  to  the  splendid  laws  which  have  prevailed  for  years 
in  this  State  favoring  education  for  the  young,  we  can  proudly 
now  boast  that  illiteracy  among  adults  is  almost  unknown.  You 
know,  and  I  know,  that  the  pupils  that  you  are  teaching,  arid  will 
teach,  are  children  in  the  grammar  schools  between  the  ages  cf 
0  and  15  years. 

The  proposition  to  teach  these  young  children  in  open  class 
the  secrets  of  sex  hygiene,  the  methods  of  reproduction  of  the 
species,  the  mysteries  of  the  organs  of  generation,  is,  to  rny  mind, 
as  a  husband  and  a  father,  a  horrible  mistake.  The  teachings 
of  the  Christian  and  Jewish  religions  inculcate  chastity  and 
modesty. 

Modesty  is  the  crowning  glory  of  girlhood  and  womanhood, 
and  the  teaching  of  such  subjects,  even  in  the  most  chaste  and 
guarded  language,  in  open  classroom  where  children  between  the 
ages  of  6  and  15  years  are  gathered  together,  in  my  humble  judg- 
ment, will  rob  girlhood  of  its  modesty  and  boyhood  of  its  decency 

There  is  a  time  in  the  life  of  the  young  boy  and  girl,  when 
that  boy  and  girl  should  be  warned  of  the  dangers  that  follow 
from  undue  intimacies  between  tne  sexes,  and  a  place  for  such 
instruction.  That  time  is  when  that  boy  or  girl  is  about  to  leave 
parental  control,  and  the  place  is  in  the  quiet  of  the  home  where 
the  father  or  mother  can  address  his  child  in  private,  and  open 
to  his  view  the  dangers  that  may  result  from  intimacies  between 
the  sexes. 


DUNNE JUDGE,    MAYOR,    GOVERNOR  487 

To  talk  out  in  the  open  in  the  public  schools,  in  the  presence 
of  girls  and  boys  of  the  same  age,  in  my  judgment,  will  not  be 
productive  of  protection  to  the  young,  but  will,  on  the  contrary, 
induce  at  that  age  a  prurient  curiosity  for  further  information 
which  the  children  will  procure  in  a  way  that  violates  all  modesty 
and  decency. 

In  my  view,  the  teaching  of  sex  hygiene  should  come  direct 
from  the  parents  of  the  child,  at  that  age  when  such  instruction 
becomes  absolutely  necessary,  and  should  not  be  committed  to  any 
one  else,  particularly  to  a  teacher  in  the  open  classroom.  I 
fjivor  instruction  upon  sex  hygiene  to  the  mothers  and  fathers 
of  the  land.  I  favor  the  printing  of  pamphlets  and  treatises 
and  that  they  be  placed  in  the  hands  of  fathers  and  mothers  of 
the  land.  I  favor  education  of  the  parents  to  impart  this  knowl- 
edge at  the  time  and  under  circumstances  when  it  becomes  abso- 
lutely necessary.  This  can  be  done  without  violating  the  rules 
of  modesty  and  decency.  The  teachers  of  the  State  have  enough 
in  their  curriculum  at  the  present  time  to  fully  occupy  their 
time,  and  to  place  upon  their  shoulders  the  responsibility  of  im- 
parting sex  secrets  to  children  in  the  open  classroom,  in  my  judg- 
mont,  would  be  a  blunder  and  mistake. 

Again  let  me  wish  you  the  successful  and  fruitful  conference. 
My  earnest  good  wishes  go  out  to  the  teachers  of  the  State  of 
Illinois. 


488  DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 


ON  THE  OPENING  OF  THE  NEW  YEAR. 

STATEMENT  TO  THE  PUBLIC,  DECEMBER  31,  1913. 

The  new  year  opens  auspiciously. 

For  years  an  agitation  has  been  carried  on  throughout  the 
country  for  the  reduction  of  the  tariff  upon  imports,  which  agita- 
tion lias  kept  business  in  an  unsettled  condition. 

Within  the  last  few  months  the  new  tariff  law  reducing  the 
tariff  on  most  imports  has  been  placed  upon  the  Federal  statute 
books.  This  was  done  after  mature  deliberation,  and  with  full 
notice  to  the  community.  Now  business  can  adjust  itself  to  the 
requirements  of  the  new  law,  and  business  men  can  develop  their 
enterprises  upon  the  basis  of  that  new  law. 

Financial  panics  heretofore,  resulting  from  the  inelasticity 
and  stringency  of  the  money  markets,  has  occasioned  widespread 
financial  distress. 

The  new  currency  act,  just  placed  upon  the  Federal  statute 
books  after  mature  deliberation  and  ample  opportunity  for  dis- 
cussion, as  the  result  of  which  many  concessions  were  made  to 
meet  the  requirements  of  banking,  has  now  become  crystallized 
into  law,  and  the  effect  of  this  law,  it  i&  even- conceded  by  bank- 
ers, is  to  provide  against  the  inelasticity  of  the  currency  which 
has  heretofore  been  the  cause  of  such  panics,  and  will  provide 
means  and  methods  for  avoiding  most  of  these  financial  troubles. 

We  are  at  peace  with  the  world. 

The  course  of  the  administration  in  dealing  with  the  Mexican 
question  indicates  that  we  cannot  be  provoked  into  a  warlike  con- 
troversy with  our  sister  republic  of  the  south. 

The  Mexicans,  owing  to  their  unfortunate  internecine  war- 
fare, have  well  nigh  reached  the  limit  of  endurance.  Peace  will 
soon  again  come  to  this  unhappy  land.  In  any  event  there  is 
no  likelihood  of  war  between  Mexico  and  the  United  States. 

Fortunately  we  are  more  than  ordinarily  free  from  .the 
struggles  between  capital  and  labor.  In  the  Calumet  region  alone 
is  there  disorder  and  discontent.-  Let  us  hope  that  both  sides 
to  this  controversy  will  soon  display  the  spirit  of  conciliation 
and  concession,  and  put  an  end  to  this  unfortunate  blot  upon  the 
industrial  situation  of  the  day.  It  is  high  time,  unless  they  show 
disposition  so  to  do,  for  a  thorough  investigation  to  be  made  as 
to  the  causes  of  this  controversy,  and  vigorous  effort  should  be 
made  to  adjust  the  trouble. 


DUNNE JUDGE,  MAYOR,  GOVERNOR  489 


ON  THE  ADMINISTRATION  OF 
PRESIDENT  WILSON. 

ADDRESS  TO  DEMOCRATIC  STATE  CONVENTION,  SPRINGFIELD,   1914. 

Fellow  Citizens: 

At  the  invitation  of  the  Democratic  State  Committee  it  gives 
me  great  pleasure  to  be  with  you  today  and  discuss  some  of  the 
important  issues  of  the  present  campaign. 

The  present  Democratic  Congress,  I  believe,  has  given  the  finest 
exhibition  of  unswerving  duty  and  loyalty  to  public  interest  of  any 
Congress  in  history.  Since  the  fourth  of  March,  1913,  the  members 
of  the  Senate  and  House  of  Kepresentatives,  at  the  call  of  our  great 
patriotic  President  and  leader  of  the  Democratic  party,  have  re- 
mained in  continuous  session,  loyally  upholding  the  hands  of  the 
President  in  carrying  out  the  great  reforms  pledged  by  the  Demo- 
cratic party  during  the  campaign  of  1912. 

Throughout  the  long,  hot,  trying  months  of  midsummer,  when 
the  rest  of  us  were  endeavoring  to  take  a  little  respite  from  the  heat 
and  prostration  incident  to  an  American  summer,  our  brilliant, 
eloquent  and  industrious  Democratic  Senator  and  Democratic  Con- 
gressmen from  this  State,  at  the  call  of  the  President,  with  great 
personal  discomfort,  and  often  at  great  risk  to  their  health,  remained 
at  Washington,  crystallizing  Democratic  pledges  and  Democratic 
policies  into  national  law. 

Never  was  more  loyal  support  given  to  a  President  by  his  party 
than  has  been  the  support  given  by  our  representative,  Senator 
Lewis,  in  the  upper  House,  and  by  our  splendid  representatives  in 
the  lower  House  of  Congress.  Today  and  during  the  whole  of  this 
campaign  those  loyal  friends  of  the  people  remain  in  their  seats  in 
Congress,  neglecting  their  own  interests  of  reelection  for  the  benefit 
of  the  people.  Under  such  circumstances,  and  at  such  a  time,  it 
behooves  therefore  every  Democrat  who  believes  in  the  policies  of 
President  Wilson  and  the  Democratic  party  to  do  all  he  can  to 
secure  the  election  of  our  Democratic  candidates  for  the  Senate  and 
the  lower  House. 

The  Democratic  party  has  been  enthroned  in  power  in  Wash- 
ington and  throughout  most  of  the  states  for  the  last  eighteen 
months,  and  today  that  party  presents  a  record  to  the  people  for 


490  DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

its  approval  or  disapproval.  What  the  verdict  will  be,  I  believe 
admits  of  no  doubt.  It  is  a  record  of  achievement  seldom  displayed 
by  any  party  in  so  short  a  period.  When  the  Democratic  party, 
under  President  Wilson,  took  office  on  the  fourth  of  March,  1913, 
it  was  confronted  with  the  following  situation : 

First.  In  Mexico  there  were  commercial  and  industrial  dis- 
turbances and  war  inviting  international  complications.  A  usurper 
whose  only  credentials  were  the  assassination  of  a  duly  elected  presi- 
dent, demanded  recognition  as  the  accredited  ruler  of  the  nation 
and  a  Republican  administration  were  inclined  to  give  him  such 
recognition. 

Second.  There  was  a  long  standing  demand  ignored  by  Repub- 
lican administrations  for  an  income  tax  law,  which  demand  was 
overwhelmingly  reiterated  at  the  election  in  1912. 

Third.  An  imperative  demand  for  reform  currency  legislation, 
long  promised  and  never  given  by  Republican  administrations. 

Fourth.  The  public  demand  for  a  consistent  revision  of  the 
tariff  downward,  oft  promised  but  never  given  by  Republican  ad- 
ministrations. 

Fifth.  An  uncertain  and  unfortunate  condition  of  the  law  and 
administration  of  same  in  dealing  with  the  evil  practices  of  big 
business,  and  a  futile  effort  to.  control  the  trusts  and  monopolies 
of  the  country. 

To  these  were  added  within  recent  months  tremendous  and 
unexpected  problems  arising  out  of  the  awful  European  war  which 
interrupted  and  deranged  industrial  production,  commerce,  finance 
and  ocean  transportation  throughout  the  world.  How  have  these 
complications  been  met  during  the  eighteen  months  of  the  Demo- 
cratic administration?  Mark  the  result. 

First.  The  Mexican  situation  has  been  dealt  with  in  a  spirit 
of  firmness,  with  justice,  and  without  bluster.  We  have  avoided 
war  without  compromising  our  dignity  as  a  great  nation,  conserved 
American  blood  and  treasure,  avoided  international  complications 
and  set  the  Mexican  people  well  on  the  road  to  a  new  era  of  peace 
and  constitutionally  organized  government. 

Second.  An  equitable  income  tax  law  has  for  the  first  time  been 
placed  on  the  statute  books,  and  is  being  impartially  enforced,  thus 
securing  from  the  wealthy  and  powerful,  for  the  first  time  in  Ameri- 
can history,  reasonable  and  proportionate  contributions  to  the  bur- 
dens of  government. 

Third.  A  currency  law  that  meets  with  practically  universal  ap- 
proval enacted  and  now  in  process  of  being  put  into  effect,  cordially 
assented  to  by  the  bankers  and  the  whole  community. 

Fourth.  Antitrust  laws  are  being  enforced  with  a  single  eye  to 
ending  bad  practices,  not  merely  for  the  sham-battle  purpose  of 


DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,    GOVERNOR  491 

" making  a  record,"  and  new  legislation  to  correct  obscurities  and 
inconsistencies  in  the  old  antitrust  laws. 

Fifth.  Dollar  diplomacy  in  the  State  Department  has  been  abol- 
ished by  our  great  Secretary  of  State,  and  the  doctrine  of  human 
rights  substituted  therefor. 

Sixth.  We  have  revised  the  tariff  downward  on  the  necessities 
of  life  pursuant  to  our  campaign  pledge  of  1912. 

Seventh.  The  dangerous  and  insidious  lobby  which  has  haunted 
the  halls  of  Congress  for  decades  past  has  been  driven  out  of  the 
Capitol. 

Eighth.  The  Panama  Canal  has  been  completed  and  opened  to 
the  commerce  of  the  world. 

Ninth.  By  law,  the  great  national  treasure  house  of  Alaska  is 
being  opened  up  and  nationally-owned  railroads  authorized  and  a 
survey  therefor  begun. 

Tenth.  Popular  election  of  United  States  Senators  has  been 
made  effective. 

Eleventh.  Two  great  railway  strikes  have  been  averted  by 
arbitration  and  the  coal  strike  settled. 

Twelfth.  The  telephone  and  telegraph  trusts  have  been  dis- 
solved. 

Thirteenth.  The  parcel  post  has  been  extended  and  made 
cheaper  to  the  people. 

Fourteenth.  Express  rates  and  charges  have  been  reduced  as 
the  result  of  national  competition. 

Fifteenth.  More  remedial  .labor  legislation  has  been  enacted 
upon  request  of  laboring  men  than  was  ever  enacted  by  all  previous 
Republican  administrations. 

Sixteenth.  The  problems  and  situations  suddenly  arising  from 
the  European  war  have  been  met  .firmly,  promptly  and  patriotically. 
The  country  has  been  preserved  from  a  financial  crisis..  War  insur- 
ance for  American  cargoes  has  been  provided,  and  legislation  has 
been  enacted  that  will  re-create  the  American  merchant  marine  and 
again  place  the  American  flag  upon  the  high  seas  of  the  world. 

Thanks  to  the  prompt  and  intelligent  action  of  a  great  peace- 
loving  President  and  his  peace-loving  Secretary  of  State,  we  remain 
at  peace  with  all  the  world.  We  have  laid  the  foundation  for  bring- 
ing about  peace  between  the  warring  nations  and  we  have  success- 
fully consummated  as  a  standing  monument  to  the  constructive 
genius  of  the  Democratic  party,  twenty-five  treaties  of  peace  and 
arbitration  between  this  Republic  and  twenty-five  other  nations, 
comprising  within  their  boundaries  over  two-thirds  of  the  popula- 
tion of  the  globe. 

This  is  the  record  of  eighteen  months  of  a  Democratic  adminis- 
tration. Where  in  the  history  of  American  Presidents  can  we  find 
so  extraordinary  a  record  in  so  short  a  time? 


492  DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

In  addition  to  these  accomplishments,  the  President  and  the 
Democratic  Congress  are  now  engaged  seriously,  studiously  and 
conservatively  in  amending  the  antitrust  legislation  of  the  Nation 
in  such  a  way  as  to  protect  legitimate  industries  against  the  curse 
of  monopoly. 

Upon  this  record  the  Democratic  party  stands  and  asks  the 
approval  of  the  people  of  the  United  States.  The  Democratic  Con- 
gressmen of  this  State  unselfishly  remain  at  Washington,  leaving 
the  verdict  to  your  just  and  impartial  consideration. 

A  vote  for  our  candidate  for  the  United  States  Senate  and  the 
Democratic  candidates  for  Congress  is  a  vote  of  endorsement  of  the 
President.  A  vote  against  them  is  a  repudiation  of  this  splendid 
record  of  the  Democratic  party. 

Two  years  ago  you  placed  in  power  in  the  State  and  in  the 
Nation  President  Wilson  and  your  Democratic  representatives  in 
Congress.  After  eighteen  months  of  constant  session  they  have 
placed  before  you  this  record.  Can  there  be  any  doubt  in  the  mind 
of  any  clear-minded  citizen,  no  matter  to  what  party  he  may  be- 
long, as  to  what  should  be  the  verdict  of  the  people? 

Do  you  favor  revision  of  the  tariff  downward?  If  so,  the 
Democrats  have  revised  it  downward.  Already  in  wholesale  prices 
the  effect  of  that  tariff  is  being  felt,  and  long  before  the  next  Presi- 
dential election  retail  prices  will  demonstrate  the  efficiency  and 
wisdom  of  that  revision  downward. 

Do  you  favor  the  imposition  of  an  income  tax?  Nearly  every 
civilized  country  on  earth  has  such  a  tax,  and  yet  the  Kepublican 
party  for  sixteen  years  had  prevented  the  enactment  of  this  wise 
and  just  law.  If  you  favor  an  income  tax,  the  Democratic  party, 
for  the  first  time  in  American  history,  has  placed  it  effectively  upon 
the  statute  books.  The  income  tax  law  is  a  law  which  compels  the 
rich  to  pay  their  fair  share  of  the  burdens  of  running  the  Govern- 
ment. Why  should  they  not  ? 

Do  you  favor  legislation  \vhich  will  abolish  financial  panics? 
If  so,  the  Democratic  party  has  given  it  to  you.  For  one-half 
century  under  Republican  rule,  we  have  been  periodically  visited 
with  financial  crashes  as  the  result  of  an  unwise  and  unskilful 
condition  of  the  currency  laws,  under  which  the  bankers  of  Wall 
Street  concentrated  all  the  wealth  of  the  country  in  the  hands  of 
a  few.  The  new  currency  law  enacted  by  the  Democratic  party 
is  admitted  by  the  bankers  themselves  to  be  of  so  wise  and  com- 
prehensive a  character  as  to  prevent  the  concentration  of  this 
wealth  in  the  future  as  it  has  been  in  the  past,  and  permits  the 
bankers  of  the  country  to  obtain  relief  in  case  of  stringency  by 
pledging  their  assets  in  the  hands  of  the  general  Government. 


DUNNE— JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  493 

During  Republican  administrations  the  great  financial  powers 
were  in  the  habit  of  making  loans  to  the  smaller  nations  and  in 
forcing  the  collection  of  these  loans  by  Federal  gunboats.  This 
utilization  of  governmental  power  as  a  debt  collecting  agency  has 
stopped.  Human  rights  instead  of  dollars  are  now  the  interests 
protected  by  our  Department  of  State.  % 

For  decades  past,  under  Republican  rule  that  party  and  its 
representatives  have  been  coerced  and  intimidated  by  the  great 
interests  into  passing  laws  favoring  gigantic  corporations  and 
combines.  For  that  purpose  these  great  interests  during  Repub- 
lican rule  have  maintained  permanently  in  the  Capitol  a  danger- 
ous and  insidious  lobby,  which  has  exerted  tremendous  and  malign 
power  upon  the  law-making  machinery  of  the  Republic.  That 
lobby  the  Democratic  party  has  driven  from  the  Capitol,  and 
exposed  to  the  sunlight  of  investigation.  The  third 'House  has 
been  abolished,  and  I  trust  forever. 

Under  Republican  rule  it  was  the  policy  to  permit  the  natural 
resources  of  newly  developed  territories  to  be  given  away  and 
monopolized  by  the  great  interests  or  to  tie  them  up  so  as  to 
place  them  beyond  the  reach  of  ordinary  settlers.  The  Demo- 
cratic party  has  compelled  a  change  in  this  procedure,  particu- 
larly in  reference  to  the  tremendous  riches  lately  discovered  in 
Alaska.  It  has  moreover  authorized  the  building  of  the  first 
nationally  owned  railroad  to  develop  and  lay  bare  those  great 
riches  for  the,  common  use  and  benefit  of  all  prospectors  and 
settlers,  and  today  American  engineers  are  penetrating  into  the 
interior  of  Alaska,  laying  out  the  line  of  that  great  railroad. 

Under  Democratic  rule  we  have  made  effective  the  popular 
vote  for  United  States  Senator.  The  last  senatorial  deadlock 
has  taken  place  in  the  State  of  Illinois.  The  people  have  been 
given  the  right  to  vote  directly  for  their  Senators  and  no  more 
will  we  hear  of  the  scandalous  intrigues  which  have  heretofore 
frequently  disgraced  the  different  states  in  the  election  of  United 
States  Senators. 

But  above  all  the  things  accomplished  by  the  Democratic 
party  has  been  the  preservation  of  peace  between  this  country  and 
all  oth^r  nations. 

When  the  Republican  party  went  out  of  power  there  was  a 
very  difficult  and  delicate  situation  existing  between  this  Republic 
and  the  Empire  of  Japan,  which  it  was  feared  for  a  time  might 
develop  into  warfare  between  the  nations.  Our  great  Secretary 
of  State  has  so  conducted  the  diplomacy  of  this  Government  in 
dealing  with  Japan  that  all  danger  of  war  has  now  been  averted 
and  a  good  will  and  harmony  exist  between  the  two  countries. 


494  DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

In  Mexico,  internal  war  was  raging  and  private  property 
interests  of  great  magnitude  were  demanding  the  recognition  of 
a  usurper  and  assassin  to  the  furtherance  of  their  own  selfish 
interests.  To  the  credit  of  this  country  President  Wilson  took 
the  stand  that  no  government  which  had  been  erected  upon  the 
ruins  of  constitutional  government  by  the  weapons  of  assassins 
should  receive  recognition  as  a  de  facto  government,  and  when 
uniformed  Mexican  bravos  imprisoned  our  marines  without  justi- 
fication and  flouted  our  flag,  he  refused  to  be  forced  into  a  decla- 
ration of  war  with  a  sister  republic,  even  though  that  sister  re- 
public could  have  been  crushed  like  an  eggshell  by  our  armed 
forces. 

Wisely  and  prudently  he  avoided  war.  He  seized  a  maritime 
port  of  Mexico  and  held  it  until  time  could  be  given  to  that  dis- 
tracted republic  to  compose  its  affairs  and  then  apologize  for  the 
injury  done.  To  seize  this  port  in  the  assertion  of  dignity  of 
the  American  flag  and  to  hold  it  until  a  proper  amend  could  be 
.  made  has  averted  a  great  war,  and  has  cost  the  United  States 
but  $6,000,000.00. 

Contrast  this,  my  friends,  with  the  spectacle  of  events  now 
presented  to  us  in  Europe.  Day  after  day  the  unfortunate  na- 
tions now  engaged  in  this  insane  war  are  spending  $50,000,000.00 
a  day,  and  at  least  500,000  corpses  are  now  buried  in  trenches 
upon  the  battlefields  as  a  tribute  to  the  Moloch  of  war.  Half  a 
million  of  widows  and  orphans  are  being  deprived  of  their  means 
of  support,  and  the  end  is  not  yet. 

Thank  God,  during  the  last  six  months  we  have  had  a  man  in 
the  White  House  who  was  a  disciple  of  the  Prince  of  Peace. 

Let  ITS  now  turn  to  the  Democratic  administration  of  the  State 
to  see  what  it  has  accomplished  and  whether  or  not  it  has  been 
loyal  to  public  interests  and  faithful  to  the  trust  reposed  in  it. 

Although  you  elected  a  Democratic  Governor  by  the  huge 
plurality  of  about  125,000,  a  Republican  gerrymander  of  legis- 
lative districts,  made  when  they  held  absolute  control  of  the  law- 
making  power  of  the  State,  prevented  you  from  obtaining  a  legis- 
lative majority  in  either  House  of  the  Legislature.  Nevertheless, 
a  Democratic  Governor  pressed  upon  both  Houses  many  great 
reforms  demanded  by  the  people,  and  by  demanding  a  record  vote 
thereon  succeeded  in  getting  most  of  these  reforms  into  the 
statutes  of  the  State.  The  Governor  in  his  inaugural  message 
recommended  the  following  reforms  which  are  now  a  part  of  the 
law  of  the  land : 

First.  Ratification  of  the  amendment  to  the  Federal  Constitu- 
tion providing  for  the  election  of  United  States  Senators  by  the 
direct  vote  of  the  people. 


DUNNE JUDGE,    MAYOR,    GOVERNOR  495 

Second.  The  creation  of  a  public  utilities  act  under  which  a 
commission  has  complete  and  absolute  control  of  the  great  public 
utilities  of  the  State,  and  is  enforcing  rules  and  regulations  for 
the  thorough  portection  of  the  people. 

Third.  Placing  upon  the  statute  books  an  act  permitting  every 
city  in  the  State  of  Illinois  to  own  or  operate  or  lease  public 
utilities  of  any  and  all  descriptions. 

Fourth.  The  employment  of  convicts  in  building  public  roads. 
Pursuant  to  this  act  such  convicts  are  now  being  generously 
utilized  in  upbuilding  the  State  highways. 

Fifth.  The  founding  of  an  epileptic  colony  for  the  care  of 
these  unfortunates. 

Sixth.  The  rotation  of  names  upon  the  ballot  for  all  State 
officers.  • 

Seventh.  The  creation  of  a  legislative  reference  bureau  for  the 
collection  of  data  on  economic  and  sociological  subjects  for  the 
purpose  of  furnishing  complete  information  to  the  people  and  to 
members  of  the  Legislature  upon  all  legislative  topics. 

Eighth.  The  creation  of  an  Efficiency  and  Economy  Committee 
that  has  been  assiduously  engaged  in  devising  methods  for  the 
consolidation  of  State  departments  and  commissions  and  pro- 
curing retrenchment  of  expenses. 

Ninth.  The  placing  upon  the  statute  books  of  a  practical  road- 
making  law  in  the  State  of  Illinois,  unde.r  which  we  are  now  vigor- 
ously engaged  in  the  upbuilding  of  the  roads  of  the 'State. 

Tenth.  The  enactment  of  a  law  requiring  the  semimonthly 
payment  of  wages  and  salaries  by  all  corporations  in  the  State. 

Eleventh.  The  abolition  of  the  frauds  and  scandals  in  the  fish 
and  game  department,  and  the  consolidation  of  these  departments  so 
as  to  give  sufficient  fish  and  game  protection. 

In  addition  to  the  above  the  present  administration  has 
enacted  and  is  now  enforcing  an  excellent  workmen's  compen- 
sation act,  which  provides  for  definite  reward  to  injured 
employes. 

It  has  amended  the  mechanics'  lien  law  so  as  to  give  a  sub- 
contractor a  lien  on  a  building  for  labor  and  material  furnished. 

It  has  enacted  laws  providing  for  greater  safety  in  mining 
operations,  and  has  further  developed  the  establishment  of  rescue 
stations  to  relieve  miners  from  the  dangers  incident  to  that  great 
industry. 

It  has  enacted  a  law  permitting  the  organization  of  corpora- 
tions for  loaning  money  by  wage  assignment  and  limiting  the 
rate  of  interest  or  compensation  therefor. 

It  has  placed  upon  the  statute  books  a  law  which  requires  the 
owners  of  coal  mines,  mills  and  foundries  and  other  work-shops 


496  DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

to  maintain  sanitary  washrooms,  convenient  to  the  place  of  em- 
ployment, for  the  use  of  employes,  and  passed  many  other  laws 
in  the  interest  of  the  whole  people. 

It  has,  moreover,  changed  the  whole  course  of  treatment 
for  the  wards  of  the  State.  In  the  penal  institutions,  reform 
and  not  vengeance  has  been  the  watchword. 

Under  the  Democratic  administration  in  the  charitable  in- 
stitutions of  the  State  extensive  building  operations  are  now  in 
progress,  which  will  provide  adequate  room  for  the  patients 
and  proper  accommodations  for  the  employes. 

It  has  humanized  and  civilized  the  State  institutions  of  Illi- 
nois by  abolishing  corporal  punishment  in  all  those  institutions 
having  to  do  with  the  care  and  training  of  children  by  abolishing 
all  mechanical  restraint  and  all  brutality  in  the  handling  of  the 
patients  in  the  State  hospitals,  and  by  adopting  and  instituting 
the  eight-hour  system  for  the  benefit  of  the  employes. 

My  fellow  citizens,  consider  these  facts.  Take  them  home 
with  you.  Appeal  to  your  own  conscience,  and  ask  yourselves  if 
such  a  glorious  record  made  by  a  Democratic  President  and  a 
Democratic  party  should  not  receive  the  commendation  and  sup- 
port, not  only  of  Democrats,  but  of  all  fair-minded  citizens.  If 
you  think  it  does,  and  I  know  you  will,  you  will  see  to  it  that  that 
splendid  record  is  sustained  by  going  to  the  polls  next  month  and 
voting  for  the  Democratic  nominees  who  are  pledged  to  support 
President  Wilson — Mr.  Sullivan  for  the  Senate,  and  the  Demo- 
cratic candidates  for  the  House. 

I  further  trust  you  will  vote  for  your  Democratic  nominees 
for  the  State  Legislature  and  assist  a  Democratic  Governor  to 
place  upon  the  statute  books  the  measures  demanded  by  the  plat- 
form of  the  Democratic  party  in  Illinois. 


DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,    GOVERNOR  497 


SHELBY  M.  CULLOM. 

ADDRESS  BY  GOVERNOR  AT  MEMORIAL  SERVICES  IN  HOUSE  OF 
EEPRESENTATIVES,  JANUARY,  1914. 

Man  dies  but  his  memory  lives.  His  material  part  dissolves 
and  decays;  his  spiritual  and  intellectual  elements  survive  and 
endure. 

All  that  was  mortal  of  Shelby  M.  Cullom  lies  before  us  helpless 
and  inert.  The  spiritual  and  intellectual  record  of  his  past  lies 
before  us  vigorous  and  forceful. 

It  falls  to  the  lot  of  few  men  to  have  their  lives  so  long  and 
so  prominently  woven  into  the  history  of  his  state  and  country  as 
was  the  life  of  Senator  Cullom. 

To  fewer  still  does  it  fall  to  leave  behind  him  after  such  a  life 
so  fragrant  and  wholesome  a  memory.  For  over  half  a  century  he 
held  public  office  continuously  down  to  the  hour  of  his  death. 

During  that  half  century  parties  were  born  and  died,  policies 
of  government  changed,  leaders  rose  and  fell,  party  ties  were  broken 
and  realigned,  and  during  that  half  century  this  man  living  con- 
tinuously in  one  small  county,  by  his  force  of  character,  lovable 
disposition,  and  above  all,  by  his  irreproachable  integrity,  secured 
and  retained  the  confidence  and  respect  of  the  people  of  a  great 
State,  who  kept  him  amidst  all  the  vicissitudes  of  political  warfare 
in  positions  of  the  highest  dignity  and  responsibility. 

His  was  not  the  blazing  light  of  the  flaring  comet  which  daz- 
zles the  eye  and  soon  is  lost  in  darkness,  but  the  steady,  sober  light 
of  the  heavenly  star  which  shines  throughout  the  long  years  with 
unvarying  purity  and  splendor. 

The  secret  of  Senator  Cullom 's  marvelous  hold  upon  his  fellow 
citizens  is  easily  understood.  No  man  has  ever  succeeded  in  retain- 
ing the  confidence  of  the  public  for  any  great  length  of  time  unless 
the  public  were  convinced  of  his  integrity. 

Brilliant  men  have  arisen  in  public  life  in  this  and  every  other 
country  by  sheer  force  of  their  intellectual  strength.  For  a  time 
they  have  succeeded  in  arousing  and  holding  the  admiration  of  their 
fellow  men,  but  no  man,  however  brilliant  he  may  be,  has  ever  suc- 
ceeded in  keeping  himself  in  positions  of  public  trust  and  honor 
unless  he  had  that  first  essential  of  a  successful  statesman,  inbred 
honesty. 


498  DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

If  a  flaw  be  .found  in  the  armor  of  that  integrity,  the  people 
will  drive  such  a  man  from  public  life.  Jefferson  once  said,  "That 
the  whole  art  of  government  consists  in  the  art  of  being  honest," 
and  that  is  the  reason,  in  my  judgment,  why  Senator  Cullom  was 
so  adept  in  the  art  of  government. 

I  knew  him  not,  personally.  I  differed  with  him,  as  many  have, 
on  political  issues.  I  believed  his  party  erred  repeatedly,  and  that 
he  erred  with  his  party,  but  as  I  look  over  his  long  career  I  cannot 
find  a  time  when  I  ever  believed  that  he  Was  dishonest  in  his  votes, 
or  in  the  advocacy  of  his  party  principles. 

All  men  in  public  life  are  subjected  to  fierce  criticism  by  their 
political  enemies,  and  he  did  not  escape  it.  Most  of  this  criticism 
is,  as  a  rule,  unjust,  and  actuated  by  party  rancor,  but  no  critic  that 
I  have  ever  read  or  heard  during  the  one-half  century  of  his  po- 
litical life  ever  questioned  Senator  Cullom 's  integrity. 

For  thirty  years  he  was  a  member  of  an  exalted  body  of  legis- 
lators, where  opulence  was  the  rule  and  a  moderate  competency  the 
exception.  He  had  before  him  the  temptations  thrown  around  every 
man  in  public  life.  He  became  intimately  acquainted  with  the  ease 
and  luxury  which  wealth  produces,  and  which  makes  other  men 
envious  of  such  possessions,  and  yet  this  man  lived  and  died  com- 
paratively a  poor  man,  which  is  the  best  test  of  integrity  and  devo- 
tion to  duty. 

May  this  life  of  integrity  which  he  led  and  this  reputation 
which  he  leaves  behind  him  be  an  incentive  to  the  public  men  of 
the  day,  and  of  the  days  to  come,  to  devote  their  lives  as  he  did  to 
their  country's  welfare,  without  price  or  reward,  except  such  as  is 
given  by_the  law  of  the  land. 

His  friends  and  relatives  have  the  consolation  of  knowing  that 
he  left  behind  him  a  heritage  greater  and  grander  than  all  earthly 
riches — the  heritage  of  an  honest  name  ahd  a  record  of  duty  done. 

The  State  of  Illinois  numbers  among  its  illustrious  sons  the 
names  of  many  whom  history  would  record  among  the  Nation's 
great.  The  name  of  Lincoln  is  titanic.  The  names  of  Douglas, 
Yates,  Oglesby,  Logan  and  Altgeld  will  go  down  in  history,  not 
only  among  the  great  men  of  Illinois,  but  among  the  great  men  of 
the  American  Nation,  and  in  the  long  roster  of  the  names  of  which 
Illinois  feels  proud,  and  which  she  has  given  to  the  American  Nation 
let  us  now  record,  as  he  sleeps  in  his  grave,  the  name  of  Shelby 
M.  Cullom. 


DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,    GOVERNOR  49b 


PROGRESS  IN  ILLINOIS'  CONSERVA- 
TION. 

STATEMENT  FOR  LESLIE'S  ILLUSTRATED  WEEKLY,  1914. 

Illinois  is  the  richest  chamber  in  the  heart  of  the  corn  belt. 
Twenty-third  in  size  among  the  states  of  the  Union,  it  is  first  in 
agricultural  wealth  and  production,  third  in  population,  in  mineral 
wealth,  and  in  manufacture. 

The  Illinois  farmer  has  learned,  not  only  how  to  produce 
great  crops,  but  how  to  continue  to  produce  them ;  in  other  words, 
to  make  the  agriculture  of  the  State  permanent. 

In  1912,  the  corn  crop  of  Illinois  was  worth  $108,827,882. 
The  hogs  marketed  brought  $15,005,254,  the  beef  cattle 
$20,806,811.  The  value  of  the  dairy  herds  and  the  milk  sold  in 
1912  amounted  to  $17,877,563,  while  over  four  million  dollars 
jingled  their  welcome  way  into  the  pockets  of  the  citizens  of  the 
State  from  the  sale  of  cream  and  butter.  Apples,  oats,  rye,  truck 
gardening,  all  contributed  to  swell  the  agricultural  wealth  of  the 
State  to  its  grand  total  of  $3,903,321,000.  What  this  means  one 
hard  fact  proves;  in  1900,  the  shrewd  investor  looking  for  a 
chance  to  double  his  dollars,  was  willing  to  pay  on  an  average 
$46.17  an  acre  for  Illinois  land.  A  decade  later  an  acre  of  this 
same  land  looked  to  him  worth  $95.02. 

Evidently  the  Illinois  farmer  is  not  snatching  from  the  soil 
the  fertility  meant  to  last  for  generations.  Intelligent  farming, 
which  means  farming  in  as  well  as  farming  out,  is  beginning  to 
be  regarded  in  a  very  definite  and  large  way  as  a  matter  of  public 
duty  as  Avell  as  private  policy. 

Phosphorus  and  nitrogen  are  being  restored  to  soils  that  the 
worn  out  conditions  of  many  farm  lands  in  the  east  may  never  be 
duplicated  here;  limestone  is  being  used  extensively  to  sweeten 
acid  soils,  and  lands  hitherto  thought  worthless  are  yielding  up 
to  seventy  bushels  of  corn  per  acre  by  the  addition  of  the  single 
element,  potassium. 

Therefore,  wealth  in  farm  resources  is  not  alone  the  condition 
in  Illinois.  There  is  wealth  in  resources  plus  intelligence  in  their 
conservation. 

The  same  reasonableness,  willingness  to  accept  the  responsi- 
bilities of  riches  as  well  as  the  pleasures,  marks  the  policy  of  the 


500  DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

State  in  other  lines  than  agriculture.  A  few  years  ago  there 
was  established  a  State  Geological  Survey  which  makes  an  in 
veritory  of  the  developed  and  undeveloped  mineral  resources  and 
acts  as  a  free  information  bureau  for  land  owners  and  investors. 
Thus  a  prospective  buyer  hardly  can  get  cheated  in  a  mine  invest- 
ment, notwithstanding  his  willingness.  Also  in  the  mines,  Illinois 
not  only  provides  work  for  100,000  men,  she  provides  protection 
for  them.  Illinois  is  the  only  State  to  have  mine  rescue  stations, 
where  mine  rescue  cars  are  always  in  readiness  to  respond  to  a 
call  for  help  within  the  districts  they  cover.  In  1911  the  minerals 
produced  in  Illinois  exceeded  in  value  $145,524,000. 

In  manufacturing  interests  Illinois  is  the  most  important 
State  west  of  the  Alleghenies.  The  gross  value  of  the  products* 
of  manufacturing  amount  to  $1,919,277,000  yearly.  There  are 
over  18,000  manufacturing  establishments,  giving  employment  to 
561,000  persons,  and,  during  the  year  1909,  the  sum  of  $364,- 
768,000  was  paid  out  in  salaries  and  wages. 

Probably  nowhere  does  education  come  more  easily  to  tht> 
youth  than  in  this  State  where  Lincoln  longed  with  solemn  pas- 
sion for  knowledge  and  obtained  it  so  hardly.  It  is  as  if  the 
denial  of  that  great  soul  were  projected  into  wood  and  stone. 
The  rural  schools,  so  often  doomed  to  shameful  neglect,  are  re- 
ceiving their  share  of  attention,  and  are  being  forced  to  fit  them- 
selves into  the  life  of  the  times.  At  present  there  are  rural  schools 
and  rural  township  high  schools  that  are  models  of  their  kind.  They 
teach  the  boy  agriculture,  the  girl  household  science.  Under- 
standing kills  apathy  and  no  more  ..do  they  find  their  daily  tasks 
dull  drudgery.  Nor  will  such  education  in  the  least  interfere 
with  the  development  of  some  potential  Milton  or  Romney;  and 
should  one  appear  that  should  hitch  his  chariot  to  a  star,  his  har- 
ness will  not  be  nearly  so  likely  to  break,  if  he  has  an  under- 
standing of  life's  every  day  work. 

At  the  apex  of  the  educational  system  is  the  State  University 
which  offers  almost  limitless  opportunity  to  the  youth  of  ambition 
and  ability.  Nor  does  the  university  confine  itself  to  the  campus. 
It  has  gone  out  into  the  life  of  the  people  in  no  uncertain  way. 
As  an  instance,  there  is  the  soil  survey  which  is  making  a  survey 
of  all  the  soils  of  the  State.  When  it  is  completed,  a  farmer, 
merely  by  writing  a  letter,  can  find  out  the  condition  of  his  soil 
and  what  it  needs  for  increasing  and  making  permanent  its 
productivity. 

Also  the  State  Water  Survey,  located  at  the  University,  is 
noteworthy.  Water  from  any  place  in  the  State  is  analyzed  and 
advice  given,  if  it  is  unfit  for  use. 


DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,    GOVERNOR  501 

Illinois  has  a  State  Highway  Commission,  which  means  that 
the  people  are  interested  in  good  roads.  Good  roads  are  essential 
to  the  advancement  of  a  people. 

Few  states  exercise  more  complete  control  over  transporta- 
tion matters  than  Illinois.  The  Illinois  Public  Utility  Commis- 
sion now  exercises  as  much  power  in  Illinois  as  the  Interstate 
Commerce  Commission  exercises  over  interstate  commerce. 

in  the  care  and  conservation  of  its  wage  earner,  those  hum- 
ble toilers  upon  whom  this  great  prosperity  depends,  Illinois  has 
shown  humanity  and  foresight.  There  is  an  occupational  disease 
act,  the  first  of  its  kind  in  the  United  States;  there  is  a  work- 
men's compensation  act,  a  ten-hour  day  for  working  women  and 
intelligent  child  labor  legislation.  The  State  Board  of  Health 
ha.s  a  laboratory  created -and  maintained  for  the  early  diagnosis 
of  communicable  diseases.  It  offers  service  without  cost  to  the 
people  of  the  State  and  affords  early  and  accurate  diagnosis  in 
cases  of  diphtheria,  typhoid,  tuberculosis,  and  contagious  or  in- 
fectious diseases. 

Mention  should  be  made  of  the  intelligence  the  State  has  used 
in  the  care  of  its  unfortunates,  its  human  waste  that  unheeded 
will  finally  clog  progress.  A  single  instance  is  sufficient,  the  re- 
cent establishment  of  a  Psychopathic  Institute  for  the  education 
and  training  of  State  hospital  physicians  in  nervous  and  mental 
disorders  and  symptoms,  and  the  investigation  into  the  causes  of 
insanity,  with  the  purpose  of  discovering  cures  for  forms  of  in- 
sanity now  deemed  incurable.  Thus  one  of  the  evils  that  has 
come  with  the  good  of  our  high  tension  civilization  will  be  eradi- 
cated or  ameliorated,  if  science  can  do  it. 

After  this  it  need  hardly  be  said  that  as  a  place  of  residence 
Illinois  cannot  be  excelled.  Wealth  and  the  intelligent  vise  of 
wealth,  a  quickened  and  enlightened  public  conscience,  a  whole- 
some and  enthusiastic  belief  that  the  good  in  our  community  life 
far  outweighs  the  evil,  will  make  it  a  more  desirable  home-place 
with  every  passing  year. 


502  DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 


ON  THE  OWNERSHIP  OF  PUBLIC 
UTILITIES. 

ADDRESS  BEFORE  MEN  's  CLUB,  ENGLEWOOD,  JANUARY  12,  1904. 

Mr.  Chairman  and  Gentlemen: 

In  recent  years  perhaps  no  subject,  has  engrossed  so  much  of 
the  attention  of  the  public  in  great  cities  of  this  country,  and  in 
Chicago  particularly,  as  the  question  of  the  ownership  and  opera- 
tion by  the  public  of  public  utilities.  By  these  I  mean  street 
cars,  gas  works,  electric  light  plants,  telephones,  telegraphs,  rail- 
roads and  other  enterprises  the 'operation  of  which  requires  the 
possession  and  use  of  public  property. 

No  subject  is  of  more  vital  interest  to  the  inhabitants  of 
cities,  who  are  compelled,  day  by  day  and  year  by  year,  to  make 
use  of  and  pay  for  these  utilities,  whether  they  like  them  or  not. 

A  resident  of  a  city  may  dicker,  bargain  with  and  change  his 
butcher,  his  baker,  his  haberdasher,  his  tailor,  his  lawyer,  and  his 
doctor,  if  he  is  not  satisfied  with  his  services  or  his  charges,  but 
when  he  comes  to  pay  his  street  car  fare,  his  electric  light  or  tele- 
phone bill  there  is  room  for  neither  dicker,  trade  nor  change.  He 
must  stand  up  and  deliver,  no  matter  how  unreasonable  the 
charge  or  unsatisfactory  the  service. 

If  he  objects  to  the  street  car  service  or  its  price,  he  is  thrown 
off  the  car.  If  he  demurs  to  the  service  or  price  for  gas  or  elec- 
tric light,  it  is  shut  off.  If  he  criticises  his  telephone  bill  his 
'phone  is  pulled  out.  He  has  learned  by  experience  that  individ- 
ual protest  or  objection  is  unavailing. 

The  existence,  in  this  community  and  elsewhere,  in  cities,  of 
grave  arid  scandalous  abuses,  both  in  the  service  given  and  the 
prices  charged  for  such  utilities,  and  the  recognition  by  thous- 
ands of  the  utter  helplessness  of  citizens,  as  individuals,  to  help 
themselves  or  correct  these  evils,  which  have  become  over-bur- 
densome and  intolerable,  have  brought  about  in  many  of  the 
great  cities  of  the  world  a  great  unrest  and  public  agitation  for 
the  correction  of  these  intolerable  evils. 


DUNNE JUDGE,    MAYOR,    GOVERNOR  503 

THIS  IS  THE  SITUATION  IN  CHICAGO. 

In  this  city  today  a  citizen  is  charged  from  $40  to  $175  for 
the  annual  rent  of  a  telephone,  and  the  service  is  not  overgood  at 
that.  The  same  service  is  given  in  Stockholm,  Sweden,  for  $20 
a  year,  on  the  average ;  in  Christiana,  Norway,  for  $22  a  year,  on 
the  average ;  in  Trondhjem,  Norway,  for  $13.50  a  year,  on  the 
average ;  in  Berne  and  Zurich,  Switzerland,  for  $10  and  upward ; 
in  Berlin,  for  $36  per  annum;  in  Copenhagen,  from  $27  to  $48, 
and  in  Paris,  France,  for  $78. 

In  Chicago  today  we  are  paying  $1  per  thousand  feet  for 
gas,  which  has  been  sold  to  the  citizens  of  Hyde  Park,  in  this 
city,  up  to  three  years  ago,  for  many  years  past,  for  seventy-two 
cents  per  thousand. 

The  city  of  Glasgow  is  charging  fifty-two  cents  for  the  same 
kind  of  gas,  and  the  average  price  charged  by  all  cities  in  Eng- 
land operating  municipal  gas  plants  in  1897,  was  only  seventy- 
five  cents,  upon  which  price  the  municipalities  netted  eighteen 
and  one-third  cents  profit,  making  the  gas  cost  the  consumer 
only  fifty-six  cents  net. 

In  Chicago  today  electric  light  companies  charge  from  $105 
to  $125  per  annum  per  arc  lamp.  They  are  empowered  by  law 
to  sell  electric  light  to  private  consumers  all  over  the  city,  while 
the  city,  which  can  not  sell  light  to  private  consumers,  but  can 
only  produce  such  light  for  municipal  use,  is  producing  the  same 
for  $99  per  lamp. 

The  city  of  Detroit  is  producing  the  same  light  for  $61  per 
are  light ;  Aurora,  Illinois,  for  $50 ;  Elgin,  Illinois,  for  $50,  and 
Bay  City,  Michigan,  for  $52. 

In  Chicago  today  the  shortest  ride  a  man  can  take  on  the 
street  car  costs  him  five  cents,  and  then  he  rides  a  great  part  of 
the  way  hanging  to  a  strap,  most  of  the  time  in  a  dirty  car,  and 
always  during  the  rush  hours,  jammed,  jostled  and  jolted  about 
in  a  manner  that  is  irritating  to  his  fellow  passengers  and  inde- 
cent to  the  gentler  sex. 

The  fare  paid  in  other  great  cities  of  the  world,  outside  of 
the  United  States,  is  about  half  of  this  amount. 

In  most  other  American  cities  a  citizen  is  charged  the  same 
price  for  the  same  reason,  to-wit,  because  the  service  is  in  the 
hands  of  private  companies. 

This  state  of  facts  and  figures  in  Chicago,  and  this  state  of 
facts  and  figures  elsewhere  in  the  world,  has  caused,  is  causing 
and  will  cause  the  people  of  Chicago  to  endeavor  to  find  the 


504  DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

reason  for  this  situation  of  affairs,  this  discrepancy  in  the  cost 
of  such  necessaries  of  life,  and  when  the  cause  has  been  discov- 
ered, to  find  a  remedy. 

On  the  threshold  of  this  injury  the  people  of  Chicago  have 
discovered  that  all  these  public  utilities  furnished  to  the  citizens 
of  the  city  of  Chicago  are  owned  and  operated  by  private  cor- 
porations, organized  and  conducted  for  private  gain. 

On  stepping  over  the  threshold  into  the  vestibule  of  the  inves- 
tigation they  have  also  found  that  in  all  the  cities  above  men- 
tioned, where  public  utilities  were  furnished  at  a  cheaper  price, 
these -public  utilities  were  being  owned  and  operated  by  the  pub- 
lic— in  other  words,  by  the  municipalities  themselves. 

Must  or  must  we  not  conclude  that  the  difference  in  owner- 
ship and  operation  is  the  cause  of  the  wide  discrepancy  in  tho 
cost  of  these  absolutely  essential  necessaries  of  life  to  the  resi- 
dents of  cities? 

This  is  the  subject  for  consideration  by  you  and  me  today. 

If  it  be  found  upon  investigation  that  in  Chicago  and  other 
cities  where  these  public  utilities  are  furnished  by  private  per- 
sons or  corporations,  the  prices  charged  for  the  same  are  higher 
than  they  are  in  a  few  other  large  cities,  where  these  utilities  are 
furnished  by  public  corporations,  it  might  appear  upon  investi- 
gation that  the  different  prices  result  from  many  and  various 
causes. 

But  if  we  find  upon  investigation  that  private  corporations 
in  different  parts  of  the  world  and  under  varying  conditions 
nearly  always  charge  more  than  public  corporations  for  the  same 
service,  we  must  conclude  that  private  corporations  charge  exor- 
bitant prices,  and  that  it  is  to  the  interest  of  the  public  to  place 
the  production  of  their  utilities  in  the  hands  of  the  public 
authorities. 

According  to  the  official  report  of  the  American  consul  in 
Liverpool,  now  on  file  in  Washington,  dated  May  19,  1902,  we 
find: 

"There  are  now  in  Great  Britain  931  municipalities  owning 
waterworks;  99  owning  the  street  railways;  240  owning  the  gas 
works ;  and  181  supplying  electricity.  Municipalities  were  not 
allowed  to  work  tramways  until  1896.  It  is  estimated  that  half 
the  gas  users  in  England  use  municipal  gas." 

Among  the  municipalities  owning  and  operating  street  cars 
are  cities  ranging  from  4,000,000  to  50,000  inhabitants. 

In  Germany,  Wurtemberg,  Bavaria,  Bulgaria,  and  some  of 
the  Australian  states  all  telephones  are  owned  by  the  public.  In 
Switzerland  nearly,  if  not  all,  of  the  telephone  systems  are  owned 


DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,    GOVERNOR  505 

by  municipalities.  Many  of  the  municipalities  of  Norway  and 
Sweden  own  their  own  telephone  systems,  and  in  the  duchy  of 
Luxemburg  the  telephone  system  is  owned  and  operated  by  the 
duchy.  In  Holland  the  telephone  system  was  private  till  1896, 
when  the  leading  cities,  Amsterdam  and  Rotterdam,  secured 
franchises  for  municipal  plants.  In  France  the  telephone  was  in 
private  hands  till  1899,  when  the  government  took  possession  and 
reduced  rates.  Austria  and  Belgium  began  with  private  ex- 
changes and  afterward  adopted  public  ownership.  In  Denmark 
the  government  in  1898  assumed  control  of  the  telephone  busi- 
ness, reserving  the  power  to  fix  rates,  and  in  England  there  is 
a  decided  movement  from  private  to  public  ownership. 

Municipal  ownership  and  operation  is  now  practically  in 
force  in  the  following  great  cities  of  Great  Britain : 

London  (in  part)  Glasgow  Leeds 

Southampton  Nottingham  Liverpool 

Hull  Bradford  Blackburn 

Aberdeen  Sheffield  Huddersfield 

nearly  all  of  which  cities  have  a  population  of  from  100,000  to 
over  a  million. 

In  Milan,  Italy,  a  city  of  a  half  million,  the  city  owns  its 
gas  works  and  railways,  and  has  a  joint  interest  with  the  private 
corporation  in  the  net  proceeds  of  the  company.  In  Saxony  the 
gas  plant  is  owned  by  the  public.  In  Great  Britain  over  60  per 
cent  of  all  the  gas  consumers  are  served  by  publicly  owned  com- 
panies. Birmingham,  Glasgow,  Manchester,  Leicester,  Notting- 
ham, etc.,  own  their  own  gas  works. 

Let  us  now  examine  and  see  what  are  the  prices  charged 
in  these  different  countries  for  the  public  utilities  when  furnished 
by  public  corporations : 

TELEPHONES. 

Telephone  charges  in  the  United  States  are  three  times  the 
government  tariff  in  England,  and  also  three  times  the  charges 
permitted  by  the  government  in  France. 

In  Trondhjem,  Norway,  with  780  exchange  lines,  the  average 
rental  was  $13.25  a  year  per  'phone.  Subscribers  speak  to  eleven 
towns,  within  a  radius  of  fifty  miles,  for  five  minutes  for  five 
cents. 

Stockholm  has  an  average  of  $20  per  'phone,  and  communi- 
cation within  a  radius  of  forty-three  miles.  The  Bell  company, 
bought  out  by  the  government,  charged  $44  for  the  same  service. 


506  DUNNE JUDGE,  MAYOR,  GOVERNOR 

The  public  telephone  of  the  duchy  of  Luxemburg  (forty-four  by 
thirty  miles)  makes  a  uniform  yearly  charge  of  $16  for  each 
'phone,  and  each  subscriber  can  talk  all  over  the  duchy. 

In  Switzerland,  which  has  an  excellent  system  (metallic  cir- 
cuit), the  cities  make  a  moderate  charge  of  $8,  plus  one  cent  for 
each  call.  In  Zurich  and  other  cities  the  average  total  rate  is  $15 
per  'phone  per  year. 

In  Sweden  there  are  160  cooperative  telephone  exchanges, 
and  the  average  of  their  charges  is  .$10  per  'phone  per  year. 

GAS. 

In  England,  wherever  municipal  ownership  has  been  estab- 
lished, the  cost  of  gas  is  considerably  less  than  where  the  gas  is 
furnished  by  private  companies. 

The  private  companies  operating  in  Glasgow,  before  the  same 
were  purchased  by  the  municipality,  charged  consumers  $1  per 
thousand  feet,  while  the  municipal  company  now  being  operated 
by  the  city  of  Glasgow  charges  52  cents  per  thousand. 

Private  gas  companies  in  England  are  now  charging  ninety 
cents  per  thousand,  and  publicly  owned  companies  charge  from 
fifty-two  to  eighty  cents  per  thousand. 

The  private  gas  company  or  companies  in  the  city  of  Chi- 
cago, as  we  all  know,  charge  $1  per  thousand  for  gas,  and  in 
many  cities  of  the  United  States  private  gas  companies  charge 
considerably  more. 

It  may  be  urged,  however,  that  the  difference  in  the  price  of 
gas  in  American  and  European  cities  might  result  from  the 
increased  cost  of  labor,  or  some  other  reason  outside  of  the  char- 
acter of  the  management.  That  this  is  not  true  is  shown  by  the 
fact  that  in  those  states  of  the  Union  where  any  of  these  public 
utilities  are  furnished  by  both  private  and  public  companies  the 
same  difference  in  rate  .prevails  as  those  between  American  and 
European  cities. 

Some  years  ago  it  was  found  upon  investigation  that  there 
were  eight  private  gas  companies  in  Virginia  and  four  municipal 
plants.  All  but  two  of  the  private  companies  charged  from  $2  to 
$3  per  thousand  feet,  and  the  average  of  the  eight  companies  was 
$2.11.  Three  of  the  public  works  charged  $1.50  per  thousand  and 
one  of  them  $1.44,  and  the  average -cost  to  the  people,  operating 
expenses  and  all  fixed  charges,  was  $1.17. 

In  West  Virginia  there  were  five  private  companies  and  one 
municipal  plant.  One  of  the  private  companies  charged  $1  per 
thousand  feet,  another  $1.60,  and  the  other  three  $2  and  $2.25. 
The  public  works  in  Wheeling  charged  seventy-five  cents  per 


J)UNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  507 

thousand,  and  the  total  cost  to  the  people  was  fifty  cents,  there 
being  no  debt  and  no  interest  to  pay,  operating  cost,  depreciation 
and  taxes  being  the  whole  expense. 

Of  the  eighty-nine  private  companies  in  Pennsylvania, 
twenty-six  charged  $2  per  thousand,  and  over  fifty-five  charged 
$1.50,  and  only  eight  made  a  rate  as  low  as  $1.  At  the  same  time 
the  public  works  in  Philadelphia,  Pa.,  charged  $1.50  per  thousand, 
but  sixty  cents  of  it  was  clear  profit  in  the  treasury  above  the 
cost  of  operation  and  fixed  charges,  so  that  the  people  really  got 
the  gas  for  less  than  $1. 

In  Kentucky  none  of  the  private  companies  sold  as  low  as  the 
public  works  in  Henderson,  Kentucky. 

In  Ohio  there  were  two  public  plants,  one  at  Hamilton,  which 
supplied  gas  at  a  total  of  $1  per  thousand  (thirty  cents  of  it 
being  interest),  and  the  other  at  Bellefontaine  (free  of  debt), 
which  supplied  gas  at  a  total  cost  of  sixty-three  cents  per  thou- 
sand. Of  the  forty-three  private  companies  only  five  made  as  low 
a  rate  as  $1. 

ELECTRIC  LIGHT. 

What  is  true  of  gas  and  water  is  also  true  of  electric  light. 

While  private  companies  in  Chicago  are  charging  from  $105 
to  $125  per  annum  per  arc  lamp,  the  following  cities  which 
have  municipal  plants  are  furnishing  the  same  light  for  the  same 
period  at  the  following  prices : 

Bangor,  Me : $46  00 

Lewiston,    Me 52  00 

Dunkirk,  N.  Y 53  50 

West  Troy,  N.  Y 75  00 

Allegheny,  Pa - 57  00 

Easton,    Pa ; 95  00 

Bay  City,  Mich 52  00 

Detroit,   Mich '. 61  50 

South  Park  Plant,  in  Chicago 57  00 

Aurora   111 50  00 

Topeka,  Kans 51  00 

Little  Rock,  Ark 49  50 

Wheeling,  W.  Va... 57  50 

Peabody,  Mass 61  50 

Braintree,   Mass : 61  50 

Danvers,   Mass 56  50 

Jamestown,    N.   Y 49  00 

South   Norwalk,   Conn 47  50 


508  DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,    GOVERNOR 

The  city  of  Boston,  Mass.,  is  furnished  electric  light  by  a 
private  company  which  charges  one  cent  per  meter  hour ;  the  city 
of  Braintree,  Mass.,  is  furnished  light  by  a  public  plant  which 
charges  one-half  cent  per  meter  hour;  Brookline,  Mass.,  is 
charged  one  cent  per  meter  hour  by  a  private  company ;  Swanton, 
Vt.,  one-third  cent  per  meter  hour  by  a  public  plant.  In  New 
York  City  the  charge  by  a  private  company  is  one  cent  per  meter 
hour;  Westfield,  N.  Y.,  has  a  public  plant  which  charges  one- 
half  cent  per  meter  hour.  The  city  of  Philadelphia,  Pa.,  is 
charged  three-fourths  cent  per  meter  hour  by  a  private  company, 
and  Newark,  Del.,  three-tenths  cent  per  meter  hour  by  a  public 
company.  In  Detroit,  Mich.,  the  private  electric  light  plant 
charges  $1  per  month  for  each  lamp ;  in  Wyandotte,  Mich.,  (near 
Detroit)  the  charge  by  a  public  plant  is  sixteen  and  two-thirds 
cents  per  month  for  each  lamp.  In  Kalamazoo,  Mich.,  citizens 
are  charged  20  cents  per  kilowatt  by  a  private  company;  Cold- 
water,  Mich.,  (near  Kalamazoo),  which  has  a  public  plant, 
charges  five  cents  per  kilowatt.  In  Chicago,  111.,  the  charge  is  one 
cent  per  meter  hour,  and  in  Peru,  111.,  the  charge  made  by  a  pub- 
lic company  is  one-half  cent  per  meter  hour. 

WATERWORKS. 

The  same  is  true  of  waterworks  in  the  United  States.  In 
Indiana  the  charges  made  by  private  companies  have  been  found 
to  be  double  those  charged  by  public  companies.  Only  nine  of 
the  fifty  large  cities  of  the  United  States  are  supplied  with  water 
by  private  companies,  and  only  two  of  these  companies  have 
made  public  their  receipts  and  expenses.  The  two  that  have 
made  reports  admit  that  they  have  earned  from  thirty  to  forty 
per  cent  per  annum  on  their  capital  stock. 

The  following  statistics  with  relation  to  the  rates  paid  for 
water  by  Illinois  cities  will  convince  the  most  skeptical  that  the 
rates  charged  by  private  companies  for  water  are  much  in  excess 
of  those  charged  by  publicly  owned  and  operated  companies : 

Total  revenue 

per  family 
Private  water  supply  and  ownership.         per  year. 

Lincoln,    111 _ $18  00 

Mt.  Vernon,  111 10  00 

Effingham,  I1L_ 5  50 

Alton,  111 4  33  1-3 

Sterling,  111 8  70 

Kankakee,  111 :.          7  90 


DUNNE JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 


509 


Private  water  supply  and  ownership. 

Chillicothe,  111 

Cairo,   111 

Oak  Park,  111 


per  family 
per  year. 
.       $  9  80 
10  662-3 
20  00 
$94  90~ 
General  average $10  54 


Moline,  111.. 
Taylorville,  111 
Savanna,    ] 
Lexington, 
Elgin,  Ill_ 
La  Salle,  ] 
Evanston, 
Rock  Islan 
Aurora,  111. 

General  average _        $4  13 


vater  supply 

Total  revenue 
per  family 
and  ownership.           per  year. 
$4  50 

111. 

4  50 

11   

2  '00 

Ill 

3  00 

2  00 

11  .._ 

4  50 

Ill 

6  40 

i  m_ 

5  33 

„      _  4  00 

$37  20 

What  is  true  of  gas  plants,  electric  light  plants,  waterworks 
and  telephones  is  also  true  of  street  railways : 

STREET  RAILWAYS. 

The  street  car  fare  paid  in  the  United  States,  where  private 
ownership  prevails,  we  all  know  to  be  five  cents  a  ride,  wrhether  it 
be  short  or  long,  which  is  more  than  double  what  is  paid  to  mu- 
nicipal street  car  companies  in  Europe,  as  will  be  apparent  from 
the  following  table : 

Fare.  Average  Fare. 

1  and  2  cents 


Town.  Population. 

Milan 440,000 

Berlin  1,800,000 

Budapest 500,000 

London  4,000,000 

Belfast   256,000 

Glasgow  840,000 


1.8 
3.0 

2.7 
2.5 

2.2 


cents, 
cents, 
cents, 
cents, 
cents. 


1.78  cents. 


The  principal  street  car  companies  in  Chicago  are  capitalized 
and  bonded  for  one  hundred  and  seventeen  millions  of  dollars. 
The  value  of  their  tangible  property  is  shown  by  Mr.  Arnold's 


510  DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

recent  report  to  be  less  than  twenty-seven  million  dollars.  Until 
recently  they  have  been  paying  interest  and  dividends  upon  their 
total  bonds  and  capitalization. 

In  other  words,  they  have  been  compelling  the  citizens  of 
Chicago  to  pay  them  five  per  cent  dividends  upon  ninety  millions 
of  dollars  of  stock  which  has  no  tangible  property  behind  it,  and 
which  has  not  been  invested  in  the  railroads,  but  which  is  the 
value  placed  by  these  companies  upon  the  charters  given  to  them 
by  the  very  people  out  of  whom  they  are  squeezing  this  extor- 
tionate income. 

A  consideration  of  the  foregoing  figures  must  convince  the 
most  skeptical  that  private  companies  that  are  furnishing  water, 
gas,  electric  light  and  street  railway  transportation,  both  in  this 
country  and  in  Europe,  are  charging  exorbitant  prices  for  these 
commodities,  and  much  more  than  is  charged  for  the  same  by 
publicly  owned  companies. 

This  cannot  be  the  result  of  mismanagement  by  private  com- 
panies and  efficient  management  by  public  companies,  for  it  has 
always  been  claimed,  and  I  think  it  will  be  conceded,  even  by  ad- 
vocates of  public  ownership,  that  the  wages  paid  by  publicly 
owned  companies  are  always  higher  than  those  paid  by  private 
companies,  and  that  the  publicly  owned  companies  are  not  man- 
aged with  the  same  stringent  economy  that  is  characteristic  of 
private  ownership,  where  every  attention  is  paid,  even  to  the 
minutest  detail,  in  order  to  decrease  the  cost  of  production.  It 
must  then  result  solely  and  exclusively  from  the  fact  that  private 
companies,  in  their  anxiety  to  swell  the  dividends  of  their  stock-, 
holders,  charge  the  public  more  than  is  reasonably  necessary  for 
the  pecuniary  success  of  these  enterprises,  and  charge  such  rates 
as  can  safely  be  called  ''extortion." 

The  interest  of  the  private  companies  is  solely  to  make  big 
dividends  for  their  stockholders;  the  interest  of  the  public  com- 
panies is  mainly  to  furnish  the  utilities  to  the  public  as  cheaply 
and  efficiently  as  possible,  consistent  with  successful  management 
of  the  enterprise.  The  spirit  which  actuates  the  former  companies 
is  that  of  private  gain ;  the  spirit  which  actuates  the  latter  com- 
panies is  the  public  good.  The  motive  controlling  the  former  com- 
panies is  selfishness ;  the  motive  that  actuates  the  public  companies 
is  altruistic. 

But  it  has  been  said  by  those  who  oppose  municipal  owner- 
ship and  operation  that  the  service  rendered  by  the  public  cor- 
porations is  not  as  efficient  or  as  satisfactory  as  the  service  ren- 
dered by  the  private  corporations.  This  objection  has  been  made 
most  insistently  by  one  of  the  papers  of  this  city.  This  paper, 


DUNNE JUDGE,    MAYOR,    GOVERNOR  511 

not  content  with  defensive  arguments  in  support  of  private  own- 
ership, for  reasons  best  known  to  its  owners  and  proprietors, 
seems  to  have  had  a  severe  attack  of  hysteria  whenever  the  sub- 
ject of  municipal  ownership  is  mentioned  or  advocated.  It  de- 
nounces the  advocates  of  municipal  ownership,  and  particularly 
myself,  as  a  Socialist  and  lunatic.  Let  us  see  whether  these 
claims  made  by  the  enemies  of  municipal  ownership,  and  this 
paper  in  particular,  are  true  or  false. 

The  American  Consul  at  Liverpool,  England,  in  his  report, 
dated  May  19,  1902,  declares : 

"Liverpool  is  one  of  the  foremost  cities  in  municipal  social- 
ism. It  owns  the  waterworks  (one  of  the  best  systems  in  the 
world) ;  it  operates  the  street  cars;  it  supplies  the  electric  light 
and  power ;  it  has  one  of  the  largest  and  best  public  bath  systems 
anywhere,  and  proposes  to  erect  the  finest  Turkish  bath  in 
Europe." 

The  London  correspondent  of  the  New  York  Tribune  has  been 
investigating  the  government  and  varied  industries  of  Notting- 
ham, and  he  sends  the  following  report  to  his  paper : 

"Good  local  government  is  the  chief  glory  of  modern  Eng- 
land and  cannot  be  too  highly  extolled,  and  the  great  distinguish- 
ing features  of  English  local  government  into  enterprises  which 
in  this  country  are,  for  the  most  part,  carefully  kept  in  private 
hands,  who  overlook  no  opportunity  to  plunder,  and  dupe  and 
befog  citizens. 

' '  Nottingham,  a  city  of  240,000  people,  owns  its  own  markets, 
cemeteries,  waterworks,  gas  and  electric  light  service  and  street 
railways,  and  while  giving  the  people  very  low  rates  it  has  been 
able  to  turn  into  the  treasury  within  five  years  $720,000  as  net 
profit,  after  payment  of  interest  on  purchase  debts,  payments  to 
sinking  funds  and  liberal  allowances  for  depreciation!  This  profit 
serves  to  reduce  the  tax  rates  materially.  But  while  profit  for 
tax  reduction  is  secured,  it  is  not  the  sole  or  the  greater  object  of 
the  city  in  conducting  these  enterprises.  The  collective  interests 
of  the  community  are  mainly  considered — the  advantage  of  the 
common  people  considered  apart  from  their  liability  as  taxpayers. 

""Water,  for  example,  is  furnished  to  tenements  of  low  rental 
at  not  exceeding  42  cents  per  quarter  year,  and  still  the  works  are 
made  to  yield  a  small  profit  to  the  public  treasury.  The  charge 
for  municipal  gas  ranges  from  28  to  34  cents  per  1,000  cubic  feet, 
and  electric  light  and  power  service  is  correspondingly  low." 

In  speaking  of  the  public  utilities  in  Liverpool,  the  American 
Consul  says : 


512  DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

"Liverpool  boasts  of  having  one  of  the  best  railroad  systems, 
not  only  in  Great  Britain,  but  in  Europe.  The  corporation  got 
control  of  the  system  in  September,  1897,  and  has  substituted  elec- 
tric for  horse  cars. ' ' 

The  same  consul,  in  the  same  report,  speaks  of  his  observa- 
tions with  reference  to  the  operation  of  public  utilities  by  the 
public  throughout  the  kingdom,  and  concludes  his  report  by 
saying : 

"Two  observations  are  appropriate  to  be  made  in  conclu- 
sion. Speaking  generally,  municipal  government  in  Great  Britain 
is  honest,  intelligent  and  energetic;  and  as  a  rule  politics  has 
but  little  to  do  with  the  engagement  or  retention  of  civic  em- 
ployees." 

Who  should  know  most  about  the  ownership  and  operation 
of  public  utilities?  The  editor  in  Chicago,  who  expresses  views 
pursuant  to  orders  given  him  by  men  who  live  in  Chicago,  or  the 
American  Consul  who  for  years  past  has  been  on  the  ground 
and  seen  with  his  own  eyes  how  these  matters  are  managed. ? 

It  has  been,  however,  contended  by  the  enemies  of  municipal 
ownership  that  the  city  of  Chicago  will  be  unable  to  undertake 
municipal  ownership  and  operation  of  street  cars  or  other  public 
utilities,  because  of  the  fact  that  the  city  of  Chicago  is  indebted 
to  the  full  constitutional  limitation  of  indebtedness ;  has  no  money 
on  hand  with  which  to  construct  or  purchase  such  utilities ;  and 
cannot  borrow  same  by  reason  of  the  constitutional  provision 
that  "No  city  shall  be  allowed  to  become  indebted  in  any  manner, 
or  for  any  purpose,  to  any  amount,  including  existing  indebted- 
ness, in  the  aggregate  exceeding  five  per  centum  of  the  taxable 
property  therein." 

It  is  conceded  that  the  city  is  now  indebted  to  the  constitu- 
tional limit. 

Notwithstanding  this  concession  as  to  the  amount  of  the  in- 
debtedness, there  is  no  force  in  the  contention.  The  city  of  Chi- 
cago need  not  obligate  itself  or  its  citizens,  nor  pledge  its  prop- 
erty or  the  property  of  its  citizens,  nor  tax  them  or  their  property 
to  the  extent  of  a  single  dollar,  to  enable  it  to  acquire  a  complete 
system  of  street  railways,  or  a  gas,  electric  light  or  telephone 
plant,  adequate  to  the  use  of  its  citizens. 

By  agreeing  to  turn  over  to  contractors  or  money  lenders  the 
prospective  income  from  a  street  oar  system,  a  gas,  electric  light 
or  telephone  plant,  to  be  erected,  until  the  contract  price  for  the 
construction  of  the  same  is  paid,  with  six  per  cent  interest  there- 
on, without  obligating  itself  personally  to  pay  anything,  the  city 
can  easily  find  contractors  or  money  lenders  to  advance  the  money 
for  such  construction.  Nay,  more,  I  have  no  hesitation  in  saying 


DUNNE JUDGE,    MAYOR,    GOVERNOR  513 

that  if  the  present  street  car  companies  were  offered  a  price  which 
was  satisfactory  to  them  they  would  willingly  accept  the  receipts 
(street  car  fares  at  present  rates)  as  security  for  the  purchase 
price.  They  may  deny  it  now,  but,  mark  my  prediction,  they 
will  offer  to  do  so  before  the  street  car  problem  is  settled  in  this 
city. 

"Why  do  I  make  this^  assertion  with  so  much  confidence  ? 

First.  Because  such  a  pledge  of  prospective  receipts  would  be 
essentially  the  same,  or  better,  security  than  has  enabled  them  in 
the  past  to  bond  and  stock  their  companies  on  the  stock  exchanges 
for  four  times  their  intrinsic  value. 

The  different  traction  companies  in  this  city,  in  negotiating 
their  stocks  and  bonds,  have  given  no  outside  securities.  The 
names  of  these  companies,  and  these  alone,  are  signed  to  their 
stocks  and  bonds.  Consequently  only  the  property  of  these  com- 
panies is  liable  for  the  payment  of  these  obligations.  What  does 
this  property  consist  of?  Their  tangible  property,  worth  only  one- 
fourth  of  the  aggregate  of  these  liabilities,  and  their  franchises 
which  at  no  time  extend  beyond  twenty  years. 

They  have  raised  all  the  money  they  need  on  such  security. 
Now  the  city  of  Chicago,  without  personally  obligating  itself,  can 
give  constructing  contractors  or  money  lenders  better  security, 
to-wit:  The  tangible,  real  and  personal  property,  which  will  be 
acquired  and  used  in  operating  the  plant,  and  the  receipts  from 
the  operation  of  the  system,  not  limited  to  twenty  years,  but  un- 
limited in  time,  until  the  cost  of  the  plant,  and  all  interest  there- 
on, is  fully  paid.  If  four  times  the  value  of  the  tangible  property 
has  been  raised  here  in  Chicago  within  a  few  years  past  by  private 
companies,  which  can  only  pledge  these  receipts  for  less  than 
twenty  years,  can  it  be  seriously  contended  that  one-half  of  that 
amount  (which  will  be  more  than  adequate  for  all  purposes)  can- 
not be  raised  by  the  city  011  a  pledge  of  the  same  tangible  prop- 
erty and  a  pledge  of  the  receipts  unlimited  in  time1/ 

TO  DENY  IT  IS  ABSURD.      . 

Second.  I  assert  that  that  money  can  be  raised  on  this  pledge, 
and  this  alone,  because  it  has  been  done  before. 

I  have  been  informed  that  municipal  companies  have  been 
financed  in  many  cities  in  Europe  in  just  this  manner.  I  can 
specifically  refer  to  one  case  upon  such  respectable  authority  as 
the  Lord  Provost  of  Glasgow. 

In  a  report  made  by  that  gentleman  in  1901,  on  pages  9  and 
10,  will  be  found  the  following  statement: 


514  DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

"The  companies  (gas  companies  purchased  by  the  city  of 
Glasgow)  held  two  kinds  of  stock,  one  entitled  to  a  maximum 
dividend  of  10  per  cent,  and  the  other  7  per  cent.  Under  the  cor- 
porations act,  holders  of  the  former  received  perpetual  annuities 
of  9  per  cent,  and  of  the  latter,  6%  per  cent,  these  annuities  being 
secured  by  a  lien  on  the  gas  works,  on  the  revenue  derived  from 
the  manufacture  of  gas,  and  by  a  guarantee  rate  of  6  pence  on 
the  pound  per  year  leviable  from  the  inhabitants  of  Glasgow  in 
respect  of  rental." 

In  other  words,  the  city  of  Glasgow  pledged  for  the  payment 
of  the  purchase  pric,e  of  the  gas  works,  the  plant  and  its  receipts, 
and  guaranteed  that  each  house  renting  for  one  pound  sterling 
would  pay,  as  gas  rent,  6  pence,  or,  in  American  money,  that  each 
house  renting  for  $40  per  month  would  pay  a  gas  bill  each  month 
of  $1. 

.  If  the  conservative  and  canny  Scot  is  satisfied  with  such 
security,  why  should  not  the  more  conservative  American 
financier? 

It  has,  however,  been  asserted  by  a  Chicago  paper,  and  other 
enemies  of  municipal  ownership  in  this  city,  that  the  scheme  of 
pledging  the  prospective  plant  and  receipts  of  a  municipal  plant 
has  been  declared  by  our  Supreme  Court  to  be  unconstitutional. 
.The  case  they  rely  upon,  and  the  only  one  they  have  cited,  to  my 
knowledge,  is  the  "City  of  Joliet  vs.  Alexander,"  194  111.,  460,  de- 
cided in  February,  1902. 

I  have  read  and  reread  that  case,  and  can  say  with  confidence 
that  it  does  not  declare  the  scheme  suggested  unconstitutional  or 
illegal.  In  that  case  the  city  of  Joliet  had  an  existing  water  plant 
of  large  intrinsic  value,  from  which  it  was  deriving  a  net  income, 
over  all  expenses,  of  $10,000  a  year.  For  the  purpose  of  extending 
this  plant  the  city  passed  an  ordinance  providing  for  the  issuance 
of  $240,000  worth  of  water  certificates,  pi-edging  as  security  for 
the  payment  of  the  same  the  existing  waterworks  owned  by  the 
city,  and  all  the  receipts  from  said  plant,  present  and  prospective. 
In  other  words,  it  made  the  then  existing  city  property  and  in- 
come subject  to  mortgage,  and  liable  to  be  taken  from  the  city 
upon  foreclosure. 

In  passing  upon  the  state  of  facts  the  court  said :  ' '  One  who 
pawns  or  pledges  his  property  and  who  will  lose  his  property  if 
he  does  not  pay  is  indebted,  although  the  creditor  has  nothing 
but  the  security  of  the  property,  and  so  also  is  a  mortgagor,  who 
is  liable  to  lose  his  property  if  he  does  not  pay  the  money  secured 
by  the  mortgage." 

The  court  dwells  upon  the  fact  that  the  pledge  was  not  for 
purchase  money,  but  a  pledge  upon  existing  property  and  income 


DUNNE— JUDGE,    MAYOR,    GOVERNOR  515 

then  existing  and  then  the  property  of  the  city ;  but  lest  it  might 
be  construed  as  holding  that  a  city  might  not  acquire  property 
then  owned  by  it,  and  pledging  the  property  so  acquired  for  the 
purchase  price,  the  court  uses  the  following  language: 

"What  is  said  relative  to  mortgaging  property  owned  by  the 
city,  or  pledging  its  existing  income,  is  not  intended  to  apply  to 
a  mortgage  purely  in  the  nature  of  a  purchase  money  mortgage, 
payable  wholly  out  of  the  income  of  property  purchased,  or  by 
resort  to  such  property  purchased." 

The  use  of  the  language  just  quoted  was  unnecessary  to  the 
determination  of  the  case,  but  the  court  seemed  anxious  to  place 
itself  on  record  as  refusing  to  hold  that  a  city  could  not  pledge  a 
plant  about  to  be  purchased,  and  the  prospective  income  thereof, 
as  the  sole  security  for  the  purchase  price  of  same. 

The  Alexander  case  strongly  supports  the  validity  and  con- 
stitutionality of  the  scheme  I  have  heretofore  suggested. 

I  therefore  confidently  assert  on  the  authority  of  the  Alex- 
ander case  that  the  city  of  Chicago  can,  as  is  proposed  by  the 
Mueller  Bill,  issue  certificates,  payable  only  out  of  the  prospective 
receipts  of  the  street  car  system  and  the  property  acquired,  with- 
out the  city  obligating  itself  to  the  amount  of  -one  dollar,  and  that 
such  certificates  can  be  readily  negotiated. 

The  only  other  objection  that  I  have  heard  urged  to  the 
scheme  of  municipal  ownership  is  that  it  will  build  up  a  great 
political  machine;  that  every  man  employed  upon  a  municipal 
system  would  be  a  political  striker,  owing  his  position  to  a  politi- 
cal boss  or  machine,  and  that  the  aim  of  such  an  employe  would 
be  to  please  his  political  sponsor  rather  than  to  give  efficient 
service  to  the  public. 

There  would  be  considerable  force  in  this  objection  if  it  were 
proposed  to  operate  such  enterprise  independent  of  the  civil 
service  law  of  the  city. 

But  no  advocate  of  municipal  ownership  is  making  any  such 
suggestion.  On  the  contrary,  every  advocate  of  municipal  own- 
ership and  operation  demands  that  a  rigid  civil  service  provision 
should  be  incorporated  in  every  such  ordinance.  All  employes  of 
a  street  car  system  owned  and  operated  by  a  city  would  fall  with- 
in the  provisions  of  the  present  civil  service  law. 

The  friends  of  municipal  ownership  and  control  are  the 
friends  of  civil  service.  They  know  that,  without  civil  service, 
municipal  ownership  and  control  cannot  be  efficient  or  satisfac- 
tory. They  know  that  where  municipal  operation  has  been  put  in 
force  it  has  been  accomplished  by  a  civil  service  system.  They 
know  the  Federal  post-office  system  has  been  successful  under  the 
civil  service.  They  know  that  the  Chicago  water  office  system  has 


516  DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

been  successful  under  the  civil  service,  and  they  are  informed  in 
the  words  of  Consul  Boyle  that  "Municipal  government  in  Great 
Britain  (where  municipal  operation  and  civil  service  prevail)  is 
honest,  intelligent  and  energetic;  and  as  a  rule  politics  has  but 
little  to  do  with  the  engagement  or  retention  of  civic  employes." 

As  a  matter  of  fact,  the  public  has  more  to  fear  from  political 
intrigue  and  bossism  under  private  than  under  public  manage- 
ment. Most  of  the  great  scandals  that  have  disgraced  the  public 
life  of  American  officials  have  been  the  result  of  bribery  on  the 
part  of  private  companies. 

Who  was  responsible  for  the  scandals  connected  with  the 
notorious  Allen  and  Humphrey  bills?  Who  was  responsible  for- 
the  gas  consolidation  infamy?  Who  secured  the  corrupt  legisla- 
tion in  the  city  council  of  St.  Louis,  which  has  landed  many  of  its 
aldermen  in  the  penitentiary?  Who  secured  for  the  Philadolphian 
council  of  aldermen  in  the  past,  and  the  common  council  of  New 
York  in  the  days  of  Jake  Sharp,  a  reputation  that  is  a  stench  in 
the  nostrils  of  the  people  ? 

PKIVATE  COMPANIES  OR  PRIVATE  INTERESTS. 

In  a  word,  private  corporations  or  interests,  seeking  to  obtain 
from  the  public  new  grants  or  extensions  of  old  grants,  have  been 
the  moving  cause,  and  have  furnished  the  corruption  funds  for 
nearly  every  scandal  that  has  disgraced  Congresses,  State  Legis- 
latures and  Municipal  Councils  in  America  from  the  days  of  the 
Credit  Mobilier  down  to  the  days  of  St.  Louis  boodle. 

Within  a  few  years  back  we  have  known  aldermen  and  legis- 
lators in  this  city  who  have  become  unaccountably  rich  while  in 
office,  and  while  they  have  found  it  impossible  to  place  their 
friends  in  the  water  office  since  the  institution  of  civil  service, 
they  have  found  no  difficulty  in  placing  scores  of  them  on  the 
street  cars  and  in  the  gas  plants  of  the  city. 

At  the  last  session  of  the  Legislature,  the  people  succeeded,  in 
spite  of  open  opposition  and  secret  intrigue,  in  spite  of  the  plot- 
ting of  boodlers  and  the  scheming  of  traction  interests,  in  having 
a  bill  passed  under  the  terms  of  which,  for  the  first  time  in  the 
history  of  this  State,  cities  and  municipalities  were  empowered, 
under  certain  terms  and  conditions,  to  own  and  operate  street 
cars.  This  bill  is  popularly  known  as  the  Mueller  bill. 

The  bill  is  not  an  ideal  bill ;  it  is  not  the  bill  that  was  formu- 
lated and  presented  to  the  Legislature  by  the  friends  of  municipal 
ownership;  it  has  many  defects  incorporated  into  it  by  the  cor- 
ruption and  intrigue  of  political  machinery;  but  none  the  less  it 
is  a  bill  under  which  the  people  of  the  city  of  Chicago  today,  if 


DUNNE JUDGE,  MAYOR,  GOVERNOR  517 

they  assert  their  rights  and  are  firm  and  insistent  upon  them,  can 
acquire,  own  and  operate  street  cars  for  the  public  good. 

The  greatest  danger  to  be  apprehended  to  the  people  is  not 
from  the  Mueller  bill,  but  from  the  ordinances  which  may  be 
framed  under  it,  giving  certain  rights  to  private  companies.  If 
the  people  are  watchful  and  vigilant,  they  can  prevent  the  pass- 
age in  the  city  council  of  any  ordinance  which  will  be  detrimental 
to  the  public  interests.  The  main  object  achieved  by  the  passage 
of  the  Mueller  bill  was  the  granting  to  the  city  of  the  power  to 
own  and  operate,  or  own  or  operate  street  cars.  This  it  does 
clearly  and  unequivocally,  and  better  still,  it  enables  the  city, 
once  this  bill  is  adopted  by  the  people,  to  acquire  street  car  sys- 
tems by  condemnation.  In  other  words,  it  empowers  the  city 
which  desires  to  own  and  operate  public  utilities,  to  condemn  the 
property  and  franchises  of  existing  companies  and,  under  the 
eminent  domain  act,  hale  them  into  court  and  compel  them  to 
surrender  their  property  at  its  fair  cash  value  to  the  people. 

Today  the  living  question  put  to  the  people  is  as  to  whether 
or  not  they  will  adopt  the  Mueller  bill.  By  its  very  terms  it  can- 
not become  operative  unless  adopted  by  the  people  of  this  city 
by  popular  vote.  I  have  no  hesitation,  as  a  friend  of  municipal 
ownership,  in  advising  the  people  of  this  city  to  vote  and  work  for 
its  immediate  adoption,  and  I  earnestly  hope  that  every  citizen 
who  has  the  interest  of  the  public  at  heart  in  this  community, 
will  do  "everything  possible  within  his  power  within  the  next  few 
weeks  to  bring  about  the  adoption  of  the  Mueller  bill.  This 
should  be  the  first  aim  and  ambition  of  the  citizens  of  this  city. 
In  my  opinion  unless  this  bill  be  adopted  next  April  by  the  people 
of  this  city  by  a  decisively  affirmative  popular  vote,  the  traction 
corporation  of  this  city  within  the  next  few  months  will  have  this 
city  bound  hand  and  foot  for  the  next  forty  years  by  ordinances 
passed  by  the  common  council. 

The  object  sought  by  the  Mueller  bill  is  to  place  the  city  in  a 
position  where  it  can  own  and  operate,  or  own  or  operate  its  own 
street  cars.  Five-sixths  of  the  people  have  recently  demanded 
it  by  popular  vote ;  the  city  council  demanded  it  and  appointed  a 
municipal  ownership  committee  with  instructions  to  draft  a  bill 
for  that  purpose.  This  committee  submitted  such  bill  to  the 
Legislature  for  passage.  Both  of  the  great  political  parties  pro- 
fessed themselves  in  favor  of  the  Mueller  bill  during  the  last 
mayoralty  campaign,  and  through  their  candidates  for  mayoralty 
appointed  a  joint  committee  to  go  to  Springfield  to  urge  its  pass- 
age. Overwhelming  public  sentiment,  by  brute  strength,  forced 
it  down  the  Speaker's  throat,  through  the  Senate  and  out  of  the 


518  DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

Governor's  office  a  law — but  a  law  to  take  effect  only  when  ap- 
proved by  popular  vote  in  this  city. 

Now,  what  has  taken  place  since  the  passage  of  this  law? 

First.  An  ordinance  providing  for  the  submission  of  the  law 
to  popular  vote,  as  required  by  the  Mueller  bill,  was  allowed  to 
sleep  in  a  committee  of  the  common  council  for  months,  and  was 
only  dragged  out  of  the  committee  and  put  upon  passage  by  per- 
sistent outside  pressure  and  a  storm  of  popular  protest. 

Second.  Instead  of  the  council  busying  itseii  with  preparing 
ordinances  for  submission  to  the  people  as  to  whether  they  desired 
to  own  and  operate  or  own  or  operate  their  street  railways  under 
the  provisions  of  the  Mueller  bill,  the  committee  on  transporta- 
tion got  very  busy  and  worked  incessantly  after  the  passage  of 
the  Mueller  bill,  in  preparing  an  ordinance  to  extend  the  franchise 
of  the  Chicago  City  Railway  Company  ostensibly  for  twenty  years, 
but  which  in  reality  would  effectively  and  summarily  defeat  the 
whole  object  and  aim  of  the  Mueller  bill  for  from  twenty  to  forty 
years.  In  so  doing  this  committee  brazenly  and  openly  defied 
public  opinion  as  expressed  at  the  polls,  recanting  the  position  of 
the  council  itself  when  it  recommended  to  the  Legislature  the 
passage  of  the  municipal  ownership  bill,  repudiated  the  demands 
made  upon  the  Legislature  by  both  political  parties  and  all  the 
candidates  for  the  mayoralty,  and  did  everything  in  its  power  to 
perpetuate  the  system  of  private  ownership  and  defeat  the  system 
of  public  ownership  demanded  by  the  people  at  the  polls.  What- 
ever may  have  been  the  motives  of  the  members  of  this  committee, 
honest  or  dishonest ;  whatever  may  have  been  their  private  char- 
acters, honorable  or  dishonorable,  in  drafting  this  ordinance, 
which  would  kill  public  ownership  from  twenty  to  forty  years 
and  nullify  the  Mueller  bill,  they  proved  recreant  to  the  wishes 
and  demands  of  their  constituents,  the  people  of  the  city  of  Chi- 
cago, and  they  have  no  right  to  complain  if  the  people,  discovering 
no  excuse  for  their  action  in  preparing  this  ordinance,  or  any 
ordinance  which  kills  the  municipal  ownership  for  from  twenty 
to  forty  years,  regard  their  conduct  with  suspicion  and  indig- 
nation. 

In  the  situation  confronting  the  people  of  this  community  at 
the  present  time  the  following  program  should  be  adopted  and 
pushed  forward  by  every  possible  means: 

First.  Above  all,  the  Mueller  bill  should  be  adopted  at  the 
polls  next  April. 

Second.  All  negotiations  with  the  traction  companies  which 
have  for  their  avowed  purpose  the  killing  of  municipal  owner- 
ship for  from  twenty  to  forty  years,  should  be  immediately  sus- 
pended. 


DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,    GOVERNOR  519 

Third.  Until  the  people  are  empowered  by  purchase,  con- 
demnation or  otherwise,  to  acquire  and  operate  their  own  street 
cars,  the  city  council  should  pass  a  license  ordinance,  licensing 
street  cars  in  the  same  way  as  they  license  drays,  cabs,  trucks  and 
other  vehicles;  or,  it  should  grant  short  extensions,  preserving  the 
present  status  between  the  city  and  the  present  companies,  for 
a  period  not  to  exceed  three  months  at  a  time,  until  the  city  is  in 
a  position  to  take  over  the  street  car  systems  by  purchase  or 
condemnation. 

Fourth.  If  the  present  companies  refuse  to  place  a  reason- 
able price  upon  their  properties  for  purchase  by  the  city,  the  city 
should  commence,  immediately  after  the  adoption  of  the  Mueller 
bill,  condemnation  proceedings  under  it,  to  fix  the  value  of  the 
properties  of  these  companies. 

Fifth.  After  the  value  of  the  same  is  fixed  in  a  condemna- 
tion proceedings,  the  question  should  be  submitted  to  the  people 
as  to  whether  or  not  they  desire  to  acquire  the  property  of  these 
companies  at  the  price  fixed  in  the  condemnation  proceedings,  and 
if  they  vote  in  the  affirmative,  then, 

Sixth.  The  city  should  advertise  the  sale  of  street  car  certifi- 
cates, pursuant  to  the  terms  of  the  Mueller  bill,  for  an  amount 
sufficient  to  purchase  these  properties  at  the  price  fixed  by  the 
condemnation  proceedings,  and  ten  per  cent  in  addition  thereto, 
as  provided  in  the  Mueller  bill,  to  cover  operating  expenses,  bear- 
ing interest  at  five  per  cent,  with  a  guarantee  that  a  five-cent  fare 
will  be  retained  until  all  of  said  certificates,  with  interest  thereon, 
shall  be  paid  in  full. 

All  of  these  steps  can  be  taken  successfully,  in  my  opinion, 
under  the  provisions  of  the  Mueller  bill,  and  I  have  not  the  least 
doubt  that,  if  such  certificates,  bearing  such  interest,  with  the 
guarantee  above  mentioned,  were  offered  to  the  investing  public, 
large  financial  syndicates  would  purchase  these  certificates  with- 
in ninety  days  after  their 'issuance.  Such  certificates  would  give 
not  only  as  good  but  better  security  than  has  been  given  by  the 
traction  companies  to  investors  in  the  past.  The  tangible  prop- 
erty of  these  companies  in  1883  was  worth  less  than  twenty-seven 
million  dollars,  and,  yet  with  no  security  but  this  tangible  prop- 
erty worth  twenty-seven  million  dollars  and  a  franchise  for  twenty 
years  given  them  by  the  city  of  Chicago,  permitting  them  to  charge 
nickel  fares,  the  gentlemen  who  own  and  control  these  companies 
were  able  to  capitalize  the  stocks  and  bonds  of  these  companies  at 
one  hundred  and  seventeen  million  dollars.  In  other  words,  the 
value  of -the  franchise  for  twenty  years  was  worth  the  difference 
between  $27,000,000  and  $117,000.000— $90.000,000. 


520  DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

If  they  succeeded  in  capitalizing  these  franchises  for  that  sum 
in  1883,  when  the  city  had  not  over  700,000  inhabitants,  what 
would  such  a  franchise  be  worth  today  in  a  city  of  2,000,000  in- 
habitants ?  I  have  not  the  least  possible  doubt  that  they  would  be 
worth  at  least  $200,000,000.  Yet  this  enormous  capitalization  of 
ninety  million  over  and  above  the  value  of  the  tangible  property 
of  the  companies  was  made  solely  and  exclusively  upon  the 
tangible  property  and  the  franchises  of  twenty  years.  No  surety 
company  or  individual  guaranteed  these  stocks  and  bonds;  they 
were  secured  alone  upon  the  tangible  property  and  the  franchise 
for  twenty  years. 

Today  the  city  of  Chicago  will  be  able  to  offer  as  security  for  • 
the  payment  of  its  street  car  certificates  not  only  the  same  security, 
to-wit,  the  tangible  street  car  property  acquired  by  it,  but  a  fran- 
chise not  for  twenty  years,  but  unlimited  in  time.  In  other  words, 
in  addition  to  the  tangible  property  the  city  will  pledge  itself, 
without  limit  of  time,  to  charge  nickel  fares  until  said  street  car 
certificates  and  the  interest  thereon  are  paid  in  full. 

Inside  of  ten  years,  if  not  less,  in  my  judgment,  all  these  street 
car  certificates  can  be  paid  in  full,  and  the  people,  then  owning 
their  own  plant,  can  proceed  to  reduce  fares  to  the  lowest  possible 
cost,  as  has  been  done  in  all  the  great  cities  of  England  and  in  a 
great  many  of  the  great  cities  of  Germany,  Austro-Hungary,  Aus- 
tralia and  Italy. 

If  these  successive  steps  are  taken  the  money  can  and  will 
be  raised  to  purchase  the  street  car  systems  of  this  city,  and  the 
present  companies  can  be  paid  therefor,  as  above  stated;  then 
additional  street  car  certificates  can  be  issued  to  remodel  and  mod- 
ernize the  street  car  systems  to  meet  the  present  demands  of  the 
public. 

Care  should  be  taken,  moreover,  in  the  passage  of  any  or- 
dinance providing  for  the  acquisition  of  street  car  lines  and  the 
operation  of  the  same  by  the  municipality,  that  all  employes  should 
come  within  the  terms  of  the  civil  service  law,  and  the  provisions 
of  the  civil  service  law  should  be  enforced  in  the  most  rigid  and 
effective  manner. 

If  these  steps  be  taken  by  the  people  I  am  confident  that  within 
a  reasonably  short  time  the  city  of  Chicago  will  be  able  to  own 
and  operate  the  street  car  system  with  the  same  satisfaction  to  the 
public,  both  from  the  standpoint  o'f  economy  and  efficiency,  as  has 
been  experienced  by  the  great  cities  of  England,  where,  after  a  test 
of  at  least  ten  years,  it  has  found  to  have  worked  a  wonderful 
reform. 

Efficient  service  will  be  rendered;  economic  charges  will  be 
made ;  corruption  of  the  common  council  will  cease ;  and  the  boodler 
and  bribe  giver  will  vanish  from  the  land. 


DUNNE JUDGE,    MAYOR,    GOVERNOR  521 

Corruption  of  public  officials,  the  stealing  of  public  property, 
favoritism  in  the  selection  of  employes,  strikes,  inefficient  service, 
exorbitant  charges  and  insolence  toward  and  defiance  of  the  public 
has  marked  the  history  of  private  management  of  public  utilities 
in  Chicago,  and  elsewhere  in  America. 

The  people  have  called  a  halt.  The  demand  of  the  people  to 
place  a  check  upon  public  corruption  by  and  with  the  referendum, 
at  first  feeble  and  unheeded,  has  swelled  into  a  roar  whose  reverber- 
ations are  heard  in  the  council  chambers  of  the  land,  as  well  as 
in  the  temples  of  finance. 

In  my  judgment  the  people  are  in  no  condition  to  be  longer 
trifled  with;  no  longer  will  they  be  despoiled  and  flouted  as  they 
have  been  in  the  past,  and  the  legislator,  councilman  or  alderman 
who  remains  deaf  to  the  cry  of  the  people  and  heedless  to  the 
popular  demand  for  municipal  ownership  and  the  referendum,  may 
as  well  prepare  for  sepulture  under  a  stone  upon  which  will  be 
written  the  epitaph:  "HE  SERVED  THE  CORPORATIONS— 
NOT  THE  PEOPLE." 


522  DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 


WORDS  OF  CHEER  AND  HELP  TO 
THE  IMPRISONED. 

ADDRESS  TO  REFORMATORY  BOYS,  JANUARY  19,  1914. 

Boys,  as  Chief  Executive  of  the  great  State  of  Illinois,  it  be- 
comes one  of  the  duties  incumbent  upon  that  position  to  inquire 
personally  into  the  operation  of  some  of  its  great  institutions.  I 
have  always  conceived  that  duty  to  rest  upon  the  Governor. 
During  the  first  year  of  my  incumbency  in  that  office,  my  time  was 
so  taken  up  with  legislative  matters  and  in  attending  to  the  busi- 
ness growing  out  of  the  same  that  I  could  not  find  time  to  take 
up  this  work.  I  have  now  reached  the  place  where,  in  my 
official  capacity,  I  hope  to  visit  every  institution,  and  I  have 
chosen  the  Illinois  State  Reformatory  as  the  place  for  my  first 
inspection.  The  reason  is  this:  Having  been  blessed  of  God 
with  eight  sons,  five  of  whom  are  still  living,  I  am  naturally  in- 
tensely interested  in  boys,  and  particularly  in  boys  and  young 
men  who,-  by  reason  of  having  broken  the  laws  of  the  State 
of  Illinois,  are  in  confinement. 

I  believe  that  the  name  of  this  institution  is  well  bestowed; 
that  the  name  "Reformatory"  is  the  proper  name,  in  that  it 
stands  for  a  new  departure  on  the  part  of  those  who.  having  gone 
wrong,  should  be  given  a  fresh  start  in  life  and  citizenship.  This 
institution  is  founded  for  reform  and  not  for  vengeance. 

You  know,  boys,  that  you  have  gone  wrong  in  your  conduct 
outside  of  this  institution.  You  know  that  you  come  here  be- 
cause of  the  wrong  things  you  have  done  outside,  and  that  the 
law  says  you  must  be  deprived  of  your  liberty.  Do  not  come 
here  with  the  idea  that  the  law  is  unjust  in  this.  Laws  are  neces- 
sary for  the  regulation  and  .protection  of  society.  There  must 
be — and  are — such  laws  in  every  civilized  land.  There  is  not  a 
single  nation  on  the  face  of  the  earth  called  civilized  where  such 
laws  are  not  enforced.  Unfortunately,  you  have  done  something 
to  break  these  laws.  This  is  true  of  probably  99  out  of  every 
100  boys  here.  This  I  am  sure  you  will  admit  to  be  a  fact,  and 
that  the  matter  of  your  guilt  or  innocence,  so  far  as  you  each  are 
concerned,  was  fairly  decided  in  court.  Our  tribunals  are  con- 
ducted upon  the  principles  and  elements  of  righteousness. 


DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,    GOVERNOR  523 

Doubtless  many  of  the  reasons  which  led  you  into  the  trouble 
which  brought  you  here  have  arisen  from  unfortunate  conditions 
in  your  youth.  Many  here  have  been  deprived  of  the  guidance 
of  fathers  and  mothers,  who  would  otherwise  have  guarded  and 
guided  you  in  such  a  way  as  to  have  made  it  forever  impossible 
for  you  to  have  come  here.  Some  of  you  have  doubtless  come  here 
through  the  environments  into  which  you  have  fallen,  where  you 
were  induced  to  commit  these  infractions  of  the  law.  But  no\r 
that  you  are  here,  I  do  not  want  you  to  neglect  anything  which 
will  forward  the  efforts  which  are  being  and  will  be  made  to 
accomplish  your  reform.  Are  you  willing  to  do  your  part  to 
make  good  records  and  go  out  clean  boys?  "We  are  sincerely 
anxious  to  get  you  started  right  in  life.  Are  you  willing  to  help 
us  in  our  work  for  you,  and  so  enable  us  to  graduate  you  from 
this  institution  with  honor  to  yourselves  and  to  the  State?  We* 
are  going  to  do  everything  in  our  power  to  succeed"  in  this  re-  • 
spect.  To  this  end  you  will  be  regarded  by  the  officers  placed 
over  you  as  human  beings,  with  a  good  measure  of  intelligence, 
and  as  boys  with  souls  that  need  help. 

In  looking  over  the  faces  in  this  place,  as  I  went  through,  I 
can  frankly  say  I  would  not  have  felt  myself  in  a  reform  school, 
did  I  not  know  such  to  be  the  fact,  but  that  I  was  visiting  a 
place  where  free  business  was  being  carried  on  and  free  labor 
being  employed.  I  am  much  impressed  with  what  I  have  seen 
here  and  I  feel  confident  you  will  so  conduct  yourselves  while  here 
that  we  may  finally  send  you  forth  into  the  world  once  more 
to  earn  an  honorable  living  and  to  become  worthy  citizens. 


524  DUNNE JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 


"THE  FORTY-EIGHTH  GENERAL 
ASSEMBLY/' 

ADDRESS  TO  THE  CHICAGO  BAR  ASSOCIATION,  JANUARY  21,  1914. 
Mr.  Chairman  and  Gentlemen: 

After  sixteen  years  of  Republican  control  of  the  Illinois 
Legislature,  the  Forty-eighth  General  Assembly  convened  last 
January  with  a  small  plurality  of  Democrats,  elected  to  both 
Houses,  but  without  a  majority.  The  conditions,  under  which 
previous  Assemblies  convened,  were  absent,  and  after  much 
delay,  a  Speaker  was  finally  elected.  For  weeks  the  State  offi- 
cers were  prevented  from  taking  the  oath  of  office  and  assuming 
the  duties  for  which  they  had  been  elected  by  the  people. 

In  my  inaugural  message,  I  urged  upon  the  Assembly  certain 
legislative  steps  wrhich  I  deemed  necessary  for  the  welfare  of  the 
commonwealth,  and  that  I  had  advocated  during  the  campaign 
previous  to  my  election.  Most  of  these  measures  met  with  the 
approval  of  the  Legislature,  but  among  the  most  important  that 
I  recommended,  to  which  it  failed  to  respond,  was  the  passing 
of  the  initiative  and  referendum  law,  and  a  law  for  the  abolition 
of  the  State  Board  of  Equalization. 

For  more  than  eight  years  the  voters  of  this  State  have  been 
insistently  demanding  the  right  to  initiate  legislation  and  to  veto 
legislation  by  use  of  the  referendum.  Twice  at  the  ballot  box 
they  had  declared  for  these  measures.  The  ratio  for  and  against 
was  approximately  five  to  one.  "When  the  bill  which  provided 
the  necessary  change  in  the  Constitution  that  would  make  the 
initiative  and  referendum  a  law,  had  passed  the  Senate  and  was 
before  the  House,  the  required  votes,  namely,  one  hundred  two. 
were  secured.  "Whereupon,  Representative  Kilens  changed  his 
vote  to  the  negative,  thereby  repudiating  his  party  pledges,  and 
voted  against  the  mandate  of  the  people  of  the  State  and  of  his 
own  district.  This  was  patent  to  him  and  those  who  sought  its 
defeat.  The  action  staggered  the  -members  Who  believed  in  rep- 
resentative government  and  paralyzed  the  efforts  of  thousands  of 
good  citizens  who  for  years  had  labored  to  bring  about  this 
great  reform. 

For  years,  those  of  you  who  are  acquainted  with  the  revenue 
laws  of  our  State,  know  that  valuations  in  the  past  have  not  been 


DUNNE JUDGE,    MAYOR,    GOVERNOR  525 

assessed  along  just  or  scientific  lines.  Corporations  have  been 
favored,  and  obtained  privileges,  denied  to  the  small  business  men 
and  the  poor  people  of  the  State.  The  measure  that  would  abol- 
ish the  State  Board  of  Equalization  passed  the  House,  but  the 
Senate  saw  fit  to  bury  the  matter  so  deep  in  the  committee  that  it 
was  never  resurrected.  The  abolition  of  this  board  had  been 
demanded  by  the  three  parties  in  their  respective  platforms.  It 
had  been  recommended  by  a  Republican  Governor,  as  well  a* 
myself.  Its  farcical  work  and  secret  methods  should  have  been 
abolished,  and  in  its  stead  created  a  commission  that  would  in- 
telligently inquire  into  the  tax  laws  of  the  State,  prescribing 
new  forms  for  assessment  returns  and  reports  and  securing  all 
schedules  and  information  which  would  help  bring  about  a  fair 
and  equitable  distribution  of  the  burdens  of  taxation  by  deter- 
mining the  correct  valuation. 

I  think  it  proper  to  direct  your  attention  at  this  time  to  the 
fact  that  in  my  message  to  the  Assembly,  I  pointed  out  that  there 
was  an  insistent  demand  by  the  people  for  at  least  three  amend- 
ments to  the  present  Constitution.  While  that  instrument  as  a 
whole  is  a  good  one,  and  its  bill  of  rights  an  admirable  declara 
tion  and  its  division  of  the  departments  of  government  wise  and 
scientific,  it  has  not  in  its  provisions  relating  to  its  own  amend- 
ment, been  sufficiently  elastic  to  keep  pace  with  the  demands  of 
modern  progress  in  that  its  amending  clause  is,  itself,  in  sad 
need  of  amendment  so  as  to  permit  greater  facilities  in  amend- 
ment now  and  hereafter. 

1  recommended  in  'my  inaugural  and  special  messages  the 
enactment  of  eighteen  specific  measures,  twelve  of  which  received 
the  approval  of  the  Assembly,  and  I  had  the  pleasure  of  affixing 
my  signature  thereto,  and  thereby  making  them  laws  of  the  State 
of  Illinois. 

First.  The  Legislature,  on  my  recommendation,  ratified  the 
amendment  to  the  Federal  Constitution,  providing  for  the  election 
of  United  States  Senators  by  direct  vote  of  the  people,  thus 
preventing  for  all  time  the  possibilities  of  such  deadlocks  and 
scandals  as  have  sorely  tried  the  patience  of  the  public  in  the  past. 

Second.  The  Legislature,  on  my  recommendation,  enacted  the 
public  utility  act.  The  Public  Utilities  Commission  lias  large 
powers  over  all  public  utility  companies,  including  control  over 
accounts  and  reports,  capitalization,  rates  and  service,  with  ax«- 
thority  to  conduct  hearings  and  investigations,  to  establish  a 
uniform  system  of  accounts.  In  order  that  the  charges  of  public 
utilities  shall  be  reasonable,  the  fluctuations  in  rates  must  be 
based  upon  conditions  after  a  scientific  investigation.  And  while 
the  law  of  Illinois  contains  many  similar  provisions,  enacted  in 


526  DUNXE JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

other  states,  it  differs  in  two  important  respects  in  that  the  State 
commission-  shall  have  no  jurisdiction  over  municipally  owned 
utilities  and  there  is  no  provision  for  indeterminate  franchises. 

Third.  The  Legislature,  upon  my  recommendation,  passed  a 
public  ownership  act,  in  which  cities  are  given  the  right  to  own 
or  operate  public  utilities  and  to  acquire  or  dispose  of  them  in 
order  that  adequate  service  may  be  secured  for  the  people. 

I  consider  the  passage  of  this  act  one  of  the  greatest  accom- 
plishments of  the  administration,  and  take  pleasure  in  recollect- 
ing that,  when  mayor  of  Chicago,  my  advocacy  of  municipal  own- 
ership of  public  utilities  was  believed  by  many  people  to  be 
chimercial,  but  after  these  years,  during  which  public  thought  has 
adjusted  itself  to  the  economic  laws,  bearing  upon  the  relation 
between  the  utility  companies  and  the  public,  I  experienced  great 
pleasure  in  affixing  my  signature  to  the  bill  which  created  the  law 
and  gave  to  the  municipalities  of  this  State  powers  of  tremendous 
value  to  the  people. 

Fourth.  The  Legislature,  upon  my  recommendation,  passed  an 
act,  authorizing  the  employment  of  convicts  on  State  roads,  which 
made  for  more  humane  treatment,  as  well  as  conserving  the  health 
of  the  convicts,  while  utilizing  their  labor  for  the  benefit  of  our 
rural  communities.  The  honor  system,  has  been  tried  in  other 
states,  and  by  its  use  the  inmates  of  penitentiaries  and  reforma- 
tories have  been  restored  to  society  and  have  again  taken  up  the 
duties  of  citizenship  with  renewed  vigor  and  hope,  instead  of  re- 
maining a  charge  on  society  after  their  release  because  of  their 
tendency  to  renew  criminal  life. 

Fifth.  The  Legislature,  upon  my  recommendation,  passed  an 
act,  establishing  an  epileptic  colony.  Illinois  has  been  some- 
what remiss  in  caring  for  a  portion  of  its  afflicted  people,  and 
while  our  administration  of  charities  is  second  to  none  in  the 
country,  the  care  of  epileptics  has  been  sadly  neglected.  There 
are  about  ten  thousand  in  our  State,  one-third  of  whom  are  prac- 
tically without  means  of  a  livelihood.  They  could  support  them- 
selves if  given  employment,  which  they  cannot  secure  for  them- 
selves on  account  of  their  affliction.  So  I  recommended  the  es- 
tablishment of  an  Epileptic  Colony,  a  tract  of  land  of  about  two 
thousand  acres,  and  while  this  most  humane  matter  has  been 
attempted  before,  I  am  glad  to  say  the  last  Assembly  acted  wisely 
when  they  appropriated  half  a  million  dollars  for  this  very 
worthy  cause. 

Sixth.  The  Legislature,  upon  my  recommendation,  amended 
the  primary  election  law,  and  hereafter  the  candidates  for  elective 
State  and  congressional  offices  will  be  rotated  on  the  ballot.  I 


DUNNE JUDGE,    MAYOR,    GOVERNOR  527 

regret  that  this  same  method  will  not  apply  to  cities  and  villages, 
but  I  believe  that  the  law  as  enacted  will  eliminate  many  of  the 
abuses  previously  complained  of. 

Seventh.  The  Legislature,  upon  my  recommendation,  estab- 
lished the  Legislative  Reference  Bureau,  which  will  prove  a  bene- 
fit not  only  to  members  of  the  Legislature,  but  to  all  the  State 
departments,  civic  bodies  and  the  public  as  well.  The  collection 
of  data  on  economic  and  sociological  subjects,  procuring  complete 
information  on  all  legislative  topics,  will  furnish  the  members 
of  the  next  Assembly  information  in  a  ready  and  accessible  man- 
ner, which  will  enable  it  to  intelligently  discuss  the  many  prob- 
lems which  it  will  have  to  consider.  The  bureau  will  prepare  a 
comparative  statement  of  State  expenditures  and  a  statement  of 
estimates,  and  this  new  form  of  budget-making  should  enable  the 
Assembly  to  speedily  dispose  of  the  appropriations  in  an  intelli- 
gent manner.  Besides,  the  bureau  will  assist  the  members  of  the 
Assembly  in  drafting  of  bills,  and  the  preparation  of  resolutions, 
etc. 

Eighth.  The  Legislature,  upon  my  recommendation,  created 
the  efficiency  and  economy  committee,  consisting  of  eight  mem- 
bers chosen  from  the  Senate  and  House,  who  are  now  preparing 
the  plans  for  an  examination  into  the  condition  of  public  institu- 
tions and  departments  of  the  State,  to  ascertain,  if  it  is  possible 
to  reduce  the  expenditures  without  impairing  the  efficiency  and  to 
provide  for  the  latter,  where  it  is  possible  to  do  so. 

Ninth.  The  Legislature,  upon  my  recommendation,  amended 
the  two-cent  fare  law  so  that  the  discrimination  that  existed 
against  children,  obliging  them  to  pay  higher  rates  than  adults, 
when  paying  fares  on  trains,  will  no  longer  penalize  them  in  this 
regard. 

Tenth.  The  Legislature  followed  my  suggestion  concerning 
good  roads.  The  improvement  of  highways,  which  all  must  recog- 
nize as  vital  to  the  agricultural  and  educational  welfare  of  Illinois, 
has  been  shamefully  neglected.  There  are  nearly  one  hundred 
thousand  miles  of  roads  in  Illinois,  only  ten  per  cent  of  which 
are  up  to  the  standard  that  obtains  in  our  neighboring  states. 
Illinois,  while  rich  agriculturally,  is  twenty-fourth  in  the  matter 
of  improved  roads,  and  the  loss  occasioned  to  farmers,  and  the 
hardships  connected  with  transporting  products  of  the  farm  to 
the  towns  and  cities,  has  a  direct  bearing  on  the  high  cost  of 
authorities.  The  State  and  county  equalize  the  cost  of  construc- 
tion and  practically  a  million  and  a  half  dollars  were  appropriated 
cliarge  of  State  roads  to  be  built  in  cooperation  with  the  local 
authorities.  The  State  and  county  equalize  the  cost  of  construc- 
tion and  practically  a  million  and  a  half  dollars  were  appropriated 


528  DUVNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

for  these  expenditures  for  the  next  two  years.  The  method  of 
securing  county  superintendents  by  competitive  examination  of 
nominees  of  the  county  boards  should  secure  efficient  supervision 
of  road-making  and  bridge-building  in  Illinois. 

Eleventh.  The  Legislature,  at  my  request,  passed  an  act  in  rela- 
tion to  the  semimonthly  payment  of  wages  and  salaries  by  corpo- 
rations for  pecuniary  profit  engaged  in  any  enterprise  or  business 
in  Illinois,  which  will  relieve  and  be  of  great  benefit  to  many  thou- 
sands of  wage-earners  and  salaried  people  within  this  State.  Lack 
of  ready  money  in  cases  of  illness,  death  or  any  unforeseen  occur- 
rence, is  often  the  occasion  of  much  embarrassment  and  the  means 
of  throwing  many  a  victim  into  the  clutches  of  the  loan  shark. 

Twelfth.  The  Legislature,  at  my  request,  after  an  investigation 
of  the  fish  and  game  departments  of  the  State  had  disclosed  extrava- 
gance and  waste,  failure  to  enforce  the  laws  arid  neglect  in  conserv- 
ing the  natural  resources  of  the  State,  consolidated  these  two  de- 
partments and  created  the  Game  and  Fish  Conservation  Commis- 
sion, in  order  to  keep  step  with  the  progress  attained  by  other 
states  in  this  direction. 

Much  more  beneficial  legislation  was  secured,  principally  among 
which  was  the  workman's  compensation  act,  which  revised  the  law 
of  1911,  providing  for  a  definite  award  to  injured  employes  and  the 
creation  of  a  commission  to  pass  upon  the  amount  of  the  award  in 
place  of  the  County  Court,  and  the  woman  suffrage  act,  giving 
women  large  franchise  rights  in  the  State. 

The  mechanics '  lien  law  was  extended  to  give  a  subcontractor 
a  lien  on  the  building  for  which  labor  or  material  was  furnished. 

Coal  mining  laws,  providing  greater  safety  in  mining  opera- 
tions and  the  establishment  of  rescue  stations,  will  prove  a  benefit 
to  coal  mining  employes. 

There  was  also  a  commission  appointed  to  investigate  causes 
and  effects  of  unemployment  in  Illinois. 

A  more  thorough  investigation  of  railroad  safety  appliances 
and  the  requiring  of^electric  headlights  on  railroad  engines,  provid- 
ing that  in  passenger  service  sufficient  candlepower  shall  be  used 
to  discern  an  object  the  size  of  a  man  upon  the  track  at  the  distance 
of  eight  hundred  feet,  with  similar  requirements  for  engines  used 
in  other  service,  are  other  important  measures. 

A  law  of  vital  importance  to 'wage-earners,  which  allows  the 
organization  of  corporations  for  loaning  money  by  wage  assignment 
and  limiting  the  rate  of  interest  or  compensation  therefor,  not  to 
exceed  three  per  cent  per  month  for  its  use,  should  have  a  ten- 
dency to  put  a  stop  to  the  outrageous  loan  shark  methods  hereto- 
fore prevailing  in  this  State. 


DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,    GOVERNOR  529 

The  owners  or  operators  of  coal  mines,  mills,  foundries,  shops 
and  such  business  in  which  employes  become  covered  with  grease, 
smoke,  dirt,  perspiration,  etc.,  which  might  injure  their  health  or 
make  their  condition  offensive  to  the  public,  must  maintain  sanitary 
wash  rooms  convenient  to  the  place  of  employment  for  the  use  of 
the  employes. 

This  summary  of  what  was  attained  at  the  last  session  will,  by 
comparison  with  the  previous  sessions  extending  back  over  a  period 
of  years,  seem  favorable  indeed.  Some  of  the  measures  will  help 
revitalize  the  whole  law  in  Illinois.  Much  more  might  have  been 
accomplished,  but  what  was  secured  has  great  merit. 


530  DUNNE JUDGE,    MAYOR,    GOVERNOR 


PLEASED  AT  REGISTRATION  OF  SO 
MANY  WOMEN. 

STATEMENT  TO  CHICAGO  JOURNAL,  FEBRUARY  4,  1914. 

Am  pleased  at  the  splendid  outpouring  of  Chicago  women  on 
registration  day,  particularly  in  my  own  ward,  the  25th.  My  wife 
and  daughter  registered  among  them. 

Am  confident  that  it  presages  still  greater  interest  in  the  future 
among  women. 

Every  woman,  entitled  to  vote,  should  be  registered  at  the  very 
first  opportunity.  Democratic  women  should,  and  will,  exhibit  as 
much  interest  in  the  issues  of  the  day  as  other  women.  The  only 
decent  argument  ever  used  against  women  suffrage  was  that  women 
did  not  want  suffrage.  The  answer  to  that  objection  has  been  given. 
There,  are  154,000  women  in  Chicago  who,  at  the  very  first  oppor- 
tunity, answered  that  objection.  I  believe  Chicago  is  the  largest 
city  in  the  world  where  women  are  now  permitted  to  vote,  and  they 
are  splendidly  availing  themselves  of  the  opportunity  given  them 
by  the  law  which  I  signed  as  Governor  last  June. 


DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,    GOVERNOR 


COMMENDS  SERVICES  OF  PRESIDENT 

JAMES. 

LETTER  TO  DR.  EDMUND  J.  JAMES,  MARCH  7,  1914. 

Dear  Sir: 

Yours  of  the  6th  instant  is  before  me.  Before  receiving  notice 
of  the  meeting,  I  had  promised  to  attend  the  celebration  of  the 
centenary  of  the  creation  of  Belleville  as  the  county  seat  of  St. 
Clair  County,  and  have  made  all  arrangements  to  be  present  and 
deliver  an  address  at  that  celebration. 

It  gives  me  much  pleasure  to  know  that  the  teaching  faculty 
of  the  university  has  shown  with  such  practical  unanimity  their 
confidence  in  your  administration  of  the  responsible  position  of 
President  of  the  University  of  Illinois. 

Every  citizen  of  this  State,  including  myself,  is  intensely  inter- 
ested in  the  continued  success  of  this  great  university,  and  it  is  my 
earnest  hope  and  desire  that  all  personal  considerations  and  ties  of 
preference  among  the  trustees  should  give  way  to  the  great  object 
of  making  our  university  the  greatest  State  University  in  the 
United  States. 

Politics  must  not  enter  into  consideration  in  the  management 
of  the  university,  and  whatever  may  be  our  affiliation  with  politi- 
cal parties,  they  should  be  forgotten  in  the  execution  of  our.  busi- 
ness as  trustees  of  the  university. 

In  reference  to  yourself,  as  I  have  heretofore  publicly  stated,  I 
believe  you  to  be  a  most  efficient  and  competent  executive  and  edu- 
cator. Under  your  administration,  the  university  has  developed 
in  the  most  wonderful  manner,  and,  in  my  judgment,  the  State 
University  is  fortunate  in  possessing  such  an  able  and  forceful 
executive  at  its  head. 

Kindly  present  to  the  Board  of  Trustees  my  regrets  at  being 
unable  to  be  present. 

Wishing  you  and  the  university  continued  success,  etc. 

E.  F.  DUNNE. 


532  DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,    GOVERNOR 


ON  BELLEVILLE'S  CENTENARY. 

ADDRESS  AT  BELLEVILLE,  ILL.,  MARCH  10,  1914. 

Mr.  Chairman,  Ladies  and  Gentlemen: 

The  State  of  Illinois  will  celebrate  the  first  centenary  of  its 
statehood  in  1918.  Yet.  sti'ange  to  say,  the  city  of  Belleville  cele- 
brates the  centenary  of  its  creation  as  a  county  seat  today.  It  must 
be  a  matter  of  pride  to  the  citizens  of  this  city  that,  in  antiquity, 
it  antedates  the  creation  of  Illinois  as  a  State  and  it  is  meet  and 
proper  that  the  historic  occasion  be  observed  with  fitting  ceremony. 

The  city  of  Belleville  was  made  the  county  seat  of  St.  Clair 
County,  a  hundred  years  ago  today.  Cast  your  eyes  back  over  that 
lapse  of  a  century  and  contemplate  with  me  the  stupendous  changes 
which  have  come  and  the  tremendous  progress  that  has  been  made. 
From  a  population  of  about  50,000  in  1818,  the  State  has  sprung 
into  the  place  of  the  third  state  of  the  Union  with  a  population  of 
nearly  six  millions.  St.  Clair  County,  second  county  in  the  State 
in  1820,  with  a  population  of  5,248,  still  remains  the  second  county 
but  with  a  population  of  about  130,000.  To  the  galaxy  of  the 
Nation's  great  men  and  the  State's  idols,  your  beautiful  city  of 
Belleville,  true  to  the  literal  translation  of  its  euphonious  name, 
en j  03^8  the  rare  distinction  of  having  contributed  a  goodly  share. 
There  was  Ninian  Edwards,  a  successful  business  man  of  Belleville, 
who  attained  the  distinction  of  becoming  Governor  of  the  State,  the 
only  territorial  Governor  the  Illinois  territory  had  and  the  third 
Governor  of  the  State.  He  left  the  imprint  of  his  magnificent 
character,  his  winsome  ways  and  his  dignified  and  courtly  bearing, 
indelibly  on  the  records  of  Illinois.  The  house  which  he  built  and 
where  he  lived  and  died,  during  the  disastrous  cholera  epidemic 
which  devastated  a  large  portion  of  our  State,  still  stands  here,  I 
am  told,  as  a  landmark  and  as  his  only  monument. 

Governor  John  Reynolds,  too,  was  a  Belleville  man.  If  he  were 
alive  today,  he  would  doubtless  be  branded  as  a  chronic  office-seeker 
and  as  a  politician  whose  hunger  for  place  was  practically  insatiable, 
but  in  his  day  he  secured  and  retained  the  confidence  and  love  of 
his  fellow  citizens.  He  is  the  only  man  I  know  of  who  rose  to  first 
rank  in  all  three  of  the  separate  branches  of  our  State  government, 
viz:  the  legislative,  the  judicial,  and  the  executive.  Eeynolds  was 
Governor  and  he  was  a  great  Governor,  but,  before  he  achieved  this 


DUNNE JUDGE,    MAYOR,    GOVERNOR  533 

distinction,  he  was  a  member  of  the  Legislature  and  Speaker  of  the 
House.  He  was  besides  that  a  distinguished  and  illustrious  member 
of  our  Supreme  Court ;  a  member  of  Congress  and  a  foreign  diplo- 
mat. Best  of  all,  he  was  the  historian  of  the  State.  He  wrote  and 
printed  his  books  in  Belleville.  Copies  of  the  original  editions  of 
these  publications  are  priceless  treasures  now  and  they  are  only 
parted  with  by  their  envied  and  happy  possessors  at  fabulous  prices. 
His  home  still  stands  and  is  an  ornament  to  North  Illinois  Street. 
His  bones  rest  on  the  summit  of  Walnut  Hill  Cemetery,  his  last 
resting  place  being  marked  by  a  dignified,  though  exceedingly  mod- 
est shaft  of  marble. 

William  H.  Bissell  was  another  of  the  Governors  Belleville  gave 
to  the  State.  He  also  served  with  rare  distinction  in  the  Congress  of 
the  Nation.  He  was  a  man  of  robust  courage,  charming  eloquence 
and  great  executive  power.  His  prompt  acceptance  of  the  Jeff  Davis 
challenge  to  a  duel  and  the  trying  conditions  he  named  and  the 
subsequent  humiliating  backdown  of  Senator  Davis  is  one  of  the 
facetious  events  in  American  history. 

James  Shields  practiced  law  in  this  city,  a  Belleville  man.  So 
high  did  he  rise  on  the  pedestal  of  fame  that  his  statue  today  graces 
a  spot  in  the  Hall  of  Fame  in  the  Nation's  Capitol  in  Washington. 
He,  too,  was  a  statesman,  a  jurist,  a  soldier,  an  orator.  His  person- 
ality was  overwhelming,  fascinating  and  overpowering.  Illinois 
claims  him  as  her  own  but,  "after  leaving  Belleville,  he  had  the  rare 
distinction  of  representing  two  other  states,  Missouri  and  Minne- 
sota, besides  Illinois,  in  the  Senate  of  the  United  States.  This  is 
wonderful  and  an  unexcelled  record. 

One  of  the  greatest  men  our  State  has  produced  was  Lyman 
Trumbull,  and  he  came  to  us  from  St.  Clair  County  and  from  Belle- 
ville, where  he  lived  and  practiced  law  for  many  years.  He  loved 
this  city  and  its  people.  He  became  distinguished  among  his  fellow 
men.  He  was  Secretary  of  State,  a. Supreme  Justice  and  twice  a 
United  States  Senator.  He  was  really  and  truly  a  noble  Roman. 
In  the  Senate  he  served  with  the  intrepidity  of  a  lion,  the  ability 
of  a  Cicero  and  a  Demosthenes,  and  the  fidelity  of  a  Cincinnatus. 
I  knew  him,  loved  him  and  revered  him. 

Belleville  has  the  record  of  having  furnished  three  of  the  Gov- 
ernors of  the  State  but  the  city  was  not  content  to  stop  there;  it 
also  supplied  two  of  the  Lieutenant  Governors,  viz:  William  C. 
Kiniiey  and  Gustave  Koerner.  Either  of  these  men  would  have 
made  a  great  Governor.  They  possessed  education,  culture,  charac- 
ter, ability,  brains,  energy  and  ambition.  Koerner  was  of  the  cele- 
brated German  stock,  for  which  your  city  and  county  are  justly 
famous. 


534  DUNNE JUDGE,    MAYOR,    GOVERNOR 

Belleville  was  the  home  of  Jehu  Baker,  an  orator  of  national 
reputation  and  a  great  statesman,  who  died  a  pioneer  in  the  pro- 
gressive political  movement  which  is  at  this  time  bringing  about 
great  changes  in  the  social,  economic  and  political  conditions  in  this 
country,  through  process  of  peaceful  revolution.  It  was  the  second 
home  of  the  illustrious  William  R.  Morrison,  hero  of  two  wars,  and 
father  of  tariff  reform.  It  was  the  home  of  Henry  Raab,  the  friend 
of  the  gifted  Altgeld,  twice  elected  to  the  high  office  of  Superin- 
tendent of  Public  Instruction.  Raab  was  a  thinker,  a  philosopher 
and  an  educator.  He  was  one  of  the  great  school  teachers  of  his 
day  and  time.  He  remained  strong,  powerful  and  manly  to  his 
death.  He  set  an  example  worth  emulating.  He  held  the  respect, 
the  admiration  and  the  love  of  all  men.  Nor  has  Belleville  ceased 
to  produce  men  of  sterling  worth  and  character  in  public  life. 
Today  it  is  giving  us  Fred  Kern,  one  of  the  truest  and  ablest  men 
in  public  life,  and  Charles  Karch,  your  member  of  the  Legislature, 
in  whom  you  should  take  more  than  ordinary  pride. 

I  congratulate  Belleville  and  its  people;  the  record  they  have 
is  one  to  be  proud  of.  I  congratulate  St.  Clair  County.  In  point 
of  population,  St.  Clair  County  is  only  outranked  by  Cook. 

Your  city  is  famous  now  and  St.  Clair  County,  is,  for  its  diversi- 
fied industries,  its  capable  men  and  women,  its  splendid  children, 
its  fine  schools,  its  magnificent  churches,  its  exceptional  libraries, 
its  mines,  its  farms,  its  factories,  its  intricate  network  of  railroads, 
its  vast  resources,  its  wealth,  its  glorious  past,  its  wonderful  possi- 
bilities for  the  future.  I  am  proud  to  have  the  opportunity  to  spend 
the  evening  of  your  centennial  anniversary  with  you.  I  thank  you 
for  your  exceedingly  kind  invitation,  and  close  by  expressing  my 
profound  appreciation  of  your  whole-souled  generosity  and  your 
liberal  hospitality. 


DUNNE — JUDGE,  MAYOR,  GOVERNOR  535 


PROCLAMATION  FOR  "ROAD  DAY/' 

To  THE  PEOPLE  OF  THE  STATE,  MARCH  22,  1914. 

Perhaps  no  subject  has  more  thoroughly  aroused  the  people  of 
Illinois  to  action  than  has  the  question  of  improvement  of  our  wagon 
roads. 

In  Illinois,  we  are  entering  upon  a  new  era  of  road  improve- 
ment. The  new  road  law  of  the  State,  one  of  the  most  comprehen- 
sive under  which  any  state  is  acting,  has  become  operative. 

It,  therefore,  seems  fitting,  as  the  time  of  year  approaches  when 
actual  work  can  be  done  on  our  roads,  that  there  should  be  set  aside 
a  day  known  as  "Road  Day,"  upon  which  should  be  commenced 
coordinated  and  intelligent  work  in  improving  the  roadways  of  the 
State.  In  the  observance  of  this  day,  particular  attention  should  be 
called  to  the  improvement  of  our  dirt  roads,  and,  so  far  as  practi- 
cable, plans  should  be  laid  whereby  actual  work  shall  be  initiated 
on  a  day,  set  aside  for  that  purpose,  and  carried  on  continuously 
thenceforth. 

The  spirit  of  the  new  road  law  is  one  of  cooperation ;  the  co- 
operation of  State  officials  with  local  officials,  and,  more  especially, 
the  cooperation  of  the  people  themeslves  with  all  the  officials  in 
their  endeavor  to  carry  on  efficient  work. 

Heretofore  our  road  laws  have  been  woefully  inadequate  and 
ineffective.  The  Tice  law  of  1913  now  makes  possible  economical 
and  well  systematized  efforts,  without  which  efficient  results  cannot 
be  obtained. 

It  is  important  that  the  local  highway  commissioners,  the 
county  superintendents  of  highways,  the  good  roads  organizations 
and  commercial  clubs,  in  their  respective  communities,  unite  in  the 
adoption  of  a  plan  to  organize  and  carry  out  this  work  so  as  to 
give  the  greatest  number  of  citizens  an  opportunity  to  celebrate  the 
observance  of  "Road  Day"  by  practical  work  on  the  roads,  such 
as  road  dragging,  grading,  draining,  hauling  and  placing  gravel, 
stone  or  other  road  material. 

I  have  requested  the  State  Highway  Commission  to  suggest 
what  class  of  work  may  be  entered  into  advantageously. 

It  is  also  advisable  that ' '  Road  Day ' '  be  observed  in  the  schools, 
for  the  children  of  today  are  the  citizens  of  tomorrow,  and  there 
should  be  read  to  the  pupils  in  all  the  schools,  on  this  day,  a  short 
treatise  dealing  with  the  subject  of  road  improvement  together  with 
this  Proclamation. 


536  DUNNE JUDGE,    MAYOR,    GOVERNOR 

It  is  hoped  that  the  observance  of  "Road  Day"  will  result  in 
the  inauguration  of  practical  work  in  the  up-keep  of  the  public 
roads  of  the  State. 

Now,  therefore,  for  the  purpose  of  bringing  about  the  com- 
mencement of  comprehensive  and  coordinated  work  upon  the  road- 
ways of  the  whole  State,  I  hereby  designate  Wednesday,  April  15, 
1914,  as  "Road  Day" — not  a  holiday,  but  a  hard-work  day — upon 
which  day,  I  respectfully  urge  the  State  Highway  Commission,  the 
State  highway  engineers,  county  superintendents  of  highways,  town 
or  district  road  officers,  their  employes  and  the  public  in  general,  to 
begin  practical  and  effective  'work  upon  the  improvement  of  high- 
ways of  the  State,  to  continue  said  work  industriously  and  to  ' '  Pull 
Illinois  out  of  the  mud, ' '  which  has  so  grievously  clogged  her  rural 
transportation  in  the  past. 

In  witness  whereof,  I,  Edward  F.  Dunne,  do  hereunto  set  my 
hand  and  cause  to  be  affixed  the  Great  Seal  of  State  this  twenty- 
third  day  of  March,  A.  D.  1914. 

E.  F.  DUNNE,  Governor. 


DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,    GOVERNOR  537 


THE  HIGHWAYS  OF  ILLINOIS. 

ILLINOIS  HIGHWAY  IMPROVEMENT  ASSOCIATION,  CHICAGO, 
MARCH  26,  1914. 

Mr.  Chairman  and  Gentlemen: 

Illinois  is  the  third  State  in  the  United  States  in  population, 
wealth,  and  political  and  commercial  importance. 

It  is  the  premier  agricultural  State  of  the  United  States.  Its 
soil,  on  the  average,  is  three  times  as  valuable,  in  selling  price,  as 
the  average  soil  of  the  United  States,  and  yet  in  that  important  fea- 
ture which  gives  value  to  the  farm,  to-wit :  the  roadways  which  lead 
to  its  gates,  Illinois  is  scandalously  and  deplorably  in  the  back- 
ground as  compared  with  most  of  the  other  progressive  states  of 
the  Union. 

In  the  matter  of  rates  of  improved  roadways  to  unimproved 
roadways,  Illinois  holds  today  the  hoodoo  number  of  23.  In  other 
words,  22  of  the  states  of  the  United  States  have  a  greater  ratio  of 
improved  roadways  to  unimproved  roadways  than  has  the  great 
State  of  Illinois. 

I  was  surprised  to  find,  upon  investigation,  that  Illinois  has  a 
smaller  percentage  of  improved  roads  than  has  the  United  States 
in  general.  In  other  words,  the  average  percentage  of  improved 
roads  to  unimproved  roads  in  the  whole  of  the  United  States  on 
December  31,  1911,  was  ten  and  one-tenth  per  cent,  while  the  aver- 
age in  the  great  State  of  Illinois  was  only  nine  and  forty-seven 
hundredths  per  cent  on  the  same  date.  This  situation  of  affairs  has 
been,  and  is,  a  reproach  to  the  intelligence  and  a  blemish  on  the 
reputation  of  this  State. 

Most  of  the  public  utilities  of  our  State  were  under  the  control 
of  private  hands  or  corporations,  practically  without  statutory  or 
administrative  regulation,  until  the  year  1914.  All  of  these  utilities, 
however,  owned  by  private  corporations,  have  been,  by  the  action 
of  the  last  Legislature,  brought  within  the  control  of  the  Public 
Utilities  Commission  of  the  State  of  Illinois,  and  will  be  compelled 
by  that  commission  to  give  decent  service  to  the  public  at  reason- 
able rates ;  but  the  greatest  utility  of  all,  to-wit :  the  public  roadways 
of  the  State,  are  absolutely  under  public  control  and  in  public 
ownership,  and  yet  the  public  of  the  State  of  Illinois,  owning  and 
controlling  this  greatest  of  all  utilities  has  failed  in  its  duty  to  give 


538  DUNNE JUDGE,    MAYOR,    GOVERNOR 

decent  transportation  to  the  farmers  and  citizens  of  Illinois,  by 
making  these  roads  decently  passable. 

Less  than  ten  per  cent  of  these  roadways  are  improved,  and  for 
one-third  of  the  year,  the  unimproved  roads  of  this  State  are,  in 
many  extensive  districts,  practically  impassable,  and  unfitted  for 
use  by  the  farmers  of  the  State.  As  a  result  the  production  and 
marketing  of  crops  is  hindered ;  rural  consumers  are  kept  away  from 
the  stores  of  the  merchants;  pupils  frequently  kept  from  school; 
voters  from  political  meetings,  and  from  participation  in  elections, 
and  social,  fraternal  and  religious  organizations  are  seriously  im- 
paired in  their  gatherings. 

The  impassability  or  difficulty  of  passage  of  these  roads  has 
contributed  more  than  anything  else  to  the  isolation  and  unattrac- 
tiveness  of  farm  life,  and  has  driven,  in  many  cases,  the  best 
brain  and  brawn  of  our  citizens  from  the  farm  land  to  the  con- 
gested cities. 

Alienists  of  standing  ascribe  much  of  the  depression  and 
melancholy,  particularly  among  women,  to  the  solitary  life  en- 
forced upon  the  occupants  of  farms  by  reason  of  improper 
methods  of  intercommunication.  It  is  high  time  that  the  back- 
ward and  disgraceful  position  which  Illinois  occupies  among  the 
States  in  regard  to  the  improvements  of  its  roadways  should  be 
changed.. 

The  Amended  law,  placed  upon  our  statute  books  by  the  last 
Legislature,  known  as  House  Bill  No.  843,  affords  a  scheme  of 
State  aid,  and  provides  for  cooperation  between  the  State  and  the 
counties  in  such  a  way  as  to  encourage  and  develop  road  building 
in  the  State  of  Illinois. 

No  class  of  people  in  the  community  should  be  more  inter- 
ested in  the  development  of  improved  highways  than  the  farmers 
of  the  State.  These  roadways  are  the  only  avenues  leading  to 
the  gates  of  their  farms,  upon  which  they  can  get  to  market  the 
products  of  their  soil  and  industry,  and  the  only  avenues  over 
which  they  can  bring  themselves  and  families  into  contact  with 
their  fellow  beings. 

It  is  true  that  road  building  costs  money.  It  is  true  that  it 
will  entail  some  taxes,  but  I  do  not  believe  that,  if  the  roadway 
building  of  the  State  is  conducted  upon  sane  and  sensible  lines, 
under  which  honest  work  will  be  done  for  fair  compensation, 
there  is  a  farmer  in  the  State  of  Illinois  whose  property  will  not 
be  enhanced  in  value  several  times  the  amount  of  taxation  he 
may  be  compelled  to  pay  under  the  new  road  law  in  the  way  of 
bringing  about  good  roads  in  his  neighborhood. 

It  is  time  for  the  intelligent  and  progressive  people  of  Illinois 
to  drag  their  State  out  of  the  disgraceful  23d  position  she  occu- 


DUNNE JUDGE,    MAYOR,    GOVERNOR  539 

pies  among  the  states  in  the  way  of  road  building,  and  further 
drag  the  people  of  the  State  of  Illinois  "out  of  the  mud",  that  so 
long  has  retarded  in  particular  the  great  agricultural  interests 
of  this  premier  agricultural  state. 

Many  voluntary  organizations  have  taken  this  important 
question  up  and  are  cooperating  forcefully  and  effectively  with 
the  public  authorities  of  this  State,  and  I  am  pleased  to  rank 
prominently  among  these  organizations  the  "Illinois  Highway 
Improvement  Association,"  the  organization  to  which  you  belong, 
and  on  behalf  of  the  people  of  the  State  of  Illinois  I  wish  to  con- 
gratulate you  upon  the  interest  you  are  taking  in  this  important 
subject,  and  to  thank  you  and  other  organizations  of  like  char- 
acter for  the  splendid  support  you  are  giving  the  State  Highway 
Commission,  and  the  local  road  building  organizations  of  the  dif- 
ferent districts  of  the  State,  and  I  urge  upon  your  organization 
and  all  other  organizations  of  like  character  to  cooperate  with 
the  State  Highway  Commission  in  and  about  making  a  great  suc- 
cess of  "Road  Day"  upon  April  15,  this  year. 


540  DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,    GOVERNOR 


ON  SUBWAYS  IN  CHICAGO. 

STATEMENT  TO  THE  PUBLIC,  MARCH  30,  1914. 

There  is  no  need  for  argument  that  subways  must  be  built  in 
Chicago.  It  is  inconceivable  that  a  city  of  nearly  2,500,000 
people,  whose  growth  in  population,  commercial  power,  and 
world  influence  has  only  begun,  should  neglect  the  most  modern 
scientific  means  of  adequate  transportation  for  its  people.  Chi- 
cago's citizens  are  intelligent  enough  to  decide  for  themselves, 
and  decide  rightly,  which  method  of  making  an  immediate  start 
in  subway  construction  is  best  for  the  community's  welfare. 

The  important  issue  at  the  present  time  is  not  whether  the 
beginning  should  be  made  upon  an.  initial  subway  in  the  heart  of 
the  city,  to  be  developed  and  extended  from  time  to  time  as  the 
city's  needs  demand,  and  as  the  city's  finances  or  credit  is  avail- 
able or  whether  that  beginning  should  be  made  upon  a  compre- 
hensive city- wide  plan  upon  the  city's  own  cash  and  credit. 

The  important  point,  as  I  view  it,  is  that  no  method  of  sub- 
way construction  should  be  considered  unless  it  provides,  in  un- 
equivocal terms,  for  municipal  ownership.  Not  only  that,  it 
would  be  destructive  of  the  principle  of  municipal  ownership  to 
give  existing  traction  companies  a  part  proprietorship  in  sub- 
ways by  accepting  financial  aid  from  them  in  construction,  or, 
in  any  other  way,  to  allow  these  companies  a  controlling  interest 
in  subways. 

During  the  framing  of  the  traction  ordinances  that  were 
passed  in  1907,  I  was  mayor  of  Chicago,  and  was  opposed  to  allow- 
ing the  traction  companies  to  assume  financial  responsibility,  in 
any  degree,  for  Chicago's  future  subways.  My  views  on  this  score 
have  not  changed  during  the  seven  years  since  elapsed.  I  do  not 
consider  that  Chicago's  experience  with  existing  traction  com- 
panies offers  assurance  that  these  corporations  are  desirable  part- 
ners for  the  city  in  any  large  plan  of  betterments,  intended  to 
really  solve  the  transportation  problem. 

Our  battle  for  municipal  ownership  of  Chicago's  traction 
lines,  during  my  occupancy  of  the  mayor's  office,  was  waged  on 
the  proved  theory  that  private  ownership  of  leading  municipal 
utilities  is  responsible  for  a  large  proportion  of  political  corrup- 
tion in  cities,  as  well  as  for  the  poor  service  rendered. 


DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,    GOVERNOR  541 

Experience  teaches  that  the  most  modern  cities,  in  Europe 
and  America,  are  jnore  and  more  coming  to  this  view.  It  is  being 
proved,  also,  in  countless  instances,  that  cities  are  generally  com- 
petent to  own  and  manage  their  leading  utilities.  They  not  only 
serve  the  people  better,  and  more  economically,  by  doing  so,  but 
they  remove  the  constant  incentive  to  graft  and  corruption  that 
follows  in  the  wake  of  private  ownership. 

It  is  my  belief  that  Chicago  now  has  one  of  the  greatest  op- 
portunities in  its  history  to  declare  its  independence  of  further 
domination  by  its  private  traction  monopoly.  There  should  be 
an  emphatic  response  to  the  appeal  for  a  manifestation  of  true 
pubjic  spirit.  If  the  chains  of  private  monopoly  are  irksome, 
now  is  the  time  to  break  them  rather  than  to  make  them  stronger. 
.  Passenger  subways  should  be  a  municipal  undertaking.  I  am 
personally  inclined  to  the  view  that  the  city  should  build  subways 
with  its  own  funds,  as  rapidly  as  such  funds  are  available,  and 
then  lease  the  subways,  under  proper  safeguards,  to  skilled 
operators.  It  i$  merely  a  question  of  method — the  goal  should 
be  the  same  in  any  method  adopted,  absolutely  city  ownership. 

"Whether  the  city  starts  subways  on  a  comprehensive  scale,, 
at  the  outset,  or  in  an  initial  progressive  way,  there  can  be  no 
possible  excuse  for  any  surrender  of  these  immensely  valuable 
underground  spaces  to  those  who  merely  seek  to  further  exploit 
and  commercialize  the  people's  needs. 

Chicago,  as  a  city  of  manifest  destiny,  needs  every  ounce  of 
patriotism  among  its  present  citizens  to  forestall  a  calamity  of 
this  kind. 


542  DUNNE JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 


ON  AMENDMENTS  TO  MUNICIPAL 
COURT  LAW. 

STATEMENT  TO  THE  PUBLIC,  MARCH  31,  1914. 

This  law  was  one  of  the  188  bills  submitted  to  me  as  Governor 
for  approval  or  disapproval,  when  the  Forty-eighth  General  Assem- 
bly took  a  recess  on  June  20,  1913. 

It  reached  me  from  the  Attorney  General's  office  on  June  24, 
1913.  As  printed  in  the  session  laws  of  the  Forty-eighth  General 
Assembly,  it  covers  forty-two  of  the  printed  pages  of  that  volume. 

Between  June  24  and  June  30,  when  the  Legislature  re- 
assembled, I  was  compelled  to  pass  upon  132  bills,  many  of  them  of 
great  length.  It  was  absolutely  impossible,  in  this  brief  time,  to 
personally  digest  and  analyze,  critically,  this  act.  I  was  advised  by 
the  Attorney  General  that  section  56  of  the  act  was  unconstitu- 
tional. 

Upon  reading  sections  2  and  56  of  the  act,  my  own  experience 
as  a  judge  and  a  lawyer,  convinced  me  of  the  absolute  correctness 
of  the  Attorney  General's  opinion.  I  therefore  determined  to  veto 
the  act.  Some  intimation  must  have  reached  the  judges  of  the 
Municipal  Court  of  my  intention.  A  delegation  of  these  judges, 
consisting  of  Judges  Goodnow,  Wells  and  Caverly,  called  upon  me 
at  my  office  and  asked  to  be  heard  in  objection  to  my  impending  veto. 

I  informed  them  that  section  56  was  plainly  unconstitutional 
and  illegal.  They  thereupon  called  my  attention  to  the  fact  that 
under  section  87  of  the  act,  "The  invalidity  of  any  other  portion 
of  this  act  shall  not  affect  the  validity  of  any  other  portion  thereof, 
which  can  be  given  effect  without  such  invalid  part, ' '  and  promised 
me,  as  Governor,  that  if  I  would  approve  the  act,  they  would  bind 
the  judges  of  the  Municipal  Court  not  to  enforce  the  provisions  of 
this  section  until  its  constitutionality  and  legality  would  be  passed 
upon  by  the  Supreme  Court  of  this  State. 

They  assured  me  that  they  represented  the  full  municipal  bench 
and  this  undertaking  on  their  part  was  committed  to  writing,  and, 
according  to  my  recollection,  signed  by  the  three  judges  on  behalf 
of  the  Municipal  Court. 

My  recollection  is  also  that  they  afterwards  informed  me  that 
the  full  municipal  bench  approved  this  agreement.  Upon  this  un- 


DUNNE JUDGE,    MAYOR,    GOVERNOR  543 

derstanding,  after  conference  with  the  Attorney  General,  I  ap- 
proved the  act. 

I  am  still  of  the  opinion  that  section  56  is  not  only  unconsti- 
tutional but  dangerous  to  the  community. 

It  permits  any  judge  of  the  Municipal  Court,  on  the  application 
of  any  person  in  private  life,  no  matter  how  irresponsible,  to  file  a 
complaint  against  any  citizen  charging  a  felony,  and,  ipso  facto,  by 
the  filing  of  such  complaint  that  court  takes  jurisdiction  of  the 
defendant  charged  with  such  felony  and  places  him  on  trial  without 
any  official  investigation  by  any  sworn  body  or  official  before  assum- 
ing jurisdiction. 

In  my  opinion,  if  this  section  becomes  law,  the  Municipal  Court 
will  be  flooded  with  complaints  by  private  citizens  to  such  a  degree 
as  to  prevent  any  public  official  taking  the  charge  and  control  of 
such  prosecutions,  in  which  event  the  same  section  provides  that  the 
court  which  receives  the  complaint  "may  appoint  any  attorney-at- 
law  to  act  as  prosecuting  attorney.". 

I  do  not  know  whether  the  judges  of  the  Municipal  Court  are 
now  of  the  opinion  that  this  section  is  constitutional  and  valid.  If 
they  are  of  the  opinion  that  it  is  constitutional  and  valid  and  are 
of  the  opinion  that  the  section  should  be  enforced,  the  law  should 
be  beaten  at  the  polls. 

The  section  is  not  only  unconstitutional,  but  would  be,  if  en- 
forced, a  serious  invasion  of  the  rights  of  citizens  as  heretofore 
enjoyed  in  the  State  of  Illinois. 


544  DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,    GOVERNOR 


ON  THE  PARDON  OF  CHARLES  A. 
KIMSEY. 

STATEMENT  TO  THE  PUBLIC,  MARCH,  1914. 

I  have  this  day  commuted  the  sentence  of  a  convict  who  was 
convicted  of  an  atrocious  crime. 

The  crime  was  committed  by  an  adult  man  with  the  consent 
of  a  female  child  incapable  of  giving  legal  consent  under  the  law. 

What  justification  have  I  for  commuting  this  sentence  and 
giving  this  man  his  liberty? 

Every  justification  from  standards  which  appeal  to  a  human 
heart  tinged  with  human  sympathy. 

As  the  result  of  this  crime  a  babe  has  been  born  which  for 
three  years  has  borne  upon  its  brow  the  brand  of  illegitimacy. 
An  innocent-minded  girl  for  the  same  long  period  has  borne  a 
blasted  reputation.  Throughout  these  three,  years  of  ignominy 
to  the  girl  whose  reputation  has  been  blasted,  and  of  criminality 
to  the  man  whose  reputation  has  been  ruined  and  whose  liberty 
has  been  taken  from  him,  this  man  and  girl  have  preserved  an 
affection  for  each  other,  which  must  be,  and  is,  more  than  lustful. 

She,  with  the  consent  of  her  nearest  relatives,  and  the  man  in 
the  penitentiary,  have  jointly  appealed  to  me  to  permit  them  to 
become  man  and  wife,  to  have  the  iron  bars  of  a  penitentiary, 
which  have  separated  them  so  long,  torn  apart ;  to  permit  them  to 
be  married  under  the  laws  of  the  State  ;  to  found  a  home  ;  to  legiti- 
matize their  child,  and  to  become  respectable  members  of  society. 

To  refuse  this  appeal  from  them,  their  relatives  and  friends, 
and  to  keep  the  man  longer  in  prison  would  have  the  effect  of 
still  longer  compelling  this  woman  to  bear  upon  her  breast  the 
scarlet  letter  and  to  expose  this  child  of  three  years  of  age,  in  its 
developing  consciousness,  to  the  taunts  of  its  playmates,  and 
would  prevent  this  man  and  woman  from  condoning  the  past  by 
living  a  virtuous  life  within  the  bonds  of  wedlock.  . 

A  strict  adherence  to  the  letter  of  the  law  which  would  keep 
this  man  in  prison  for  twenty  years  longer,  instead  of  vindicating 
society  and  the  criminal  code,  would,  in  my  opinion,  subject 
societv  arid  its  laws  to  well  merited  censure. 


DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,    GOVERNOR  545 

''To  err  is  human,  to  forgive  divine."  The  pardoning  power 
was  invested  in  the  Governor  of  the  State  to  cover  just  such 
cases,  and,  in  my  judgment,  in  commuting  this  man's  sentence  I 
follow  the  dictates  of  humanity,  the  teachings  of  Christianity, 
and  exercise  wisely  and  justly  the  discretion  vested  in  me  by 
the  laws  of  the  land. 


—18 


546  DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,    GOVERNOR 


DEMOCRATIC  IDEALISM. 

STATEMENT  IN  THE  EAST  ST.  Louis  GAZETTE,  MARCH,  1914. 

The  subject,  "Democratic  Idealism,"  would  have  been 
broader  two  years  ago  than  now.  Webster  says  idealism  means 
conception  of  the  ideal,  and  the  ideal  is  a  mental  standard  or 
model  which  exists  only  in  theory.  In  the  last  twelve  months 
many  Democratic  ideals  which  previously  existed  only  in  theory 
have  become  facts  in  the  statutes  of  Nation  and  State,  and  so  are 
removed  from  the  sphere  of  idealism  into  that  of  reality. 

The  Democratic  party's  ideals  agree  perfectly  with  the  party 
name.  Every  school  boy  knows  democracy  means  the  rule  of 
the  people.  Our  fundamental  ideal  is  complete  rule  of  the  com- 
mon people.  There  was  a  time  when  Democrats  were  accused 
of  being  theorists  only,  incapable  of  putting  their  ideals  into 
practice.  Few  persons  would  assert  that  now.  A  Democratic 
President  and  Democratic  Congress  have  made  a  record  unsur- 
passed in  history  for  fulfilling  party  promises.  Those  who  are 
familiar  with  the  work  of  the  last  State  Legislature  in  Illinois 
know  now,  and  history  will  record  that  that  Legislature  put  more 
progressive  statutes  into  effect  than  any  in  the  history  of  the 
State.  When  all  these  new  measures  have  had  time  to  produce 
their  results  the  soundness  of  Democratic  ideals  will  be  demon- 
strated. There  will  be  a  more  equal  distribution  of  prosperity 
and  a  far  more  equal  distribution  of  justice. 

The  Democratic  party  has  long  been  known  as  a  party  of 
ideals.  Let  us  take  pride  in  that  fact.  Does  any  one  ever  talk 
of  Republican  ideals?  If  one  were  in  doubt  that  the  Republican 
party  bases  its  sole  appeal  to  the  people  upon  material  selfishness, 
that  doubt  would  disappear  upon  consideration  of  the  course 
Republican  leaders  are  now  following.  They  are  crying  hard 
times  and  praying  for  a  panic.  Their  hope  of  return  to  power 
is  based  on  the  possibility  of  a  financial  condition  which  will 
impel  men  to  consider  dollars  above  principles  and  allow  their 
selfish  interests  to  blind  them  to  the  common  good.  But  there 
will  be  no  panic.  The  currency  bill,  which  established  in  this 
country  for  the  first  time  a  democracy  of  finance,  has  made  it 
impossible  for  cabals  of  vast  wealth  to  precipitate  panics  for 
political  or  other  purposes. 


DUNNE JUDGE,    MAYOR,    GOVERNOR  547 

One  Democratic  ideal  ceased  to  be  a  theory  and  became  a  fact 
when  for  the  first  time  in  a  generation,  Congress  enacted  a  tariff 
law  in  which  no  special  interest  or  lobby  had  any  hand.  This 
great  measure  unfettered  industry  and  commerce  and  deprived 
monopoly  of  its  control  over  production,  distribution  and  prices. 
It  was  passed  by  a  Congress  unhampered  by  the  pernicious 
lobby — the  corrupt  agent  of  special  privilege, — which  had  been 
eliminated  from  the  halls  of  the  Capitol,  where  it  had  been  in- 
trenched for  years,  as  a  result  of  exposure  made  by  the  President. 
Democratic  ideals  became  accomplished  facts  in  the  adoption  of 
the  first  two  amendments  to  the  Constitution  since  1870,  namely, 
the  imposition  of  a  graduated  income  tax  and  the  provision  for 
electing  Senators  by  direct  vote  of  the  people.  The  income  tax, 
which  is  a  feature  of  the  new  tariff  law,  makes  the  fortunes  of  the 
rich  bear  their  proportionate  part  of  the  burden  of  taxation,  and 
will  probably  bring  into  the  Federal  treasury  one  hundred  million 
dollars  a  year.  The  direct  election  of  Senators  by  popular  vote 
is  an  epoch-making  change  in  our  system  of  government,  the 
greatest  victory  for  popular  rule  that  has  been  won  in  fifty  years. 

In  Illinois,  after  sixteen  years  of  Republican  control  of  the 
Illinois  Legislature,  the  Forty-eighth  General  Assembly  convened 
last  January  with  a  small  plurality  of  Democrats  elected  to  both 
Houses  but  without  a  majority. 

In  my  inaugural  message,  I  urged  upon  the  Assembly  certain 
legislative  steps  which  I  deemed  necessary  for  the  welfare  of  the 
commonwealth,  and  that  I  had  advocated  during  the  campaign 
previous  to  my  election.  Most  of  these  measures  met  with  the 
approval  of  the  Legislature,  but  among  the  most  important  that 
I  recommended,  but  which  failed,  were  the  initiative  and  refer- 
endum, and  the  abolition  of  the  State  Board  of  Equalization. 

I  recommended  in  my  inaugural  and  special  messages,  the 
enactment  of  eighteen  specific  measures,  twelve  of  which  received 
.the  approval  of  the  Assembly,  and  I  had  the  pleasure  of  affixing 
my  signature  thereto,  and  thereby  making  them  laws  of  the  State 
of  Illinois. 

Democratic  ideals  are  in  harmony  with  the  immense  expendi- 
tures Illinois  is  making  upon  public  charities  which  the  last  Legis- 
lature substantially  increased.  Not  a  dollar  must  be  wasted  but 
the  unfortunates  of  the  State  must  be  given  the  best  scientific 
care  it  is  possible  to  buy,  with  kind  and  sympathetic  treatment, 
good  food  and  clean,  comfortable  living  quarters.  The  friends  of 
inmates  of  Illinois  institutions, — hospitals,  schools  and  homes, — 
may  rest  assured  that  all  this  will  be  provided  under  Democratic 
rule. 


548  DUNNE JUDGE,    MAYOR,    GOVERNOR 

Nor  do  Democratic  ideals  bar  from  kindly  consideration  the 
prisoners  in  our  reformatory  and  penitentiaries.  They  have  of- 
fended against  the  laws  and  are  righteously  being  punished;  yet 
they  are  men  and  brothers  and  only  too  often  have  they  been  more 
sinned  against  than  sinning.  We  shall  try  to  build  them  up 
rather  than  destroy  them;  to  treat  them  behind  the  bars  so  as 
to  send  them  out  into  the  world  again,  not  broken  but  mended ; 
with  an  opportunity  to  make  good  and  with  help  rather  than 
hindrance  in  their  efforts  to  seize  the  opportunity. 

In  this  instance  I  have  mentioned  and  in  many  others,  Demo- 
cratic ideals  are  being  wrought  into  reality  in  a  way  of  which 
every  Democrat  should  be  proud.  But  there  are  still  many 
ideals  which  remain  theories.  The  Initiative  and  Referendum  is' 
one  of  these.  The  abolition  of  the  State  Board  of  Equalization 
is  another.  Let  us  work  for  a  Democratic  Legislature  which 
will  provide  for  constitutional  amendments  that  will  enable  us 
to  secure  to  the  people  these  great  reforms  and  keep  step  with 
the  demands  of  the  progressive  Democracy  now  triumphant  in 
the  State  and  Nation. 


DUNNE JUDGE,    MAYOR,    GOVERNOR  549 


AS  TO  TUBERCULIN  TEST  OF  DAIRY 

HERDS. 

STATEMENT  TO  THE  PUBLIC,  APRIL  8,  1914. 

In  view  of  certain  letters  of  protest  which  Governor  Dunne 
has  received  from  commission  men  doing  business  at  the  Union 
Stock  Yards  in  the  City  of  Chicago  and  of  letters  which  have 
been  received  from  dairy  men  and  stock  dealers  in  relation  to 
the  proclamation  issued  by  the  Governor,  dated  November  12, 
1913,  and  which  proclamation  went  into  effect  January  1,  1914, 
and  which  in  substance  prohibited  the  importation  into  the  State 
of  Illinois,  except  for  immediate  slaughter,  of  cattle  which  did  not 
have  a  certificate  of  health  based  upon  the  tuberculin  test,  the 
Governor  desires  to  make  this  statement. 

The  said  proclamation  was  issued  only  after  a  very  deliberate 
and  careful  examination  into  the  cattle-raising  business  of  the 
State  of  Illinois.  It  was  unanimously  recommended  by  the  Chief 
State  Veterinarian  and  the  Board  of  Live  Stock  Commissioners. 
When  the  matter  of  issuing  the  proclamation  was  under  con- 
sideration, notice  was  given  to  the  persons  and  interests  opposed 
to  its  issuance.  Those  favoring,  and  those  opposing,  the  issuance 
of  the  proclamation  were  given  full  opportnuity  to  be  heard.  The 
question  of  the  accuracy  and  reliability  of  the  tuberculin  test  was 
fully  gone  into. 

The  Governor  then  communicated  with  the  United  States 
Department  of  Agriculture,  Bureau  of  Animal  Industry,  and 
ascertained  that  that  bureau  regarded  the  tuberculin  test  as  accu- 
rate and  reliable,  and  in  no  way  injurious  to  cattle. 

Most,  if  not  all,  of  the  stock-raising  associations  in  the  State 
have  strongly  commended  the  Governor's  course  in  issuing  this 
proclamation,  but  several  commission  men,  doing  business  in  and 
around  the  Union  Stock  Yards  in  Chicago,  are  opposed  to  its 
continuance. 

In  view  of  these  facts,  the  Governor  has  again  communicated 
with  the  United  States  Department  of  Agriculture,  Bureau  of 
Animal  Industry,  and  asked  that  department  to  inform  him,  first, 
whether  or  not  the  tuberculin  test  is  accurate  and  reliable,  and, 
second,  whether  or  not  its  administration  could  be  injurious  to 


550  DUNNE JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

cattle.      In  answer  to  these  inquiries,  the  Governor  has  received 
the  following  communication : 

''UNITED  STATES  DEPARTMENT  OF  AGRICULTURE, 

BUREAU  OF  ANIMAL  INDUSTRY, 

WASHINGTON,  D.  C. 

Hon.  Edward  F.  Dunne,  Governor,,  State  of  Illinois,  Springfield,  III. 

SIR:  Referring  to  your  letter  of  March  20,  enclosing  a  copy 
of  a  proclamation  issued  by  you  upon  November  12,  1913,  and 
requesting  information  in  regard  to  the  status  of  the  tuberculin 
test  as  a  diagnostic  agent  for  bovine  tuberculosis  of  cattle,  I  have 
the  honor  to  state  that  the  tuberculin  test,  when  properly  applied 
by  qualified  veterinarians  or  other  persons  especially  trained  in 
the  technique  of  the  test  and  the  physical  diagnosis  of  diseases  of 
animals,  is  considered  the  most  reliable  method  known  for  the 
diagnosis  of  bovine  tuberculosis.  When  the  test  is  applied  in  the 
manner  indicated  post-mortem  examinations  will  confirm  the  re- 
actions to  the  test  in  approximately  98  per  cent  of  the  cases. 

Tuberculin  is  a  sterile  extract  of  the  product  of  the  growth 
of  tubercule  bacilli  in  artificial  culture  media,  and  its  injection 
into  healthy  cows  is  not  capable  of  producing  tuberculosis  or 
any  other  disease,  in  fact,  it  has  no  more  influence  upon  healthy 
cattle  than  would  the  injection  of  the  same  quantity  of  freshly 
boiled  water.  It  has  no  influence  in  producing  abortion  in 
healthy  cows,  although  in  a  few  instances  it  has  appeared  as  a 
possible  factor  in  producing  abortion  in  cows  affected  with  ad- 
vanced cases  of  tuberculosis. 

Statistics  obtained  from  herds  of  cattle  in  which  the  milk 
produced  is  weighed  at  each  milking,  show  that  the  application 
of  the  tuberculin  test  has  no  influence  whatever  in  reducing  milk 
production. 

Very  respectfully, 

(Signed)  A.  D.  MELVIN, 

Chief  of  Bureau." 

The  Governor  places  the  above  letter  before  the  public  and  all 
parties  interested  for  their  impartial  consideration. 


DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,    GOVERNOR  551 


TO  PERMIT  TRAVELING  SALESMEN  TO 

VOTE. 

STATEMENT  FOR  "TRAVELING  SALESMEN,"  APRIL  13,  1914. 

I  have  for  many  years  past  been  made  aware  by  frequent 
communications  from,  and  by  conferences  with,  commercial 
travelers,  of  the  great  hardship  imposed  upon  these  hard  working 
men  in  the  way  of  compelling  them  to  abandon  their  business, 
leave  the  road,  and  return  to  their  homes  upon  registration  day 
in  order  to  secure  the  right  to  vote. 

I  am  satisfied  that,  because  of  the  provisions  of  the  registra- 
tion law,  many  thousand  hard  working,  honest  and  patriotic  men 
engaged  in  commercial  business  are  deprived  of  the  right  to  vote. 

I  believe  that  the  law  could  be  amended  so  as  to  permit  bona 
fide  commercial  travelers  bearing  credentials  from  their  employ- 
ers to  register  at  any  time  within  ninety  days  of  an  election  by 
making  personal  application  to  the  Board  of  Election  Commis- 
sioners. Upon  such  application  being  made  to  the  Board  of 
Election  Commissioners  at  any  time  within  ninety  days  preceding, 
and  not  less  than  ten  days  before  the  election,  the  Board  of  Elec- 
tion Commissioners  could  have  ample  opportunity  to  ascertain 
the  right  of  the  applicant  to  vote,  and  the  fact  that  his  business 
compelled  him  to  be  upon  the  road  on  registration  day,  and  if 
they  ascertained  after  careful  examination,  that  the  applicant 
was  a  citizen  entitled  to  vote,  and  actively  engaged  as  a  traveling 
salesman,  they  could  then  so  certify  and  place  his  name  upon 
the  register  as  a  traveling  salesman  and  relieve  him  from  the 
necessity  of  personally  registering  his  vote  on  registration  day 
in  his  precinct. 

The  law,  of  course,  would  have  to  be  carefully  drawn  so  as 
not  to  permit  fraudulent  voting  by  persons  not  traveling  sales- 
men, who  might  attempt  to  vote  illegally  under  the  provisions  of 
the  act. 


552  DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,    GOVERNOR 


MEDIATION  PLAN  IS  FAVORED  BY 
GOVERNOR  OF  ILLINOIS. 

STATEMENT  TO  THE  PUBLIC,  APRIL  26,  1914. 

After  reading  dispatches  from  Washington,  announcing  that 
Chile,  Argentine  and  Brazil  had  tendered  their  good  offices  in  an 
effort  to  settle  the  Mexican  controversy,  Governor  Dunne  last 
night  made  the  following  statement: 

"The  acceptance  by  this  great  and  powerful  country  of  the 
offer  of  mediation,  tendered  by  our  sister  republics  in  South 
America,  when  we  have  the  weak,  distracted  and  war-torn  Mexi- 
can nation  practically  under  our  heel,  is  one  of  the  most  magnani- 
mous exhibitions  of  diplomatic  generosity  the  world  has  ever 
seen.  No  one  doubts  that  we  could  crush  Mexico  like  an  egg- 
shell, if  we  saw  fit  to  do  so.  The  strong  can  afford  to  be  gener- 
ous. The  acceptance  of  mediation  averts  a  one-sided  war,  but 
redounds  to  the  glory  and  generosity  of  a  great,  just  and  peace 
loving  nation.  It  markj  in  history  the  beginning  of  the  end  of 
war,  the  commencement  of  disarmament,  and  the  inauguration  of 
arbitrament  among  nations.  All  honor  to  the  great  peace  loving 
President  of  the  United  States  and  his  Secretary  of  State." 


DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,    GOVERNOR  553 


ON  MOBILIZATION  OF  ILLINOIS 
NATIONAL  GUARD. 

STATEMENT  TO  THE  PUBLIC,  MAY  1,  1914. 

Mobilization  of  the  Illinois  National  Guard  at  the  present 
time,  before  any  call  for  troops  is  made  by  the  President,  would 
be  wholly  unjustifiable,  impractical,  highly  expensive,  and  not 
productive  of  any  practical  good  results. 

From  present  indications  there  will  be  no  war  with  Mexico. 
If,  unfortunately,  war  should  arise,  there  will  be  ample  time  to 
mobilize  and  season  the  National  Guard  for  active  duty,  after  the 
President  has  issued  his  call  for  troops. 

The  seasoning  should  be  done  not  in  Illinois,  but  in  a 
southern  camp,  contiguous  to  Mexico.  If  the  National  Guard,  at 
its  present  strength,  were  mobilized  in  Springfield  tomorrow, 
it  would  be  at  a  cost  to  the  State  of  probably  $25,000  per  day,  no 
part  of  which  would  be  paid  by  the  Federal  Government.  This  is 
a  burden  which  the  taxpayers  of  the  State  would  resent  in  view 
of  the  fact  that  it  would  be  of  no  practical  value. 

Mobilization  of  the  National  Guard  before  any  call  for  troops 
is  made  would  have  the  appearance  of  forcing  the  hand  of  the 
President,  and  would  be  playing  into  the  hand  of  the  belligerent 
jingo  who  wants  war  even  when  war  is  unjustifiable  and  un- 
necessary. 

Moreover,  mobilization  of  the  National  Guard  at  the  present 
time  without  notice  to  the  employers  of  the  men  in  the  National 
Guard  would  occasion  them  great  loss  and  inconvenience  which 
should  only  be  entailed  upon  them  when  war  is  declared. 

For  these  reasons  no  mobilization  of  the  National  Guard  of 
Illinois  will  be  ordered  by  the  Governor  at  the  present  time. 


554  DUNNE JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 


ON  THE  DEATH  OF  MARINE,  SAMUEL 
MEISENBERG,  AT  VERA  CRUZ. 

ADDRESS  AT  CHICAGO,  MAY  14,  1914. 

Mr.  Chairman,  Ladies  and  Gentlemen: 

Nearly  two  thousand  years  ago,  the  Roman  poet  Horace 
declared:  "Dulce  et  decorum  pro  patria  mori." 

The  patriotism  that  inspired  the  poet  in  the  days  of  Rome 
still  stirs  the  breast  of  the  modern  patriot.  To  die  for  one's  coun- 
try is  still  a  welcome  and  an  honorable  death  for  him  who  loves 
and  honors  his  country.  Patriotism  still  lives,  and  heroism  still 
prevails. 

At  the  call  of  duty  but  a  short  month  ago,  this  young  man 
whom  we  honor  today,  tore  apart  the  ties  which  bound  him  to 
home  and  kin,  and  devoted  himself  to  the  cause  of  his  country. 
Today  he  lies  upon  his  bier,  a  willing  sacrifice  to  the  vindication 
of  his  country's  honor. 

Death  is  a  tragedy  in  any  shape,  in  &ny  form,  in  any  place, 
and  in  any  cause,  but  a  death  that  occurs  in  the  defense  of  the 
honor  of  one's  country  is  the  sublimest  of  tragedies. 

The  mother  and  the  kin  of  this  brave  lad  are  bowed  today 
with  grief  and  sorrow,  but  if  ever  sorrow  can  be  assuaged,  if  ever 
grief  can  be  mitigated,  that  sorrow  has  been  assuaged,  and  that 
grief  must  be  mitigated  by  the  circumstances  of  his  heroic  death. 

This  young  man  and  his  brave  young  comrades  leaped  upon  a 
foreign  soil  midst  a  rain  of  deadly  bullets,  and  gave  up  their  lives 
that  the  honor  of  their  country  might  be  vindicated. 

"When  that  order  came,  like  the  men  at  Balaklava, 

"Theirs  not  to  make  reply, 
Theirs  not  to  reason  why, 
Theirs  but  to  do  and  die," 

they  obeyed  orders,  faced  death,  and  made  the  supreme  sacrifice, 
This  young  man,  whom  we  are  gathered  together  to  honor, 
sprung  from  a  race  that  was  new  to  our  soil ;  from  a  race  without 
a  country  or  a  flag  in  the  old  land,  but  with  a  yearning  for  liberty 
and  equality  that  found  its  consummation  in  this  great  Republic. 
New  to  its  soil,  he  early  learned  to  love  the  land  of  his  parents' 


DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,    GOVERNOR  555 

adoption,  and  was  ready  to  prove,  and  did  prove,  in  a  great  crisis, 
his  loyalty  and  fidelity  to  this  land  of  liberty. 

What  a  splendid  testimonial,  do  we  find  here  furnished  at 
Vera  Cruz  of  the  absolute  loyalty  of  our  naturalized  citizens  to 
the  cause  of  the  American  Republic.  Read  the  names  of  the  men 
who  gallantly  gave  up  their  lives  in  the  vindication  of  American 
honor  in  that  southern  port  within  the  last  few  days,  and  you 
will  find  that  the  majority  of  them  indicate  their  recent  foreign 
extraction.  Irish,  French,  German,  Jewish,  aye,  even  Armenian 
blood,  mingled  on  the  cobblestones  of  the  streets  of  Vera  Cruz  in 
attestation  of  the  splendid  patriotism  of  the  naturalized  citizens 
of  America.  In  the  hour  of  trial,  this  Republic,  in  the  personnel 
of  its  soldiers  attested  its  cosmopolitan  character. 

Young  Meisenberg  was  a  Jew,  the  descendant  of  a  race  whose 
virility  has  been  attested  by  its  survival  of  and  triumph  over  the 
persecutions  of  ages,  and  the  proscriptions  of  centuries,  a  race 
whose  intellectual  strength  has  been  attested  in  art,  in  science,  in 
literature,  in  music,  in  the  drama,  in  the  professions,  in  the  marts 
of  trade,  and  upon  the  battlefield,  and  a  race  which  is  furnishing 
in  this  land  of  equality  its  full  share  of  leadership  in  modern 
thought  and  action,  and  which  is  proving  its  right  to  the  enjoy- 
ment of  that  equality  of  opportunity  which  is  the  proud  boast 
of  this  country,  by  its  loyalty  to  American  institutions  and  to 
American  Lvvs. 

All  honor  to  the  dead,  and  the  race  from  which  he  sprung. 
As  he  died,  cheerfully  and  proudly,  so  will  other  men  of  that  same 
race,  in  crises  yet  to  come,  prove  their  fidelity  to  this  Nation  and 
its  policies.  Let  us  do  honor  to  his  memory,  offer  consolation  to 
his  kin,  and  congratulations  to  our  mother  country  upon  the  life 
and  death  of  such  as  he. 

"Whether  on-  the  scaffold  high  or  in  the  battle's  van, 
The  noblest  place  for  man  to  die  is  where  he  dies  for  man." 


556  DUNNE JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 


TO  THE  GRAND  ARMY  OF  THE 
REPUBLIC. 

ADDRESS  AT  MATTOON,  JUNE  4,  1914. 

Mr.  Chairman  and  Gentlemen: 

As  Governor  of  this  State,  it  wa«  my  pleasure  and  duty  last 
Saturday,  to  review  the  Memorial  Day  parade  in  Chicago. 

In  the  place  of  honor  in  that  parade  were  a  few  of  the  gallant 
old  men  who  a  half -century  ago  offered  their  lives  for  the  defense  of 
their  country's  honor  and  integrity. 

It  was  not  the  first  time  that  I  had  witnessed  such  a  parade. 
Forty  years  ago,  when  a  boy,  I  witnessed  the  parade  of  gallant, 
able-bodied  men  in  thousands;  men  who  were  in  the  prime  of  life, 
who  had  returned  about  ten  years  before  from  the  battlefields  of 
the  South ;  returned  to  civil  life,  and  who  were  engaged  in  the  varied 
industries  of  the  country. 

What  a  contrast  between  the  years  1874,  and  the  year  1914.  In 
1874  thousands  walked  with  the  firm  and  steady  stride  of  trained 
soldiers,  with  heads  erect  and  shoulders  squared.  Last  Saturday, 
there  moved  but  two  or  three  hundred  men,  gray-haired,  stooped, 
and  enfeebled  by  age. 

Post  after  post  moved  slowly  by,  in  numbers  that  were  pain- 
fully few.  The  flag  of  Mulligan's  post  was  followed  by  only  three 
survivors,  and  I  reflected  that  although  the  numbers  were  not  there, 
the  spirit  of  the  thousands  of  men  who  served  the  Union  hovered 
around  that  meager,  age-burdened  group  of  men,  and  the  spirit  of 
the  country,  which  first  created  and  instituted  Memorial  Day,  was 
as  strong  in  the  year  1914  as  it  was  in  the  sixties  and  seventies. 

We  are  frequently  charged  in  this  age  of  commercialism  with 
being  materialistic  and  lacking  in  sentiment,  and  yet  what  better 
proof  can  there  be  that  sentiment  still  reigns  in  this  twentieth  cen- 
tury than  the  fact  that  fifty  ye'ars  after  the  great  Civil  War,  men 
and  women  will  lay  aside  the  duties  of  life  and  celebrate  Memorial 
Day  with  as  much  solemnity  and  feeling  as  they  did  one-half 
century  ago. 

A  few  years  ago  I  was  in  the  city  of  Paris,  and  amongst  the 
beautiful  places  of  that  beautiful  city,  I  visited  the  Place  de  la  Con- 
corde. Around  this  beautiful  place  were  arranged  in  circular  form, 
the  statues  of  the  great  cities  of  France,  and  as  I  gazed  from  one  to 


DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,    GOVERNOR  557 

the  other  I  noticed  that  one  .was  covered  with  wreaths  of  immor- 
telles. The  name  of  the  city  was  covered,  and  even  the  features  of 
the  figures  were  heaped  up  with  these  evidences  of  sentiment.  I 
asked  why  was  this  statue  so  covered,  and  I  was  told  that  that  statue 
represented  the  city  of  Strassburg,  which  by  the  fortunes  of  war 
was  torn  from  the  body  politic  of  the  French  republic  thirty 
years  ago. 

I  was  further  told  that,  during  all  these  thirty  years,  there  was 
never  a  time  when  the  statue  of  the  city  of  Strassburg  was  not 
covered  with  fresh  immortelles,  and  upon  looking  upon  that  flower- 
covered  statue,  I  was  filled  with  admiration  for  the  sentimental 
character  of  a  people  who,  for  thirty  years,  never  forgot  a  lost  sister 
among  the  cities  of  France ;  and  yet  when  I  gazed  upon  the  thou- 
sands of  able-bodied  men  armed,  accoutred  for  war  who  followed  last 
Saturday  the  fading  and  failing  posts  of  the  Grand  Army  of  the 
Republic,  I  congratulated  myself  that  there,  was  sentiment  still  in 
America  as  strong  and  as  powerful  as  that  sentiment  which  existed 
among  the  people  of  Paris,  in  relation  to  the  lost  city  of  Strassburg. 

The  men  and  women  of  America  today  have  the  same  admira- 
tion and  respect  for  the  men  living  and  dead  who  risked  their  lives 
in  the  "War  of  the  Rebellion  as  they  had  fifty  years  ago,  when  this 
Nation  was  first  recovering  from  the  shock  of  that  great  Civil  "War. 
With  that  admiration,  respect  and  affection  for  the  heroes  of  that 
day,  they  have  and  feel  a  supreme  confidence  that  such  a  crisis  shall 
never  again  occur  in  American  history;  that  the  American  people 
today  are  one  and  indivisible,  North  and  South,  East  and  West; 
that  the  ties  of  the  closest  affection  have  recreated  a  Nation  ani- 
mated by  a  patriotic  fervor  that  will  make  another  civil  war,  not 
only  improbable,  but  impossible. 

I  congratulate  you  men  of  the  Grand  Army  of  the  Republic, 
who  still  live,  upon  the  fact  not  only  that  you  did  your  duty  in  the 
hour  of  the  Nation 's  trial,  but  that  you  have  been  fortunate  enough 
to  possess  such  constitutions  and  physical  strength  as  to  have  with- 
stood the  ravages  of  a  half  a  century. 

Let  me  offer  you  congratulations  to  the  living  on  behalf  of  the 
people  of  this  country,  and  gratitude,  both  to  the  living  and  the 
dead,  for  the  glorious  part  that  you  have  played  in  the  history  of 
this  great  Republic. 


558  DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,    GOVERNOR 


AS  TO  RENTAL  OF  STREETS  BY  CAR 
COMPANIES. 

STATEMENT  TO  CHICAGO  JOURNAL,  JUNE  4,  1914. 

I  do  not  agree  with  Alderman  Block,  when  he  declares  that  the 
city  of  Chicago  should  "give  the  surface  car  companies  the  whole 
nickel  to  use  for  transportation  purposes,  but  make  them  pay  rental 
for  the  streets  and  license  fees  for  their  cars. ' ' 

I  am  surprised  that  Alderman  Block  should  take  this  position. 
That  was  the  situation  prior  to  the  passage  of  the  ordinance  of  1907. 
Under  this  sort  of  treatment  of  the  car  companies  by  the  city  of 
Chicago,  the  city  of  Chicago  received  for  many  years  the  most 
scandalous  service  in  the  world,  with  little  or  no  return  to  the  city 
for  rental  or  license  fees. 

The  surrender  by  the  city  of  its  55  per  cent  of  the  net  earnings 
of  the  surface  lines  to  the  traction  companies  is  too  big  a  price  to 
pay  for  the  merger  of  the  elevated  and  surface  lines. 

I  am  clearly  of  the  opinion  that  the  nickel  fare  will  provide 
transportation  of  the  highest  efficiency  on  the  surface  lines  under 
the  present  surface  ordinance.  If  the  efficient  service  is  not  now 
being  given,  it  is  not  because  of  a  lack  of  income. 

The  ordinance  of  1907  should  have  secured  to  the  city  a  share 
of  the  gross  receipts  instead  of  a  share  of  the  net  profits,  but  none- 
theless this  ordinance  does  provide  before  there  shall  be  any  net 
profits  that  there  shall  be  first-class  surface  car  service,  which  can 
be  enforced  by  the  city  council,  and  the  board  of  supervising  engi- 
neers, and  paid  for  out  of  the  income  received  from  the  nickels 
before  any  division  of  net  profits  is  made. 

Net  profits  have  been  declared  and  divided  ever  since  the 
ordinance  was  passed,  every  six  months,  and  if  the  service  has  not 
been  made  efficient  the  fault  lies  with  the  board  of  supervising  engi- 
neers and  the  city  council,  \crnd  does  not  result  from  a  lack  of  funds. 

I  believe  a  nickel  fare  will  cover  the  cost  of  universal  transfers 
in  the  event  of  a  merger  between  the  elevated  and  surface  lines. 
Universal  transfers  upon  such  consolidation  may  reduce  the  net 
profits,  but  I  believe  will  not  wipe  them  out. 

Rather  than  surrender  55  per  cent  of  the  net  profits,  now  aggre- 
gating $13,000,000,  and  which  is  augmenting  so  rapidly  in  the  city 
treasury,  and  which  is  available  for  the  acquisition  of  these  lines  by 


DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,    GOVERNOR  559 

the  city,  I  would  favor  the  taking  over  of  all  the  lines  in  the  city, 
surface  and  elevated,  by  the  city  of  Chicago  by  condemnation  pro- 
ceedings, and  the  operation  of  the  same  under  municipal  owner- 
ship, pursuant  to  the  beneficent  provisions  of  the  public  ownership 
act,  passed  upon  my  recommendation  by  the  last  Legislature, 
in  1913. 

The  city  of  Cleveland,  Ohio,  is  enforcing  a  three-cent  fare.  The 
city  of  Detroit  has  within  the  last  few  days  refused  a  proposition  of 
what  is  practically  a  three-cent  fare,  made  by  the  traction  companies 
of  that  city,  and  has  announced  its  intention  of  owning  and  operat- 
ing the  traction  lines  of  that  city  for  the  benefit  of  the  people. 

If  the  city  of  Detroit  can  own  and  operate  its  traction  lines  and 
give  a  fare  to  the  people  of  three  cents  or  less,  why  should  not  the 
city  of  Chicago  resolutely  refuse  to  surrender  to  the  traction  com- 
panies the  thirteen  millions  it  now  holds  in  its  treasury  for  the 
building  of  traction  lines  and  subways  and  the  splendid  income  it 
is  receiving  year  by  year  as  additions  to  that  fund? 

That  fund  should  be  held  sacredly  by  the  city  of  Chicago  for 
the  acquisition  of  these  lines,  as  it  was  intended  by  the  people  it 
should  be,  and  utilize  it  for  the  building  of  subways,  railway  tracks 
and  acquiring  equipment,  rather  than  donate  it  to  the  transporta- 
tion companies  in  the  city  of  Chicago. 

To  surrender  these  funds  to  the  traction  companies  as  the  price 
of  the  so-called  merger,  would  be  throwing  to  the  winds  the  result 
of  a  ten  years'  fight  that  the  people  of  Chicago  have  made  against 
the  traction  companies  of  that  city. 


560  DUNNE JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 


THE  STRUGGLE  OF  IRELAND  FOR 
HOME  RULE. 

ADDRESS  TO  IRISH  FELLOWSHIP  CLUB  OF  CHICAGO. 

Mr.  Toastmaster  and  Gentlemen: 

In  modern  history,  I  know  of  no  more  interesting,  intellectual 
and  moral  struggle  than  that  of  the  Irish  people  for  local  self- 
government. 

After  a  trial  of  seven  hundred  years,  fair-minded  English 
statesmen  conceded  forty  years  ago  that  English  government  in 
Ireland  has  proved  a  failure.  .  It  was  maintained  during  the  last 
half  of  the  last  century  only  by  repeated  suspensions  of  the  habeas 
corpus  act,  and  the  right  of  trial  by  jury  and  by  the  enactment  of 
drastic  and  cruel  coercion  acts. 

Rebellion  succeeded  rebellion,  coercion  act  succeeded  coercion 
act,  and  the  jails  and  prisons  of  Ireland  were,  from  time  to  time, 
filled  with  political  prisoners,  among  them  the  leaders  chosen  by 
the  Irish  people  to  represent  them  in  the  English  Parliament.  The 
most  intellectual  and  highly  educated  men  of  Ireland,  who  in 
private  life  and  in  political  life,  were  men  of  unimpeachable  char- 
acter, were  dragged  to  jail  and  there  imprisoned  because  of  their 
protests  against  cruel  misgovernment  as  the  result  of  that  mis 
government. 

Ireland  alone  among  the  nations  of  Europe  was  constantly 
decreasing  in  population.  Famine  and  emigration  became  the 
order  of  the  day.  Government  was  administered  by  a  bureau- 
cracy stationed  at  Dublin  castle,  and  appointed  by  the  English 
Government. 

Among  those  who  suffered  imprisonment  because  of  their 
protests  against  this  order  of  things  were  men  like  Parnell, 
Biggar,  the  Redmonds,  Healy,  O'Connor  and  John  Mitchell,  a 
grandfather  of  the  present  mayor  of  New  York.  John  Boyle 
O'Reilly,  0 'Dougherty,  and  others  were  banished  from  the  land. 
Others  were  sentenced  to  death,  all  because  of  viuile  protests 
against  atrocious  misgovernment. 

At  length  in  the  seventies  of  the  nineteenth  century,  men 
arose  to  prominence  in  public  life  in  Ireland,  who  discountenanced 
violence  but  appealed  to  reason.  Among  the  first  of  these  was 
Isaac  Butt,  the  first  great  home  rule  leader. 


561 

With  tremendous  force  and  logic,  he  appealed  to  the  English 
people  and  to  the  world  for  justice  to  Ireland.  He  asked  for 
Ireland  that  right  which  each  of  the  states  of  the  United  States 
possesses,  the  right  of  local  self-government.  His  matchless  elo- 
quence and  convincing  arguments  began  to  make  an  impress  upon 
the  opinion  of  England  and  the  civilized  world. 

Carried  off  in  the  midst  of  his  great  propaganda,  he  was 
promptly  succeeded  by  C.  S.  Parnell,  Joseph  Biggar,  Timothy 
Healy,  and  other  men  of  like  integrity  of  character  and  purity 
of  motive.  These  men  in  and  out  of  the  British  Parliament  pre- 
sented Ireland's  case  with  a  logic  and  force  that  commanded  the 
respect  of  the  civilized  world.  They  gathered  around  them 
younger  men  who  adopted  their  methods,  the  Redmonds,  T.  P. 
O'Connor,  Justin  McCarthy,  and  a  host  of  other  brilliant  men 
who  from  that  time  down  to  the  present  time  have  been  waging 
an  intellectual  and  moral  fight  for  Irish  self-government  in  a  man- 
ner that  has  forced  conviction  even  upon  the  English  people. 

At  length  the  cry  of  Ireland  for  justice  and  for  self-govern- 
ment found  enlodgment  in  the  minds  of  English  statesmen,  and 
among  the  first,  the  great  Gladstone,  was  forced  to  admit  that 
England's  policy  of  governing  Ireland  in  the  past  was  a  fail- 
ure, and  that  other  methods  would  have  to  be  pursued  to  bring 
about  a  peaceful  understanding  between  the  English  and  the 
Irish  peoples. 

Gladstone,  with  all  his  power  of  statesmanship,  advocated 
a  change  of  policy,  and  the  substitution  of  conciliation  and  fair 
treatment  for  the  mailed  hand  of  oppression.  He  succeeded  in 
converting  the  democracy  of  Great  Britain  to  his  views  and 
passed  a  home  rule  measure  through  the  House  of  Commons,  only 
to  have  it  strangled  in  the  House  of  Lords. 

"With  the  death  of  Gladstone,  and  the  failure  of  his  program 
the  struggle  for  Irish  self-government  seemed  to  have  been  lost. 
The  Irish  people  with,  a  steadfastness  and  a  fortitude  unequaled 
in  history,  continued  to  send  back  to  London,  as  their  parlia- 
mentary representatives,  men  who  followed  the  policies  of  Butt 
and  Parnell,  and  these  men  with  indomitable  persistency  kept  the 
presentation  of  Ireland's  case  before  the  English  Parliament 
from  that  day  down  to  the  present  time. 

Within  the  last  two  or  three  years  they  have  won  over  to 
their  cause  the  democracy  of  Great  Britain,  and  the  democracy  of 
Ireland,  and  the  democracy  of  Britain  have  at  last  placed  upon 
the  English  statute  books  a  measure  of  home  rule  that  seems  to 
be  satisfactory  to  most  of  the  leaders  of  these  democracies. 

I  have  not  analyzed  the  provisions  of  this  act.  As  an  Amer- 
ican citizen,  living  in  this  free  land,  it  will  not  affect  me  or  von 


56:2  DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

in  our  civil  life.  I  am  not  prepared  to  say  that  it  is  without 
flaw.  It  suffices  for  me  to  know  that  it  meets  with  the  approval 
of  the  great  mass  of  Irish  people,  and  the  great  mass  of  English 
people. 

My  sympathy  goes  out  to  any  who  are  suffering  from  mis- 
government,  and  my  congratulations  go  out  to  any  people  who  are 
escaping  from  misgovernment. 

I  congratulate  the  democracies  of  Great  Britain  and  Ireland 
that  they  have  reached  an  understanding.  I  care  not  if  that 
understanding  fails  to  meet  the  approval  of  the  privileged  class, 
if  the  mass  of  the  Irish  people,  and  the  mass  of  the  English  peo- 
ple are  satisfied  with  this  enactment. 

We  who  are  not  citizens  or  subjects  of  those  lands  must 
reach  the  conclusion  that  they  are  the  best  judges  of  their  politi- 
cal future.  That  there  are  some  of  the  British  and  some  of  the 
Irish  people  who  are  not  content  with  its  provisions  is  a  matter  of 
regret,  but  there  are  minorities  in  every  country,  and  the  will 
of  the  people,  as  expressed  by  the  majority,  must  determine  the 
policies  of  government  in  every  country. 

Some  of  the  extreme  Irish  nationalists  under  the  leadership 
of  "William  O'Brien  have  not  voiced  their  approval  of  this  law, 
but  failed  to  vote  thereon.  Others  of  the  Irish  people,  under 
the  leadership  of  Sir  Edward  Carson  are  bitterly  opposed  to  the 
law,  but  both  of  these  elements  are  inconsiderable  in  number,  and, 
I  believe,  unreasonable  in  their  attitudes. 

But  six  counties  out  of  thirty-two  follow  the  leadership  of 
Sir  Edward  Carson,  and  but  six  members  of  Parliament,  as  I  am 
informed,  under  the  leadership  of  William  O'Brien,  refused  to 
voice  their  approval  of  the  law. 

Out  of  this  struggle  of  over  forty  years,  the  Irish  home  rule 
law  of  Asquith  has  emerged  as  the  settlement  of  a  great  racial 
controversy.  Settled  not  by  a  resort  to  bullets  and  brute  force 
but  as  the  result  of  intellectual  combat  and  appeal  to  the  con- 
science of  the  British  empire. 

I  trust  that  this  settlement  may  alleviate  the  racial  feud  of 
even  seven  hundred  years,  and  bring  peace  and  prosperity  to  the 
Irish  and  the  English  peoples. 

In  conclusion,  let  me  suggest  to  the  nonassenting  O'Brienites 
and  the  protesting  and  dissatisfied-  Carsonites  that  the  poetic 
advice  of  the  great  Irish  poet,  Thomas  Moore,  is  as  good  today 
as  it  was  a  century  ago. 

"Erin,  thy  silent  tear  never  shall  cease. 
Erin,  thy  languid  smile  ne'er  shall  increase 
Till,  like  the  rainbow's  light, 
Thy  various  tints  unite 
To  form  in  Heaven's  light  one  arch  of  Peace." 


DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,    GOVERNOR  563 


THE  GERMAN  IN  ILLINOIS. 

AT  THE  UNVEILING  OF  GOETHE'S  MONUMENT,  CHICAGO, 
JUNE  13,  1914. 

Mr.  Chairm\an,  Ladies  and  Gentlemen: 

Nearly  a  century  after  his  death  and  in  a  country  on  the  oppo- 
site side  of  the  world  from  where  he  wrote  and  labored,  we  meet 
today  to  unveil  a  statue  to  the  greatest  dramatist  and  author  who 
ever  wrote  in  the  vigorous,  virile  language  of  the  German  nation, 
Johann  Wolfgang  Von  Goethe. 

How  comes  it,  it  may  be  asked  in  this  far  away  country,  so 
remote  from  the  scenes  of  his  labors,  that  a  people,  speaking  a 
different  language,  in  a  nation  different  in  character,  should  be 
paying  so  high  a  tribute  to  the  genius  of  this  man. 

It  is  because :  first,  Goethe  is  so  great  a  character  that  admira- 
tion for  his  genius  is  world-wide,  and  not  limited  to  the  nation  of 
his  birth  and  tongue ;  and,  second,  it  is  because  there  is  in  this  great 
State  a  Germanic  strain  which  has  given  to  this  State  a  population 
of  probably  1,100,000  souls,  or  nearly  twenty  per  jent  of  its  total 
strength,  and  it  is  because  these  vigorous,  virile  Germans  who  have 
been  transplanted  upon  the  fertile  soil  of  Illinois  have  brought  with 
them  not  only  the  grand  old  German  tongue,  but  the  German  love 
of  liberty,  love  of  justice,  and  love  of  German  literature  and  its 
highest  exponents. 

This  land  of  ours  today  is  the  greatest  Republic  upon  earth,  and 
at  the  same  time  the  most  cosmopolitan  in  character.  Originally 
discovered  by  an  Italian,  it  was  first  settled  by  the  Anglo  Saxons, 
the  French  and  the  Spanish.  In  the  struggle  between  the  original 
settlers,  the  Anglo  Saxons  forced  the  French  to  the  north  and  the 
Spanish  to  the  south,  thus  reserving  to  the  Anglo  Saxon  settlers 
the  richest  and  most  fertile  lands  on  the  face  of  the  earth.  The 
Anglo  Saxons  did  not  long  continue  to  hold  exclusive  sway. 

When  it-  became  known  in  Europe  that  there  lay  between  the 
St.  Lawrence  and  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  a  stretch  of  country  of  mar- 
velous richness  of  soil  and  mineral  wealth,  the  daring  and  enter- 
prising men  from  other  countries  of  Europe  began  coming  to  our 
shores. 


564  DUNNE— JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

Among  the  first  of  these  were  the  Germans,  the  Celts  and  the 
Scandinavians,  and  these  virile  people,  pushing  their  way  inward 
from  the  Atlantic,  began  to  develop  in  the  heart  of  this  great,  fer- 
tile country  the  boundless  resources  placed  there  by  nature. 

During  the  first  half  of  the  nineteenth  century  most  of  the  emi- 
gration to  America  was  from  Germany,  Ireland  and  Scandinavia, 
their  numbers  being  in  the  order  of  their  mention.  In  the  latter 
half  of  the  nineteenth  century  and  up  to  the  present  date  in  the 
twentieth  century,  these  three  great  sources  of  emigration  were 
augmented  by  the  emigrants  from  southern  and  western  Europe,  so 
that  today  it  is  probably  true  that  there  is  not  a  country  in  Europe 
that  has  not  more  or  less  representation  among  the  American  people. 

As  the  result  it  has  been  truthfully  said  that  ' '  Europe  and  not 
England  is  the  mother  country,  of  America. ' '  Among  all  these  dif- 
ferent races  that  have  contributed  to  build  up  and  develop  this 
great  cosmopolitan  Republic,  there  is  none  perhaps  who  has  left  a 
more  powerful  impress  upon  the  history  of  this  country  and  con- 
tributed more  effectually  to  its  tremendous  development  than  the 
men  and  women  who  have  come  from  the  land  whose  language  and 
literature  Goethe  has  immortalized. 

Possessing  the  same  physical  strength,  capacity  for  endurance 
and  intellectual  power  that  made  the  German  race  irresistible,  even 
as  against  the  trained  legions  of  Rome,  it  has  displayed  in  this  coun- 
try the  same  vigor,  the  same  courage,  the  same  intelligence  and  the 
same  capacity  for  independence  and  self-control. 

The  first  great  German  settlement  was  at  Germantowii,  Pa., 
about  the  end%)f  the  seventeenth  century,  which  city  was  incorpo- 
rated by  them  in  1691,  but  dissolved  soon  afterwards  as  the  histo- 
rian naively  relates,  "because  no  one  would  hold  public  office."  I 
believe  this  is  the  only  incident  of  its  character  in  American  history. 

Very  early  in  the  history  of  the  State  of  Illinois,  the  German 
immigrant  made  himself  felt  in  the  shaping  of  public  events  in 
this  State.  Captain  Leonard  Helm  and  Captain  Joseph  Bowman, 
German  Virginians,  were  two  of  the  ablest  and  most  courageous 
of  the  captains  who  invaded  this  State  in  the  interest  of  the 
American  Republic  during  the  "War  of  the  Revolution  under  the 
leadership  of  George  Rogers  Clark. 

Baron  Steuben  abandoned  a  ^comf ortable  home  and  position  in 
Prussia  to  enlist  as  a  volunteer  in  the  American  Army,  and  ren- 
dered invaluable  services  under  Washington,  particularly  in  the 
siege  of  Yorktown. 

Baron  de  Kalb  was  also  of  the  same  race  and  rendered  splendid 
service  to  the  cause  of  the  revolutionists. 

As  early  as  1820,  German  emigrants  located  in  St.  Glair  County, 
in  Belleville,  until  recently  the  principal  city  of  that  county.  Belle- 


DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,    GOVERNOR  565 

ville  has  always  been  regarded  as  a  great  German  center,  and  for 
many  years  German  Americans  filled  all  the  public  offices  of  that 
county. 

Edward  Rutz,  three  times  State  Treasurer,  was  a  German  who 
hailed  from  Belleville ;  Gustavus  Koerner,  also  from  Belleville,  was 
elected  Lieutenant  Governor  of  the  State  of  Illinois,  and  afterwards 
was  appointed  Minister  to  Spain. 

Among  the  other  eminent  men  of  German  extraction  whose 
names  are  indelibly  inscribed  upon  the  history  of  this  State  are 
those  of  Samuel  Etter,  a  former  Superintendent  of  Public  Instruc- 
tion; Frederick  Hecker,  Colonel,  Twenty-fourth  Illinois  Volun- 
teers; Francis  A.  Hoffman,  a  former  Lieutenant  Governor  of  this 
State;  Anton  C.  Hesing,  the  brilliant  journalist;  Washington 
Hesing,  his  son,  a  former  postmaster  of  Chicago ;  W.  C.  Kueffner, 
Colonel,  149th  Illinois  Volunteers,  and  Herman  Raster,  editor  and 
journalist,  all  of  whom  have  been  gathered  to  their  long  reward. 

The  loyalty  of  the  German- American  emigrant  has  never  been 
questioned.  In  peace  and  in  war  he  has  been  loyal  to  the  laws  and 
institutions  of  his  adopted  country.  Over  18,000  Germans  or  de- 
scendants of  Germans  volunteered  and  did  valiant  service  in  the 
cause  of  the  Union  from  the  State  of  Illinois. 

The  Twenty-fourth  Illinois,  commanded  by  Hecker  and  the 
Forty-third  Illinois,  commanded  by  Colonel  Engelman,  were  com- 
posed almost  solidly  of  German-Americans,  and  the  sons  of  Ger- 
man-Americans. Franz  Sigel,  of  the  neighboring  State  of  Mis- 
souri, was  one  of  the  most  brilliant  generals  in  the  Union  Army, 
and  Carl  Schurz  was  probably  one  of  the  leading  statesmen  of 
his  day. 

Subsequent  to  these  times,  there  arose  to  public  prominence  in 
tlie  State  of  Illinois  one  of  the  most  gifted  and  courageous  men 
whose  name  appears  in  the  history  of  Illinois,  a  scholar,  a  philoso- 
pher, a  soldier,  a  jurist,  afterwards  one  of  the  greatest  Governors 
this  State  has  ever  had,  John  P.  Altgeld. 

This  great  leader  of  public  thought,  this  great  humanitarian, 
this  man  of  courage  and  conviction  has  placed  his  name  high  among 
the  statesmen  of  the  United  States,  and  earned  for  himself  the  honor 
recently  conferred  upon  him  by  the  Legislature  of  this  great  State 
when  it  authorized  the  erection  to  his  memory  of  a  statue  to  be 
built  at  the  State's  expense. 

Meet  and  proper  then  is  it  that  German-American  people  of 
this  State  should,  at  their  own  expense,  in  one  of  the  most  beautiful 
of  our  parks,  located  where  it  is  surrounded  by  the  homes  of  Ameri- 
can citkens  of  German  descent,  erect  a  monument  to  commemorate 
the  genius  of  the  greatest  of  German  dramatists  and  authors,  the 
immortal  creator  of  ' '  Faust. ' : 


566  DUNNE JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

Meet  and  proper  is  it  that  the  statue,  idealizing  and  typifying 
the  genius  of  Goethe,  the  Shakespeare  of  Germany,  should  be  placed 
in  this  beautiful  park. 

The  German  in  his  native  land,  and  the  German  who  has 
adopted  as  his  country  this  free  land  of  ours,  has  invariably  been  a 
student,  a  man  of  culture  and  a  lover  of  literature.  His  is  a  race 
of  students,  philosophers,  scientists,  literati  and  artists. 

Not  only  has  the  German  race  placed  the  Fatherland  among 
the  greatest  nations  of  the  earth  by  his  warlike  prowess,  and  his 
splendid  courage,  but,  by  his  love  of  literature,  his  love  of  art  and 
science,  and  his  studious,  artistic  and  philosophical  temperament, 
he  has  placed  that  same  race  among  the  vanguard  of  the  nations  in 
art,  in  science,  in  sculpture,  in  music,  and  in  literature. 

I  congratulate  the  German  people  of  Chicago  upon  the  fact 
that  they  are  here  today  to  dedicate  this  magnificent  monument  to 
the  memory  of  the  immortal  Goethe,  and  that  they  soon  will  be 
permitted  in  this  same  park  to  assembly  upon  a  like  occasion  to 
unveil  the  monument  erected  by  a  grateful  State  to  the  greatest  of 
German-American  Illinoisans.  John  P.  Altgeld. 


DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,    GOVERNOR  567 


SAFETY  FIRST  AND  GRADE  CROSSINGS. 

LETTER  TO  ORANGE  JUDD  FARMER,  JUNE  16,  1914. 

Your  letter  entitled  "Safety  First"  at  grade  crossings,  is 
timely  and  intelligent. 

Several  months  ago  I  invited  the  executive  officers  of  most 
of  the  railroads  in  the  State  of  Illinois  to  meet  me  in  Springfield 
to  discuss  this  very  subject. 

I  pointed  out  to  them  that,  by  actual  experience,  in  touring 
the  State,  I  discovered  there  were  numberless  crossings  in  the 
State  of  Illinois  that  were  unnecessarily  dangerous,  and  that  the 
danger  could  be  obviated  by  the  expenditure  of  a  very  little 
amount  of  money. 

First.  The  "hog-back"  crossing  where  the  wagon  road  rose 
abruptly  to  a  railroad  crossing  and  descended  abruptly.  In  such 
cases  an  automobile  engine  is  very  frequently  "killed"  right 
upon  the  crossing  by  reason  of  the  precipitous  approach.  This 
I  pointed  out  could  be  obviated  by  filling  up  on  each  side  of  the 
railroad  track  to  the  outer  edge  of  the  right  of  way.  They  con- 
ceded this  could  be  done. 

Second.  I  pointed  out. the  danger  from  "oblique"  crossings. 
I  advised  them  in  all  cases  of  "oblique"  crossings  by  co- 
operation with  the  highway  commissioners  they  could  divert  the 
"oblique"  crossing  to  a  right-angular  crossing  across  the  track, 
and  having  crossed  the  track  then  again  straightening  the  wagon 
road  the  other  side  of  the  crossing.  They  conceded  that  this 
could  be  done  by  cooperation  with  the  highway  commissioners 
in  each  county. 

Third.  I  pointed  out  that  crossings  became  dangerous  because 
of  the  existence  of  sheds,  buildings  or  shrubbery  close  to  the 
intersection  from  the  railroad  track  to  the  wagon  road,  and  that 
such  obstructions  could  be  cut  down  or  moved  a  distance  from 
the  track.  • 

None  of  these  changes,  in  my  opinion,  would  have  entailed 
much  expense,  and  would  obviate  many  of  the  dangerous  railroad 
crossings.  To  their  credit,  the  railroad  managers  agreed  with 
me  that  they  would  cooperate  in  making  these  changes.  Some 
of  the  roads  have  sent  in  blue  prints,  marking  all  the  dangerous 
crossings.  "Within  the  last  few  days  I  have  again  taken  the  mat- 
ter up  with  the  Public  Utilities  Commission,  and  urged  them  to 
insist  upon  these  changes. 


568  DUNNE JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 


ILLINOIS  TROOPS  AT  KENESAW 
MOUNTAIN. 

AT  THE  UNVEILING  OP  THE  MONUMENT  AT  KENESAW  MOUNTAIN, 
JUNE  27,  1914. 

Mr.  Chairman  and  Gentlemen: 

Fifty  years  ago  today,  near  the  place  where  we  now  stand, 
three  thousand  brave  men  gave  up  their  lives  in  one  of  the  most 
terrible  conflicts  of  the  Civil  War. 

"We  are  not  here  today  to  celebrate  a  victory  or  to  com- 
memorate a  defeat. 

In  that  terrible  struggle  men  on  the  one  side  believed  they 
were  fighting  for  the  preservation  of  their  country,  and  men  on 
the  other  side  believed  they  were  fighting  for  the  defense  of  their 
homes  and  firesides. 

We  are  not  here  to  criticise  motives  nor  inquire  into  the 
development  of  the  political  issues  which  led  to  that  terrible 
conflict. 

We  fire  here  with  the  deepest  respect  to  the  dead  who  died 
on  both  sides,  to  extend  our  tribute  of  praise  and  commemorate 
the  bravery  and  fortitude  displayed  by  the  sons  of  Illinois  who 
engaged  in  that  memorable  conflict. 

A  half  century  has  rolled  by,  and  with  it  all  of  the  ani- 
mosity and  all  of  the  bitterness  that  then  existed  between  the  com- 
batants have  disappeared. 

The  men  of  the  North  and  the  men  of  the  South,  many  years 
ago,  laid  aside  all  bitterness.  They  have  become  and  will  ever 
remain  brothers  and  compatriots;  fellow  citizens  of  the  same 
land;  copatriots  in  the  same  country,  actuated  by  the  desire  that 
this  great  Republic  and  its  free  institutions  shall  become  per- 
petual. 

Over  the  yawning  graves  'of  a  half  century  ago,  the  suns 
and  showers  of  fifty  years  have  spread  a  mantle  of  verdure  and 
forgetfnlness.  It  remains  only  for  us  to  mark  the  snot  and 
honor  the  bravery  of  the  sons  of  Illinois  who  participated  in  thp 
battle  of  Kenesaw  Mountain. 

•Be  it  said  to  the  credit  of  both  the  soldiers  of  the  North  and 
the  soldiers  of  the  South  that  never  was  more  desperate  bravery 


DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,    GOVERNOR  569 

shown,  on  both  sides,  than  in  the  stubbornly  contested  battle 
where  we  have  erected  and  now  unveil  the  monument  erected  by 
the  State  of  Illinois,  in  commemoration  of  the  bravery  of  its 
sons. 

On  the  27th  day  of  June,  1864,  where  we  now  stand,  by 
order  of  General  Sherman,  two  determined  assaults  were  made 
upon  the  entrenched  lines  of  the  Confederates,  and  in  those  ter- 
rible assaults  the  Federal  troops  lost  General  Harker  and  Gen- 
eral McCook.  Colonel  Rice  and  many  other  officers  were  badly 
wounded,  the  aggregate  Federal  loss  being  about  three  thousand. 

The  Confederates  and  the  Federals  both  displayed  a  tenacity 
and  a  bravery  seldom  recorded  upon  the  pages  of  history. 

In  that  bloody  contest  the  Illinois  troops  played  a  most 
signal  and  glorious  part.  Among  the  Federal  troops  who  wera 
actively  engaged  on  that  day  in  the  battle  of  Kenesaw  Mountain, 
and  from  that  day  up  to  July  2  were  the  following  Illinois: 
10th,  12th,  16th,  20th,  24th,  25th,  26th,  27th,  31st,  32d,  34th,  35th, 
36th,  38th,  40th,  41st,  42d,  44th,  51st,  52d,  55th,  59th,  60th,  64th, 
73d.  74th,  75th,  78th,  79th,  80th.  84th,  85th,  86th,  88th,  89th,  90th, 
95th,  96th,  101st,  103rd,  107th,  lllth,  116th,  125th,  and  127th 
Regiments  of  Infantry;  the  16th  Regiment  of  Cavalry,  and  bat- 
teries A,  C,  D,  F,  H,  and  I,  of  the  First  Regiment,  Light  Artillery, 
and  Battery  F  of  the  Second  Regiment,  Light  Artillery. 

Would  that  time  might  permit  me  to  record  the  names  in 
detail  of  the  gallant  men  who  gave  up  their  lives  in  that  awful 
carnage,  but  the  list  is  so  long  and  the  record  so  glorious  that 
time  forbids,  and  to  mention  one,  without  mentioning  all,  would 
be  an  invidious  distinction. 

A  grateful  State  here  today  sees  fit  to  mark  the  spot  where 
such  heroism  was  displayed,  and  to  do  honor  to  the  Illinois  regi- 
ments which  were  engaged  in  that  battle.  "We  unveil  this  monu- 
ment to  the  memory  of  these  brave  Illinoisans  in  a  spirit  of 
admiration  and  respect  for  the  courage  of  the  other  brave  men 
who  gave  up  their  lives  on  both  sides  in  this  battle,  but  in  par- 
ticular to  commemorate,  at  the  direction  of  the  Legislature  of 
Illinois,  the  gallantry  and  heroism  of  the  Illinois  troops. 

Let  us  confidently  hope,  aye,  let  us  more  than  hope,  let  us 
confidently  predict,  that  such  another  conflict  shall  never  arise 
between  the  citizens  of  this  great  Republic. 

The  era  of  war  between  nations  is  coming  to  a  close ;  the 
era  of  war  between  American  citizens  has  been  closed  forever. 

In,  the  words  of  the  poet  Finch,  let  us  recite  here  today  his 
beautiful  tribute  to  the  dead  soldiers  of  the  North  and  the  South  : 


570  DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,    GOVERNOR 


By  the  flow  of  the  inland  river, 
Whence  the  fleets  of  iron  have  fled, 

Where   the   blades   of   the    grave-grass    quiver, 
Asleep  are  the  ranks  of  the  dead: 

Under  the  sod  and  the  dew 

Waiting  the  judgment  day; 
Under  the  one,  the  Blue; 

Under  the  other,  the  Gray. 

No  more  shall  the  war  cry  sever, 

Or  the  winding  rivers  be  red; 
They  banish  our  anger  forever, 

When  they  laurel  the  graves  of  our  dead: 

Under  the  sod  and  the  dew, 

Waiting  the  judgment  day; 
Love  and  tears  for  the  Blue; 

Tears  and  love  for  the  Gray. 


DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,    GOVERNOR  571 


TRIBUTE  TO  JOHN  A.  LOGAN. 

ADDRESS  AT  MURPHYSBORO,  ILLINOIS,  AUGUST  3,  1914. 

Mr.  Chairman,  Ladies  \and  Gentlemen: 

It  is  with  sincere  pleasure  that  I  am  here  today  to  participate 
officially  and  as  an  individual  in  a  movement  which  has  for  its  object 
the  erection  in  this  city,  of  a  monument  or  some  other  suitable 
memorial  to  commemorate  the  distinguished  services  rendered  to 
the  State  of  Illinois  and  the  United  States  of  America  by  its  emi- 
nent citizen,  soldier,  orator  and  statesman,  John  A.  Logan. 

Aside  from  the  name  of  the  immortal  Lincoln,  and,  perhaps, 
the  eminent  patriot  and  statesman,  Stephen  A.  Douglas,  there  are 
few,  if  any,  names  which  are  treasured  with  such  sincere  admira- 
tion and  affection  as  that  of  the  "Black  Eagle"  of  the  Civil  War, 
General  Logan. 

A  native  of  Illinois,  he  was  among  the  first  of  its  citizens  to 
volunteer  at  his  country 's  call  in  the  war  against  Mexico.  Although 
a  mere  boy  at  that  time,  he  so  distinguished  himself  in  action  as  to 
earn  a  commission  as  an  officer.  At  the  outbreak  of  the  Civil  War, 
by  the  sheer  force  of  his  native  ability  and  inborn  eloquence,  he 
had  attained  the  distinction  of  being  a  member  of  the  Congress  of 
the  United  States. 

He  was  one  of  the  followers  at  that  time  of  Stephen  A.  Doug- 
las, but  when  the  flag  of  the  Nation  was  spat  upon  by  the  rebel 
guns  before  Fort  Sumter,  he,  like  Douglas,  reached  the  conclusion 
that  all  parties  must  rally  to  the  defense  of  the  Republic. 

He  resigned  from  Congress,  accepted  a  commission  as  Colonel 
of  the  Thirty-first  Illinois,  and  thence  rose  by  reason  of  his  in- 
domitable bravery  and  reckless  audacity  on  the  battlefield  to  the 
position  of  Major  General  of  the  United  States  Army. 

From  Fort  Donelson  to  Atlanta,  he  was  engaged  in  some  of 
the  most  bitterly  contested  battles  of  the  Civil  War,  and  was  in  at 
the  death  at  Johnson's  surrender. 

His  fellow  citizens  of  this  State  were  never  tired  of  honoring 
him  in  civil  life.  He  possessed  a  rare  combination  of  eloquence, 
patriotism,  courage  and  mental  brilliancy  which  made  him  promi- 
nent in  civil  and  military  life. 

As  Elaine  declared,  there  were  greater  statesmen  in  the  council 
chambers  of  the  State  during  his  day  and  greater  generals  upon  the 


572  DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,    GOVERNOR 

battlefield,  but  "there  was  none  among  them  all  who  combined  so 
much  in  one  person — so  much  ability  as  a  soldier  and  a  statesman. ' ' 
A  heroic  statue  in  Grant  Park,  Chicago,  well  typifies  in  artistic 
bronze  his  animated  valor  upon  the  battlefield,  but  to  the  shame  of 
his  native  place,  there  has  not  yet  been  erected  in  this  vicinity  any 
memorial  to  his  greatness. 

We  are  here  for  the  purpose  of  remedying  this  situation.  It  is 
proposed  that,  by  voluntary  contribution,  a  statue  or  other  memorial 
shall  be  erected  in  the  city  of  Murphysboro,  the  scene  of  his  early 
life— a  statue  or  other  memorial  worthy  of  his  greatness  in  history. 

I  believe  that  the  appeal  to  the  citizens  of  Illinois  for  the  crea- 
tion of  a  fund  to  accomplish  this  purpose  will  fall  upon  willing  ears 
and  upon  generous  hearts.  It  is  the  duty  of  the  citizens  of  Illinois, 
aye,  and  of  the  surrounding  states,  fittingly  to  commemorate  the 
memory  of  this  great  citizen-soldier  in  the  way  proposed  by  this 
committee,  and  knowing,  as  I  think  I  do,  the  affection  and  love  in 
which  the  memory  of  Logan  is  held  by  the  citizens  of  Illinois,  I 
predict  that  the  objects,  sought  to  be  attained  by  this  meeting  and 
others  to  follow,  will  be  successfully  achieved  before  many  mouths 
roll  by. 

I  cordially  recommend  the  objects  of  this  association  to  the 
citizens  of  Illinois  and  appeal  to  them  to  subscribe  to  its  most  praise- 
worthy aims  and  objects. 


DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,    GOVERNOR  573 


THE  DUTY  OF  LABOR  TO  HUMANITY. 

ADDRESS  ON  LABOR  DAY,  SEPTEMBER  7,  1914. 

Mr.  Chairman,  Ladies  and  Gentlemen: 

In  nearly  every  State  in  the  Union,  Labor  Day  has  appro- 
priately been  declared  a  legal  holiday  as  a  tribute  to  the  dignity 
of  labor.  The  day  should  be  utilized  by  devoting  it  to  the  dis- 
cussion of  affairs  which  concern  the  social  and  economic  welfare 
of  the  producing  classes,  not  only  the  mechanic,  the  artisan  and 
the  laboring  man,  who  are  wisely  and  intelligently  organized  in 
great  cooperative  bodies  known  as  unions,  but  also  the  farm 
laborer,  the  small  farmer,  the  land  tenant,  the  unorganized  but 
intelligent  enfranchised  common  laborer,  the  retail  merchant, 
the  doctor  and  the  lawyer  of  limited  practice. 

While  primarily  this  day  has  been  designed  for  the  organ- 
ized masses  of  manual  workmen,  let  us  view  it  in  its  broadest  and 
most  patriotic  aspect  as  the  day  when  our  producing  classes  of  all 
kinds  take  stock  of  their  conditions,  measure  their  progress  and 
present  to  the  throne  of  American  selection,  public  opinion,  their 
petitions  for  consideration  of  their  needs. 

Our  governmental  system  is  based  on  the  theory  of  majority 
rule  and  control.  We  secure  the  alignment  of  the  majority  upon 
any  question  of  public  policy  by  appeal  to  the  fairness,  the  judg- 
ment, the  good  sense  and  the  humanity  of  our  fellow  men.  We 
progress  in  this  country  only  as  public  sentiment  becomes  en- 
lightened and  gives  its  consent.  Legislative  reforms  are  im- 
possible without  the  sanction  of  public  opinion.  How  well  we 
understand  this  is  demonstrated  every  day  in  the  numerous 
movements  inaugurated  to  secure  desired  reforms.  The  first 
step  is  always  a  campaign  of  public  education.  The  avenues  by 
which  the  public  is  reached  to  carry  on  these  campaigns,  are 
always  accessible  in  a  land  where  free  speech  and  a  free  press 
are  guaranteed  by  law. 

The  great  mass  of  the  people  is  of  a  generous  nature,  pos- 
sesses an  open  mind,  patriotic  impulses  and  humane  instincts. 
The  public  is  ever  ready  to  listen  to  complaint  of  injustice,  and 
when  once  convinced  that  injustice  is  being  done,  will  promptly 
right  the  wrong  complained  of. 


574  DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

Where  does  public  sentiment  crystallize?  To  whom  is  the 
appeal  in  all  these  campaigns  made?  Who  are  the  rulers  of 
America  today?  The  producing  classes.  The  producing  class 
in  this  Republic  is  the  backbone  of  national  integrity  and  soli- 
darity. Upon  its  intelligence,  purity  and  patriotism  have  de- 
pended the  life  and  strength  of  the  government.  From  it  has 
been  recruited  the  world's  armies  and  navies.  That  class,  directly 
or  indirectly,  pays  the  taxes,  resists  the  political  disease  of  graft 
and  corruption,  and  the  social  disease  of  aristocracy;  maintains 
the  purity  and  virility  of  the  race,  replenishes  our  population  and 
supplies  our  most  progressive  and  aggressive  citizens.  From 
this  class  are  selected  our  leaders  in  every  movement,  and  from 
its  ranks  come  most  of  our  speakers,  lawmakers,  physicians,  sur- 
geons, writers,  artists  and  industrial  geniuses. 

So  today  let  us  consider  this  as  the  holiday  of  all  wealth- 
producing  and  conserving  forces,  and  look  upon  it  as  an  oppor- 
tunity for  the  creation  and  the  development  of  wholesome,  en- 
lightened, just  and  humane  public  sentiment. 

The  workingmen  exert  a  preponderating  influence  by  reason 
of  their  numbers  and  the  power  of  their  organizations.  To  them, 
more  than  any  other  body  of  our  citizenship,  I  believe,  is  due 
the  credit  for  the  present  healthful  public  sentiment  upon  all 
questions  affecting  the  social  welfare  of  our  people.  In  calling 
attention  to  your  own  personal  wants  and  needs  you  have  opened 
the  public  eye  to  many  of  our  social  abuses  and  injustices,  to 
the  remedy  of  which  not  only  the  toiler  but  many  other  .earnest 
men  and  women  are  directing  their  efforts  and  energies  all  over 
the  land.  The  demand  rings  clear  and  true  that  all  men  must 
have  an  equal  chance  to  participate  in  the  opportunities,  the 
work  and  the  profits  of  our  national  development. 

We  are  insisting  that  the  weak,  the  helpless,  the  sick,  the 
poor,  the  crippled,  the  insane,  the  feeble-minded,  the  delinquent, 
the  dependent,  the  widowed  mother,  and  orphaned  child,  shall 
receive  first,  kindness  and  sympathy,  and  second,  skillful  and 
scientific  treatment  to  the  end  that  their  ills  may  be  relieved  and 
the  public  safeguarded  against  the  evil  effects  of  the  social  and 
physical  diseases  which  have  produced  them. 

In  all  legislation  affecting  them,  the  workingman  is  inter- 
ested. No  state  has  made  greater  progress  in  these  matters 
than  Illinois.  Our  State  should  lead.  We  should  have  the  best 
system  of  poor  relief,  the  best  methods  of  employing  our  prison- 
ers, the  most  intelligent  treatment  of  our  delinquent  boys  and 
girls,  the  most  modern  and  highly  specialized  and  socialized 
courts,  the  best  hospitals  for  the  insane,  the  most  highly  devel- 
oped system  of  education,  and  the  most  perfect  code  of  charitable, 


DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,    GOVERNOR  OiO 

philanthropic  and  correctional  laws.  Our  institutions  of  every 
type  and  character  should  stand  in  efficiency  and  humanity  higher 
than  those  of  any  other  state.  We  should  never  have  to  say 
"This  is  the  way  they  do  in  New  York  or  Massachusetts."  "We 
should  always  be  able  to  say.  ' '  This  is  our  way, ' '  and  other  states 
should  be  copying  from  us. 

ItTias  been  my  pleasure  and  privilege  to  foster  and  encourage 
such  a  sentiment.  I  have  done  all  in  my  power  as  Chief  Execu- 
tive to  raise  our  eleemosynary  institutions  to  the  highest  possible 
plane,  and  to  give  to  the  State  a  code  of  social  advancement. 

The  last  two  years  in  Illinois  have  been  rich  in  administra- 
tion and  legislation  along  these  lines.  Directly  touching  labor 
itself,  but  none  the  less  affecting  the  social  order  at  vital  point, 
are  the  numerous  acts  of  our  last  General  Assembly,  many  of 
which  were  sought  by  organized  labor  itself.  I  may  be  pardoned 
if  I  mention  briefly  a  few  of  these  laws: 

The  creation  of  wage  loan  corporations,  an  act  permitting 
the  organization  of  corporations  to  make  loans,  secured  by  as- 
signment of  wages,  and  protecting  the  borrower  at  every  point. 

Wa^h  rooms  for  employes  in  certain  industries,  such  as  coal 
mines,  steel  mills,  factories,  machine  shops,  where  men  and  women 
become  covered  with  grease,  dust,  grime  and  perspiration  to  such 
an  extent  as  to  endanger  their  health. 

Protection  for  chauffeurs,  requiring  shields  or  hoods  to  pro- 
tect them  from  wind,  dust  and  inclement  weather. 

Revision  of  the  mine  examining  board  law,  the  object  being 
to  provide  more  safety  for  persons  employed  in  and  about  coal 
mines. 

Amendment  to  the  shot  firers  law,  which  amendment  defines 
a  "dead  hole"  and  materially  safeguards  the  life  and  limb  of 
the  miner. 

The  State  Industrial  law,  making  provision  for  compensation 
for  accidents,  injuries  or  death  of  employes.  This  act  is  one  of 
the  most  important  in  the  program.  Under  its  provision,  com- 
pensation is.  made  for  injuries  not  resulting  in  death.  It  provides 
the  methods  by  which  awards  for  damages  shall  be  computed. 
It  fixes  the  amount  of  compensation  for  partial  disability  and  for 
permanent  disfigurement.  It  creates  an  Industrial  Board  which 
shall  determine  all  disputes  between  employer  and  employe  in 
the  way  and  manner  provided  by  the  law  itself.  Claims  and 
awards  made  under  this  act  are  paramount  liens  on  all  property 
of  employers. 

A  most  humane  enactment  was  Senate  bill  539,  which  pro- 
vides for  the  employment  of  convicts  who  have  less  than  five 
years  to  serve,  on  road  work  outside  the  walls  of  the  prison. 


576  DUNNE JUDGE,    MAYOR,    GOVERNOR 

This  system  has  been  inaugurated  and  has  given  general  satis- 
faction, both  to  the  public  and  to  the  prisoners. 

An  act  requiring  that  all  explosives  used  in  coal  mines,  be 
stamped  to  show  that  they  conform  with  the  standards  of  the 
United  States  Bureau  of  Mines.  Such  explosives  must  be  stored 
in  magazines  approved  by  the  State  Mine  Inspector. 

Amendment  to  fire  fighting  and  rescue  station  act  which 
provides  for  the  employment  of  two  extra  assistants  instead  of 
one  on  each  mine  rescue  car. 

Amendment  to  the  act  of  1911,  providing  for  fire  fighting 
equipment  in  coal  mines.  This  act  requires  a  larger  equipment 
than  the  original  act. 

The  law  creating  a  mining  investigation  commission  to  in- 
vestigate methods  and  conditions  of  mining  coal,  the  safety  of 
lives  and  property  and  the  conservation  of  coal  deposits. 

Revision  of  the  act  of  1911  in  relation  to  coal  mines  by  pro- 
viding more  frequent  and  more  thorough  inspection  of  mines  and 
many  additional  safeguards  for  the  protection  of  life,  health 
and  limb. 

An  act,  amending  the  law,  providing  for  inspection  of  equip- 
ment and  operation  of  safety  appliances  on  railroads.  This  act 
provides  for  thorough  inspection  of  the  surface  and  track  condi- 
tions and  train  yards  and  of  the  sanitary  condition  of  passenger 
coaches  and  investigation  of  train  accidents. 

Semimonthly  payments  of  wages  and  salaries  by  persons, 
firms,  corporations  and  municipalities. 

A  law  limiting  members  of  fire  departments  of  cities  and 
villages  to  ten  consecutive  hours  in  a  day  and  fourteen  consecu- 
tive hours  at  night. 

An  act  requiring  railroad  corporations  to  equip  all  passen- 
ger locomotives  with  headlights  of  sufficient  candlepower  to 
enable  the  engineer  to  discern  an  object  the  size  of  a  man  on  the 
track,  at  a  distance  of  eight  hundred  feet  from  the  headlight, 
and  all  freight  locomotives  exclusive  of  those  in  switching  and 
transfer  service,  with  a  headlight  of  sufficient  candlepower  to  en- 
able the  engineer  to  discern  an  object  the  size  of  a  man  upon  the 
track  at  a  distance  of  four  hundred  fifty  feet  from  the  headlight. 

These  do  not  represent  all  that  labor  asked  for  nor  all  to 
which  it  may  be  justly  entitled.  The -rights  and  justice  of  labor 
will  not  prevail  of  their  own  volition.  You  must  preach  them ; 
you  must  push  them ;  you  must  impress  them  upon  the  public 
mind;  you  must  show  your  fellow  men  that  they  are  right  and 
just  and  convince  him  of  your  worthiness  of  them. 

First,  last  and  all  the  time  it  should  be  your  object  and  pur- 
pose to  carry  the  light  of  reason  and  humanity  into  the  dark 


DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,    GOVERNOR  577 

places.  Never  iorget  the  weak  or  unfortunate,  nor  overlook 
the  rights  of  those  masses  who  toil  as  you  do  but  are  not  affiliated 
with  your  movement.  Recognize  in  your  strength  the  power  not 
alone  to  help  yourselves,  but  the  ability  to  improve  the  social 
condition  of  the  whole  people. 

Our  celebration  of  Labor  Day  this  year  will  not  be  complete 
without  congratulations  upon  the  part  of  labor  itself  that  as  a 
nation  we  are  at  peace  with  the  world.  In  war,  labor  receives  the 
first  shock  and  then  continues  to  suffer  the  pain  and  bear  the 
burden. 

President  Wilson's  peace  policy  has  more  than  demonstrated 
its  worth.  It  has  contributed  to  our  industrial,  commercial  and 
political  prestige  among  the  nations  of  the  world.  It  has  in- 
creased our  self  respect  as  a  people.  It  has  saved  thousands  of 
lives  that  would  have  been  sacrificed  on  the  battlefield  and  in  the 
camp  hospital.  It  has  conserved  our  national  resources  for 
scores  of  years  to  come.  It  has  protected  us  against  entangle- 
ments with  foreign  nations.  It  has  proven  to  neighboring 
nations  and  the  world  our  good  faith  and  disinterestedness.  It 
has  exalted  democracy.  It  has  brought  nearer  to  the  old  world 
that  day  when  the  people  shall  hold  the  power,  and  the  nod  of  the 
king  for  the  slaughter  of  his  subjects  shall  be  no  longer  obeyed. 

It  has  struck  a  fatal  blow  at  the  divine  right  of  kings  and 
the  aristocracy  of  birth.       It  has  strengthened  our  faith  in  the" 
Christian  religion.       It  has  found  its  vindication  in  the   gory 
fields  of  Europe,  its  ruined  cities,  its  crowded  hospitals  and  its 
desolated  homes. 

It  is  no  wonder  that  the  London  News  says:  "The  example 
of  the  United  States  must  hereafter  become  the  model  of  the 
civilized  world."  Verily,  his  peace  policy  has  been  the  crowning 
glory  of  President  Wilson's  administration.  It  has  silenced 
the  war  party  and  the  jingo  and  I  believe  has  united  our  people 
in  its  unanimous  support  and  approval. 

In  the  years  to  come  when  the  full  effects  of  our  policy  of 
peace  shall  be  realized  and  we  shall  view  it  clearly  against  the 
dark  background  of  this  period,  we  shall,  as  a  nation,  be  proud 
of  the  course  pursued  and  shall  read  in  the  faces  of  our  fellow 
men  the  acknowledgment  of  eternal  benefits  conferred  thereby 
upon  the  rest  of  the  world. 

Among  the  half  dozen  markers  scattered  at  centurial  intervals 
along  the  path  of  the  world's  progress,  this  labor  of  President 
\Vilson  in  behalf  of  peace  and  the  brotherhood  of  man  will  be 
found  standing  higher  and  nobler  than  all  the  rest. 

To  it,  labor  is  indebted  to  a  degree  that  you  and  I  cannot 
fathom,  for  no  man  can  estimate  the  distress  and  the  ruin,  the 

—19 


578  DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,    GOVERNOR 

anguish  and  the  sorrow  that  trail    the    footsteps  of  war,  even 
through  many  succeeding  generations. 

Let  us  today,  therefore,  dedicate  ourselves  to  th^  cause  of 
peace,  of  humanity,  brotherhood  and  fraternity.  Let  our  only 
warfare  be  upon  those  evils  which  debase  our  citizenship,  corrupt 
our  Government,  deteriorate  our  efficiency,  rob  us  of  our  strength 
of  character,  dull  our  humane  instincts  and  blind  us  to  the  needs 
and  wants  of  our  fellow  men. 

Above  all,  at  this  great  epoch  in  our  country's  history,  when 
we  are  at  peace  with  all  mankind  while  most  of  the  great  nations 
of  Europe  are  at  each  other's  throats,  let  us  preserve  industrial 
peace.  We  are  now,  fortunately  for  us,  the  greatest  producing 
nation  on  the  face  of  the  globe.  We  must  for  months  to  come  . 
be  the  principal  reliance  of 'Europe  for  food,  clothing  and  all  the 
other  necessities  of  life.  Our  wonderful  productivity  must  and 
will  be  doubled,  aye  trebled,  in  the  near  future.  A  wonderful 
era  of  increased  production  is  before  us,  which  should  give  em- 
ployment soon  for  all  who  are  willing  to  work. 

Let  neither  capital  nor  labor  by  senseless  difference  spoil  the 
great  opportunities  which  lie  before  us.  Let  there  be  neither  in- 
dustrial nor  physical  warfare  in  this  great  bountifully  endowed 
and  fortunate  Republic.  If  we  preserve  industrial  peace  as  we 
have  preserved  international  peace,  an  era  of  bounty  and  pros- 
perity lies  before  us  such  as  no  nation  has  ever  before  enjoyed; 
a  prosperity  which  must  and  will  be  shared  by  both  employer  and 
employe  throughout  the  length  and  breadth  of  the  whole  Republic. 


DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,    GOVERNOR  579 


DESIGNATES  A  DAY  FOR  PRAYER 
FOR  PEACE. 

A  PROCLAMATION  FOR  PEACE  SERVICES,  SEPTEMBER  10,  1914. 

Whereas,  Many  of  the  great  nations  of  the  world  are  now 
engaged  in  a  sanguinary  war,  which  has  caused  and  is  causing 
enormous  loss  of  human  life  and  property  and  menacing  the  future 
of  civilization;  and 

Whereas,  Our  own  State  and  Nation  have  as  adopted  citizens 
hundreds  of  thousands  of  the  sons  and  daughters  of  the  nations 
at  war  whose  hearts  are  wrung  with  grief  over  the  disasters  befall- 
ing their  kith  and  kin ;  and 

Whereas,  All  the  citizens  of  this  State  and  Nation  are  appalled 
at  the  awful  destruction  of  life  and  property  and  anxious  for  its 
speedy  termination;  and 

Whereas,  A.  war  fever  and  blood  lust  has  apparently  tempo- 
rarily deranged  the  leaders  of  the  warring  nations,  and  hope  for 
early  peace  lies  only  in  an  appeal  to  Almighty  God ;  and 

Whereas,  The  President  of  the  United  States  has  designated 
Sunday,  October  4,  1914,  as  a  day  of  prayer  and  supplication  to 
Him  for  the  restoration  of  peace : 

Now,  therefore,  I,  Edward  F.  Dunne,  Governor  of  the  State 
of  Illinois,  do  hereby  designate  Sunday,  the  4th  day  of  October 
next,  as  a  day  of  meditation  and  conference  on  the  subject  of  the 
world's  peace,  and  of  prayer  and  supplication  to  Almighty  God 
that  strife  may  be  ended  among  the  warring  nations,  and  respect- 
fully request  that  all  the  people  of  this  State  assemble  on  that  day 
in  their  respective  churches  and  synagogues  and  other  places  of 
public  meeting  to  appeal  to  the  Almighty  in  His  divine  mercy  to 
end  this  awful  war  and  its  attendant  horrors. 

In  witness  whereof,  I  have  hereunto  set  my  hand  and  caused 
the  seal  of  the  State  of  Illinois  to  be  affixed. 

Done  at  Springfield,  Illinois,  this  9th  day  of  September,  in  the 
year  of  our  Lord  nineteen  hundred  and  fourteen  and  of  the  inde- 
pendence of  the  United  States  of  America  the  one  hundred  and 
thirty-ninth. 


580  DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 


A  PLEA  FOR  A  UNITED  DEMOCRACY. 

To  THE  DEMOCRATIC  STATE  CONVENTION,  SEPTEMBER  18,  1914. 

Fellow  Democrats: 

I  much  appreciate  the  honor  conferred  in  asking  me  to  preside 
over  this  convention,  an  honor  which  I  accept  with  much  pleasure. 

Our  primary  election  has  been  held,  and  our  leaders  in  the 
coming  political  conflict  have  been  selected  by  the  untrammeled  vote 
of  the  people.  We  all  had  our  favorite  candidates.  We  all  advo- 
cated their  selection,  and,  in  advocating  the  selection  of  these  can- 
didates, each  of  us  believed  that  his  favorite  candidate  would  be  the 
strongest  before  the  people  and  should  have  been  selected,  but  we 
always  believed,  whatever  the  result  of  the  primary,  that  the  will  of 
the  people,  as  expressed  in  the  primary,  is  binding  upon  every  voter 
that  participated  in  this  primary,  and  upon  every  voter  who  is 
alligned  with  a  party  which  places  in  nomination  candidates  of 
that  party. 

Every  true  Democrat  is  permitted  and  has  the  right  to  express 
his  convictions  before  the  primary  election  is  held,  and  to  endeavor 
to  influence  his  fellow  Democrats  in  the  selection  of  candidates,  but 
every  true  Democrat  is  bound  to  acquiesce  in  the  will  of  the  major- 
ity, as  honestly  expressed  at  the  polls. 

At  no  time  in  the  history  of  the  Democratic  party  is  it  more 
incumbent  upon  Democrats  to  be  loyal  to  the  party  nominees  than 
at  the  coming  election. 

After  a  struggle  of  sixteen  years,  the  Democratic  party  is  now 
in  the  places  of  power  in  the  Nation,  and  in  the  State.  It  has  been 
redeeming  the  pledges  that  it  made  in  its  national  and  State  plat- 
forms. It  has  reduced  the  tariff  on  the  necessities  of  life.  It  has 
enacted  an  income  tax  law,  which  will  compel  the  wealthy,  for  the 
first  time  in  the  history  of  the  country,  to  bear  their  proportionate 
share  of  the  burdens  of  government. 

It  has  placed  upon  the  statute  books  a  currency  act  which  has 
met  with  the  almost  unanimous  approval  of  the  whole  country,  and 
which  even  the  bankers  themselves  admit  will  relieve  this  country 
from  the  monetary  distresses  resultant  from  the  financial  panics 
which,  in  the  past,  have  so  frequently  afflicted  this  country. 

It  has  introduced  a  new  atmosphere  in  the  diplomatic  relations 
of  the  world.  It  has  breathed  peace,  instead  of  war,  and  advocated 
arbitration,  instead  of  bloodshed.  It  has  given  the  finest  exhibition 


DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,    GOVERNOR  581 

of  national  restraint  under  provocation  that  the  world  has  ever 
seen.  When  the  flag  of  the  Nation  was  flouted,  and  its  soldiers 
imprisoned  without  justification  by  the  bandit  soldiers  of  a  sister 
republic,  it  refrained  from  declaring  war.  Although  our  country 
could  have  crushed  this  sister  republic  like  an  eggshell,  it  contented 
itself  with  the  demand  for  an  apology,  and  the  taking  of  such  neces- 
sary steps  as  would  enforce  the  same  at  the  proper  time,  and  thus 
presented  to  the  world  a  contrast  to  the  hot-headed  belligerency 
of  Europe  which  has  since  embroiled  most  of  the  advanced  civilized 
nations  of  the  world  in  the  most  awful  carnage  that  has  ever  dis- 
graced history.  It  has  tendered  its  services  as  a  mediator  to  the 
warring  nations  of  Europe,  and  in  the  midst  of  the  carnage 
now  disgracing  Europe,  has'  brought  about,  through  our  great 
Secretary  of  State  Bryan,  the  consummation  of  treaties  between  this 
great  Republic  and  twenty-four  other  nations,  which  comprise  with- 
in their  territory  two-thirds  of  all  the  population  of  the  world. 

This  is  the  record  of  a  great,  pure,  clean,  patriotic,  peace- 
loving  Democratic  administration.  With  such  a  record,  the  Demo- 
cratic administration  at  Washington  has  earned  and  now  holds  the 
good  wishes  and  admiration  of  all  thinking  American  citizens,  and 
has  assured  the  continuance  in  power  of  that  party  for  years  to 
come. 

We  Democrats,  here  in  Illinois,  are  now  faced  with  the  duty 
of  sustaining  that  splendid  administration  in  its  splendid  work. 
The  only  way  it  can  be  done  is  by  standing  loyally  and  unitedly 
behind  the  candidates,  fairly  nominated  by  the  Democratic  party 
for  the  Seriate  of  the  United  States,  and  the  lower  House  of  Con- 
gress. At  such  a  time  as  this,  to  fail  to  support  the  Democratic 
ticket  would  be  treason  to  the  party. 

Let  us  therefore  pull  off  our  coats  and  get  to  work  for  the  suc- 
cess of  this  whole  ticket  from  Roger  C.  Sullivan,  the  candidate  for 
the  United  States  Senatorship,  down  to  the  last  man  upon  the  State 
and  county  tickets  in  every  county  in  the  State  of  Illinois. 

Harmony  should  be  the  watchword  and  success  will  be  the 
result.  Let  us  sink  our  personal  feelings  and  preferences  and  unite 
for  the  success  of  the  Democratic  party,  and  the  administration  of 
Woodrow  Wilson  and  his  great  peace-loving  Secretary  of  State,  Wil- 
liam Jennings  Bryan. 


582  DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,    GOVERNOR 


A  CALL  TO  PEACE. 

ADDRESS  AT  THE  AUDITORIUM,  CHICAGO,  OCTOBER  4,  1914. 

Mr.  Chairman,  Ladies  and  Gentlemen: 

At  the  call  of  the  great  peace-loving  and  peace-preserving  Presi- 
dent of  this  great  Republic,  we  meet  today  to  utter  our  protest 
against  the  further  continuance  of  the  devastation  of  property  and 
the  destruction  of  human  life,  entailed  by  the  awful  war  now  being 
waged  in  Europe,  and  to  appeal  to  the  Great  Jehovah  for  his  inter- 
vention in  that  behalf. 

Never  in  the  history  of  this  country  and  (so  far  as  I  know)  in 
the  history  of  any  country,  has  the  executive  of  a  nation  at  peace 
with  the  whole  world  set  aside  a  day  for  prayer  and  supplication 
to  the  Almighty  for  the  restoration  of  peace  between  far-distant 
nations  with  whose  policies  and  prosperity  his  country  has  no  imme- 
diate concern. 

Yet  the  proclamation  from  the  President  of  the  United  States, 
setting  aside  this  day  as  a  day  of  prayer  for  peace,  comes  most 
opportunely  and  appropriately  from  the  pen  of  a  President,  who, 
through  the  indefatigable  labors  of  his  great  peace-loving  Secretary 
of  State,  has  just  concluded  treaties  of  peace  and  arbitration  be- 
tween this  great  Republic  and  twenty-five  other  nations  whose 
populations  comprise  two-thirds  of  the  population  of  the  whole 
world.  It  comes  with  most  fitting  grace  from  a  President  who 
within  the  last  three  months  has  preserved  the  peace  of  this  Nation 
in  spite  of  the  truculency  of  Mexican  bravos  and  the  mock  patriot- 
ism of  American  jingoes. 

The  proclamation  of  the  President  falls  upon  the  sympathetic 
ears  of  the  overwhelming  mass  of  American  citizenship. 

Throughout  the  morning  of  this  day,  in  all  the  churches  and 
synagogues  of  this  land,  millions  upon  millions- of  the  men.  women 
and  children  of  the  Nation  have  joined  the  President  in  supplica- 
tion to  the  Almighty  for  the  restoration  of  peace  among  the  war- 
ring nations  of  Europe. 

Here  in  this  great  auditorium,  furnished  by  the  generosity  of 
a  peace-loving  citizen  in  private  life,  we  are  met  (whether  we  are 
affiliated  with  any  church  or  religious  faith  or  not)  to  express  our 
approbation  of  the  President's  proclamation,  to  record  oiir  solemn 
protest  against  the  further  continuance  of  this  bloody  war  and  to 
voice  our  demand,  in  the  name  of  humanity,  for  its  speedy  cessation. 


DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,    GOVERNOR  583 

Even  the  infidel,  who  may  believe  that  an  appeal  to  Jehovah  is 
in  vain,  will  admit  that  the  protest  of  one  hundred  million  disin- 
terested free  men  and  women  against  the  carnage  and  devastation, 
now  prevailing  in  Europe,  must  have  its  effect  upon  the  war- 
crazed  and  blood-begorged  rulers  and  statesmen  of  Europe. 

An  appeal  for  peace  could  come  from  no  other  nation  with  such 
force  and  effect  as  from  the  American  Nation. 

Most  of  us  in  this  hall  and  throughout  this  country  trace  our 
ancestry  by  one  or  two  or  three  generations  to  one  or  another  of 
the  nations  now  unfortunately  embroiled.  This  Nation  owes  much 
to  each  and  all  of  them. 

The  best  brain  and  brawn  of  this  country  has  sprung  from  the 
strains  produced  by  these  European  nations  now  at  each  other's 
throats.  We  have  a  kindly  feeling  for  all  of  them. 

We  rise  and  uncover  to  but  one  national  anthem,  but  until  the 
war  broke  out  we  listened  impartially  and  with  respect  and  appre- 
ciation to  the  Watch  on  the  Rhine,  the  Marseillaise  and  the 
national  anthems  of  all  these  countries. 

Following  the  advice  in  the  farewell  address  of  the  great  Wash- 
ington, we  have  had  ' '  friendship  for  all ' '  of  these  nations  but  ' '  en- 
tangling alliances  with  none." 

During  the  progress  of  the  two  months  of  this  awful  war,  we 
have  been  scrupulously  careful  to  remain  neutral  and  impartial. 

Even  though  hundreds  of  thousands  of  our  fellow  citizens 
have  had  their  kith  and  kin  on  the  red  line  of  battle,  they  have 
remained  Americans  first  and  all  the  time  and  have  refrained  from 
discussion  or  altercations  with  other  Americans  of  different 
strains,  and  so  we  will  remain  unto  the  end. 

But  all  Americans,  and  particularly  those  who  have  come  most 
recently  from  these  distracted  countries,  fervently  hope  and  pray 
that  this  awful  carnage  shall  cease. 

Statesmen  of  Europe,  we  demand  that  your  warring  nations 
who  have  been  vaunted  as  the  leaders  of  modern  European  civiliza- 
tion shall  stop  this  bloody  debauch,  listen  to  the  cry  of  one  hundred 
million  of  human  beings  who  are  not  besotted  with  the  lust  of  human 
blood  and  who  have  the  right,  by  reason  of  their  disinterestedness 
and  affiliation  of  ancestry  with  you,  to  say  to  you  plainly  that  this 
war  is  a  disgrace  to  civilization  and  that,  by  the  loss  of  life  and  by 
the  destruction  of  property,  it  has  set  back  the  progress  and  pros- 
perity of  the  world  to  such  a  degree  that  it  will  require  decades  of 
years  to  overcome. 

We  can  say  further  that  the  causes  underlying  this  terrible 
conflict,  in  our  opinion,  were  not  noble  or  righteous. 

Lust  for  power  and  race  hatred  or  jealousy  have  been  its  gene- 
sis. None  of  you  have  been  free  from  blame.  You  have,  all  of  you, 
been  preparing  for  it  for  nearly  half  a  century.  You  have  been 


584  DUNNE JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

dragooning  your  unfortunate  subjects  and  citizens  into  immense 
armies  and  navies,  and  flaunting  your  military  power  and  prepared- 
ness before  each  other's  faces  year  after  year. 

You  have  been  forcing  every  third  or  fourth  man  of  your  popu- 
lations to  become  a  soldier.  In  this  Republic,  not  one  man  in  two 
hundred  is  a  soldier.  You  have  been  taxing  your  citizens  and  sub- 
jects so  as  to  sustain  these  millions  of  nonproducing  men.  Nay, 
they  are  not  nonproducers.  They  produce  discontent  and  socialism 
and  sometimes  anarchy. 

This  appalling  situation  should  cease.     This  war  should  cease. 

The  hundreds  of  thousands  of  widows  and  orphans  already 
made,  cry  out  to  Heaven  in  protest  against  the  atrocity  of  this  war. 
The  hundreds  of  thousands  of  lives  already  lost  and  the  billions  of 
dollars  worth  of  property  already  destroyed  are  more  than  a  suffi- 
cient sacrifice  to  the  Moloch  of  war. 

Statesmen  and  rulers  of  Europe,  sober  up  before  the  curses  and 
maledictions  of  your  own  people  drive  you  from  place  and  power 
in  infamy  and  disgrace.  Follow  the  precedent  of  this  great 
Republic. 

.  If  this  Republic,  with  its  one  hundred  million  of  souls  and  in 
possession  of  more  financial  resources  than  any  country  on  earth, 
can  live  in  peace  and  prosperity  and  conclude  treaties  of  arbitration 
with  both  the  weakest  as  well  as  the  mightiest  nations  of  the  earth, 
it  involves  no  sacrifice  of  either  dignity  or  pride  for  you  to  do  the 
same. 

The  day  of  war  is  passing.     The  day  of  peace  is  nearly  here. 

This  is  the  last  great  war.  Its  very  immensity  and  awful  con- 
sequences are  the  best  argument  for  arbitrament  and  peace.  Peace 
must  eventually  come  by  exhaustion. 

Statesmen  and  rulers  of  Europe,  listen  to  the  cry  of  the  friendly 
American  people. 

Let  the  war  cease  now  with  a  provision  for  arbitrament  in  the 
future  and  the  disarmament  of  your  forces  down  to  a  number  that 
may  be  necessary  for  the  preservation  and  protection  of  the  laws 
within  the  borders  of  your  respective  territories. 

Thus  will  you  earn  the  gratitude  and  respect  of  your  own 
peoples  and  the  whole  world,  and  secure  in  history  a  place  above 
that  of  Alexander  or  Caesar,  Hannibal  or  Napoleon,  and  all  the 
warriors  in  ancient  or  modern  times — that  place  which  history  still 
reserves  for  the  men  who,  following  the  teachings  of  the  lowly  Gali- 
lean, established  firmly  and  irrevocably  in  the  policy  and  laws  of 
the  nations  of  the  earth : 

"Peace  on  Earth,  Good  Will  to  Men." 


DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,    GOVERNOR  585 


EIGHTEEN  MONTHS  OF  DEMOCRATIC 
ADMINISTRATION. 

ADDRESS  TO  DEMOCRATIC  MEETING,  SPRINGFIELD,  MISSOURI, 
OCTOBER  6,  1914. 

Fellow  Citizens: 

At  the  invitation  of  your  Campaign  Committee,  and  your 
distinguished  fellow  citizen,  Senator  Stone,  it  gives  me  great 
pleasure  to  be  with  you  today,  and  discuss  some  of  the  important 
issues  of  the  present  campaign. 

Although  my  duties  in  my  own  State  are  somewhat  onerous, 
leaving  but  little  time  to  spend  outside  of  Illinois,  I  believed  it 
my  duty,  at  the  present  time,  to  help,  in  my  feeble  way,  the  Demo- 
cratic party  in  your  state  in  sending  back  to  the  Senate  and  the 
lower  House  the  gentlemen  who  so  splendidly  represented  you 
in  the  Congress  of  the  United  States  and  who,  by  reason  of  their 
high  sense  of  public  duty  and  because  of  their  loyalty  to  the 
President  of  the  United  States^  are  unable  themselves  to  be  upon 
the  ground  to  urge  their  reelection. 

The  present  Congress,  I  believe,  has  given  the  finest  exhibi- 
tion of  unswerving  duty  and  loyalty  to  public  interest  of  any 
Congress  in  history.  Since  the  fourth  of  March,  1913,  those  gen- 
tlemen, both  in  the  Senate  and  in  the  House  of  Representatives,  at 
the  call  of  our  great  patriot  President  and  leader  of  the  Demo- 
cratic party,  have  remained  in  continuous  session,  loyally  up- 
holding the  hands  of  the  President  in  carrying  out  the  great  re- 
forms pledged  by  the  Democratic  party  during  the  campaign 
of  1912. 

Throughout  the  long,  hot,  trying  months  of  midsummer, 
when  the  rest  of  us  were  endeavoring  to  take  a  little  respite  from 
the  heat  and  prostration  incident  to  an  American  summer,  those 
gentlemen,  at  the  call  of  the  President,  at  great  personal  dis- 
comfort, and  often  at  great  risk  to  their  health,  remained  at 
Washington,  crystallizing  Democratic  pledges  and  Democratic 
policies  in  the  interest  of  the  people,  into  national  law. 

Never  was  more  loyal  support  given  to  a  President  by  his 
party  than  has  been  the  support  given  by  your  representatives. 
Senator  Stone  and  Senator  Reed  in  the  upper  House,  and  by  your 
splendid  representatives  in  the  lower  House  of  Congress.  Today 


586  DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,    GOVERNOR 

and  during  the  whole  of  this  campaign  those  loyal  friends  of  the 
people  remain  in  their  seats  in  Congress,  neglecting  their  own 
interests  of  reelection  for  the  benefit  of  the  people.  Under  such 
circumstances,  and  at  such  a  time,  it  behooves,  therefore,  every 
Democrat  who  believes  in  the  policies  of  President  Wilson  and 
the  Democratic  party,  to  do  what  he  can  to  secure  their  re- 
nomination  and  reelection. 

The  Democratic  party  has  been  enthroned  in  power  in  Wash- 
ington and  throughout  most  of  the  states  for  the  last  eighteen 
months,  and  today  that  party  presents  a  record  to  the  people 
for  its  approval  or  disapproval.  What  the  verdict  will  be,  I 
believe  admits  of  no  doubt.  It  is  a  record  of  achievement  seldom 
displayed  by  any  party  in  so  short  a  period.  When  the  Demo- 
cratic party,  under  President  Wilson,  took  office  on  the  fourth 
of  March,  1913,  it  was  confronted  with  the  following  situation : 

First.  In  Mexico,  there  were  commercial  and  industrial  dis- 
turbances, and  civil  war  inviting  international  complications. 
A  usurper'  whose  only  credentials  were  the  assassination  of  a  duly 
elected  president,  demanded  recognition  as  the  accredited  ruler 
of  the  nation  and  a  Republican,  administration  was  inclined  to 
give  him  such  recognition. 

Second.  There  was  a  long  standing  demand,  ignored  by  Re- 
publican administrations,  for  an  income  tax  law,  which  demand 
was  overwhelmingly  reiterated  at  the  election  in  1912. 

Third.  An  imperative  demand  for  reform  currency  legis- 
lation, long  promised  and  never  given  by  Republican  adminis- 
trations. 

F'ourth.  The  public  demand  for  a  consistent  revision  of  the 
tariff  downward,  oft  promised  but  never  given  by  Republican 
administrations. 

Fifth.  An  uncertain  and  unfortunate  condition  of  the  law 
and  administration  of  same  in  dealing  with  the  evil  practices 
of  big  business,  and  a  futile  effort  to  control  the  trusts  and 
monopolies  of  the  country. 

To  these  were  added  within  recent  months  tremendous  and 
unexpected  problems  arising  out  of  the  awful  European  war 
which  interrupted  and  deranged  industrial  production,  commerce, 
finance  and  ocean-transportation  throughout  the  world. 

How  have  these  complications  been  met  during  the  eighteen 
months  of  the  Democratic  administration?  Mark  the  result. 

First.  The  Mexican  situation  has  been  dealt  with  in  a  spirit 
of  firmness,  with  justice,  and  without  bluster.  We  have  avoided 
war  without  compromising  our  dignity  as  a  great  Nation,  con- 
served American  blood  and  treasure,  avoided  national  compli- 


DUNNE JUDGE,    MAYOR,    GOVERNOR  587 

cations  and  set  the  Mexican  people  well  on  the  road  to  a  new 
era  of  peace  aud  constitutionally  organized  government. 

Second.  An  equitable  'income  tax  law  has  for  the  first  time 
been  placed  on  the  statute  books,  and  is  being  impartially  en- 
forced, thus  securing  from  the  wealthy  and  powerful,  for  the 
first  time  in  American  history,  reasonable  and  proportionate  con- 
tributions to  the  burdens  of  government. 

Third.  A  currency  law  that  meets  with  practically  universal 
approval,  enacted  and  now  in  process  of  being  put  into  effect, 
cordially  assented  to  by  the  bankers  and  the  whole  community. 

Fourth.  Antitrust  laws  are  being  enforced  with  a  single  eye 
to  ending  bad  practices,  not  merely  for  the  sham-battle  purpose 
of  "making  a  record,"  and  new  legislation  enacted  to  correct 
obscurities  and  inconsistencies  in  the  old  antitrust  laws. 

Fifth.  Dollar  diplomacy  in  the  State  Department  has  been 
abolished  by  our  great  Secretary  of  State,  and  the  doctrine  of 
human  rights  substituted  therefor. 

Sixth.  We  have  revised  the  tariff  downward,  on  the  necessi- 
ties of  life,  pursuant  to  our  campaign  pledge  of  1912. 

Seventh.  The  dangerous  and  insidious  lobby  which  has 
haunted  the  halls  of  Congress  for  decades  past  has  been  driven 
out  of  the  Capitol. 

Eighth.  The  Panama  Canal  has  been  completed  and  opened 
to  the  commerce  of  the  world. 

Ninth.  By  law,  the  great  national  treasure  house  of  Alaska 
is  being  opened  up  and  nationally-owned  railroads  authorized  and 
a  survey  therefor  begun. 

Tenth.  Popular  election  of  United  States  Senators  has  been 
made  effective. 

Eleventh.  Two  great  railway  strikes  have  been  averted  by 
arbitration,  and  the  coal  strike  settled. 

Twelfth.  The  telephone  and  telegraph  trusts  have  been  dis- 
solved. 

Thirteenth.  The  parcel  post  has  been  extended  and  made 
cheaper  to  the  people. 

Fourteenth.  Express  rates  and  charges  have  been  reduced  as 
the  result  of  national  competition. 

Fifteenth.  More  remedial  labor  legislation  has  been  enacted 
upon  request  of  laboring  men  than  was  ever  enacted  by  all  pre- 
vious Republican  administrations. 

Sixteenth.    The  problems  and  situations,  suddenly  arising  from 
the  European  war,  have  been  met  firmly,  promptly  and  patriotic 
ally.       The  country  has  been  preserved  from    a   financial  crisis. 
War  insurance  for  American  cargoes  has  been  provided,  and  leans- 


588  DUNNE — JUDGE,  MAYOR,  GOVERNOR 

lation  has  been  enacted  that  will  help  to  re-create  the  American 
merchant  marine  and  again  place  the  American  flag  upon  the 
high  seas  of  the  world. 

Thanks  to  the  prompt  and  intelligent  action  of  a  great 
peace-loving  President  and  his  peace-loving  Secretary  of  State, 
we  remain  at  peace  with  all  the  world. 

We  have  laid  the  foundation  for  bringing  about  peace  be- 
tween the  warring  nations  and  have  successfully  consummated 
as  a  standing  monument -to  the  construction  genius  of  the  Demo- 
cratic party,  twenty-five  treaties  of  peace  and  arbitration  between 
this  Republic  and  twenty-five  other  nations,  comprising  within 
their  boundaries  over  two-thirds  of  the  population  of  the  globe. 

This  is  the  record  of  eighteen  months  of  a  Democratic  ad- 
ministration. Where  in  the  history  of  American  Presidents  can 
we  find  so  extraordinary  a  record  in  so  short  a  time? 

In  addition  to  these  accomplishments,  the  President  and  Dem- 
ocratic Congress  are  now  engaged  seriously,  studiously  and  con- 
servatively in  amending  the  antitrust  legislation  of  the  Nation 
in  such  a  way  as  to  protect  legitimate  industries  against  the 
curse  of  monopoly. 

Upon  this  record,  the  Democratic  party  stands  and  asks  the 
approval  of  the  people  of  the  United  States.  Upon  this  record 
Senator  Stone  presents  himself  for  reelection,  and  the  Demo- 
cratic Congressmen  of  this  State  unselfishly  remain  with  him  at 
Washington,  leaving  the  verdict  to  your  just  and  impartial  con- 
sideration. 

A  vote  for  Senator  Stone  and  your  Democratic  candidate 
for  Congress  is  a  vote  of  endorsement  of  the  President.  A  vote 
against  Senator  Stone  and  against  your  Democratic  candidate 
for  Congress  is  a  repudiation  of  this  splendid  record  of  the 
Democratic  party. 

Two  years  ago  you  placed  in  power  in  the  State  and  in  the 
Nation  President  Wilson  and  your  Democratic  representatives 
in  Congress.  During  eighteen  months  of  constant  session  they 
have  placed  before  you  this  record.  Can  there  be  any  doubt  in 
the  mind  of  any  clear-minded  citizen,  no  matter  to  what  party 
he  may  belong,  as  to  what  should  be  the  verdict  of  the  people? 

Do  you  favor  revision  of  the  tariff  downward?  If  so,  the 
Democrats  have  revised  it  downward.  Already  in  wholesale 
prices  the  effect  of  that  tariff  is  being  felt,  and  long  before  the 
next  Presidential  election,  retail  prices  will  demonstrate  the 
efficiency  and  wisdom  of  that  revision  downward. 

Do  you  favor  the  imposition  of  an  income  tax?  Nearly 
every  civilized  country  on  earth  has  such  a  tax,  and  yet  the  Re 
publican  party  for  sixteen  years  had  prevented  the  enactment 


DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,    GOVERNOR  589 

of  this  wise  and  just  law.  If  you  favor  an  income  tax,  the  Demo- 
cratic party,  for  the  first  time  in  American  history,  has  placed 
it  effectively  upon  the  statute  books.  The  income  tax  law  is  a 
law  which  compels  the  rich  to  pay  their  fair  share  of  the  bur- 
dens of  running  the  Government.  Why  should  they  not? 

Do  you  favor  legislation  which  will  abolish  financial  panics? 
If  so,  the  Democratic  party  has  given  it  to  you.  For  one-half 
century  under  Republican  rule,  we  have  been  periodically  visited 
with  financial  crashes  as  the  result  of  an  unwise  and  unskilful 
condition  of  the  currency  laws,  under  which  the  bankers  of  Wall 
Street  concentrated  all  the  wealth  of  the  country  in  the  hands 
of  a  few.  The  new  currency  law  enacted  by  the  Democratic 
party  is  admitted  by  the  bankers  themselves  to  be  so  wise  and 
comprehensive  in  character  as  to  prevent  the  concentration  of 
this  wealth  in  the  future  as  it  has  been  in  the  past,  and  permits 
the  bankers  of  the  country  to  obtain  relief  in  case  of  stringency 
by  pledging  their  assets  in  the  hands  of  the  general  Government. 

During  Republican  administrations  the  great  financial 
powers  were  in  the  habit  of  making  loans  to  the  smaller  nations 
and  in  forcing  the  collection  of  these  loans  by  Federal  gunboats. 
This  utilization  of  governmental  power  as  a  debt  collecting 
agency  has  stopped.  Human  rights  instead  of  dollars  are  now 
the  interests  protected  by  our  Department  of  State. 

For  decades  past,  under  Republican  rule,  that  party  and  its 
representatives  have  been  coerced  and  intimidated  by  the  great 
interests  into  passing  laws  favoring  gigantic  corporations  and 
combines.  For  that  purpose  these  great  interests  during  Repub- 
lican rule  have  maintained  permanently  in  the  Capitol  a  danger- 
ous and  insidious  lobby,  which  has  exerted  tremendous  and 
malign  power  upon  the  lawmaking  machinery  of  the  Republic. 
That  lobby  the  Democratic  party  has  driven  from  the  Capitol, 
and  exposed  to  the  sunlight  of  investigation.  The  third  house 
has  been  abolished,  and,  I  trust,  forever. 

Under  Republican  rule,  it  was  the  policy  to  permit  the  nat- 
ural resources  of  newly  developed  territories  to  be  given  away 
and  monopolized  by  the  great  interests  or  to  tie  them  up  so  as 
to  place  them  beyond  the  reach  of  ordinary  settlers.  The  Demo- 
cratic party  has  compelled  a  change  in  this  procedure,  particu- 
larly in  reference  to  the  tremendous  riches  lately  discovered  in 
Alaska.  It  has,  moreover,  authorized  the  building  of  the  first 
nationally  owned  railroad  to  develop  and  lay  bare  those  great 
riches  for  the  common  use  and  benefit  of  all  prospectors  and 
settlers,  and  today  American  engineers  are  penetrating  into  the 
interior  of  Alaska  laying  out  the  line  of  that  great  railroad. 


590  DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

Under  Democratic  rule,  we  have  made  effective  the  popular 
vote  for  United  States  Senator.  The  last  senatorial  deadlock 
took  place  in  the  State  of  Illinois.  The  people  have  been  given 
the  right  to  vote  directly  for  their  Senators  and  no  more  will  we 
hear  of  the  scandalous  intrigues  which  have  heretofore  frequently 
disgraced  the  different  states  in  .the  election  of  United  States 
Senators. 

But  above  all  the  things  accomplished  by  the  Democratic  party 
has  been  the  preservation  of  peace  between  this  country  and  all 
other  nations. 

When  the  Republican  party  went  out  of  power  there  was  a  very 
difficult  and  delicate  situation  existing  between  this  Republic  and 
the  empire  of  Japan,  which  it  was  feared  for  a  time  might  develop 
into  warfare  between  the  nations.  Our  great  Secretary  of  State  has 
so  conducted  the  diplomacy  of  this  government  in  dealing  with 
Japan  that  all  danger  of  war  has  now  been  averted  and  good  will 
and  harmony  exist  between  the  two  countries. 

In  Mexico,  internal  war  was  raging  and  private  property  inter- 
ests of  great  magnitude  were  demanding  the  recognition  of  a 
usurper  and  assassin  to  the  furtherance  of  their  own  selfish  inter- 
ests. To  the  credit  of  this  country,  President  Wilson  took  the  stand 
that  no  government  which  had  been  erected  upon  the  ruins  of  con- 
stitutional government  by  the  weapons  of  assassins  should  receive 
recognition  as  a  de  facto  government,  and  when  uniformed  Mexican 
braves  imprisoned  our  marines  without  justification  and  flouted  our 
flag,  he  refused  to  be  forced  into  a  declaration  of  war  with  a  sister 
republic,  even  though  that  sister  republic  could  have  been  crushed 
like  an  eggshell  by  our  armed  forces. 

Wisely  and  prudently  he  avoided  war.  He  seized  a  maritime 
port  of  Mexico  and  held  it  until  time  could  be  given  to  that  dis- 
tracted republic  to  compose  its  affairs,  and  then  apologize  for  the 
injury  done.  To  seize  this  port  in  the  assertion  of  dignitv  of  the 
American  flag  and  to  hold  it  until  a  proper  amend  could  be  made 
has  averted  a  great  war,  and  has  cost  the  United  States  but 
$7.000,000. 

Contrast  this,  my  friends,  with  the  spectacle  of  events  now 
presented  to  us  in  Europe.  Day  after  day  the  unfortunate  nations 
now  engaged  in  this  insane  war  are  spending  $50,000,000  a  day, 
and  at  least  500,000  corpses  are  now  buried  in  trenches  upon  the 
battlefields  as  a  tribute  to  the  Moloch  of  war.  Half  a  million  of 
widows  and  orphans  are  being  deprived  of  their  means  of  support, 
and  the  end  is  not  yet. 

Thank  God,  during  the  last  six  months  we  have  had  a  man  in 
the  White  House  who  was  a  disciple  of  the  Prince  of  Peace. 


DUNNE— JUDGE,    MAYOR,    GOVERNOR  591 

My  fellow  citizens,  consider  these  facts.  Take  them  home  with 
you.  Appeal  to  your  own  conscience,  and  ask  yourselves,  if  such  a 
glorious  record  made  by  a  Democratic  President  and  a  Democratic 
party  should  not  receive  the  commendation  and  support,  not  only 
of  Democrats,  but  of  all  fair-minded  citizens.  If  you  think  it  does, 
and  I  know  you  will,  you  will  see  to  it  that  that  splendid  record  is 
sustained,  by  going  to  the  polls  next  month  and  return  to  the  Senate 
your  splendid  representative  in  the  Senate  who  for  years  has  been 
one  of  the  leaders  of  the  Democratic  party  in  that  great  chamber, 
William  J.  Stone,  the  great  Missourian  and  the  great  American, 
and  by  casting  your  votes  also  for  each  and  all  of  the  Democratic 
nominees  for  Congress,  who  are  pledged  to  support  the  policies  of 
President  Wilson. 


592  DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 


THE  PROPOSED  EIGHT-FOOT 
WATERWAY. 

ADDRESS  TO  DELEGATES,  CHICAGO,  OCTOBER  10,  1914. 

The  following  were  present:  J.  J.  Armstrong,  H.  C.  Barlow, 
John  J.  Commons,  Col.  E.  S.  Conway,  Lyman  E.  Cooley,  Hon. 
Edward  F.  Dunne,  Henry  P.  Dwyer,  John  Ericson,  H.  C.  Gardner, 
John  M.  Glenn,  William  H.  Harper,  Thomas  J.  Healy,  W.  H.  John- 
son, C.  W.  Judd,  Col.  William  V.  Judson,  E.  J.  Kelly,  F.  R.  McMul- 
lin,  Elmer  Martin,  T.  Edward  Wilder,  H.  F.  Miller,  Sterling 
Morton,  Edmund  H.  Roche,  Walter  A.  Shaw,  L.  K.  Sherman,  John 
C.  Spry,  A.  C.  Sullivan,  George  A.  Tripp,  J.  J.  Wait,  all  of  Chicago ; 
Captain  G.  P.  Blow,  N.  W.  Duncan,  W.  A.  Panneck,  R.  W. 
Thompson,  H.  S.  Hazen,  Fritz  Worm,  Thomas  F.  Noon,  all  of 
La  Salle ;  R.  F.  Burt,  Lockport ;  Arthur  Charles,  Carmi ;  Sherman 
L.  Marshall,  Ipava ;  Edward  S.  Morhan,  Sheridan ;  Arthur  C.  Leach, 
Joliet ;  E.  J.  Barklow,  Joliet ;  Cal.  D.  0  'Callahan,  Joliet ;  Henry  B. 
Morgan,  Fred  H.  Smith,  Walter  B.  Wilde,  Richard  H.  Johnson,  of 
Peoria. 


Gentlemen  and  Fellow  Citizens: 

It  is  with  much  pleasure  that  I  am  here  today  in  response 
to  the  very  kind  invitation  of  the  Association  of  Commerce  to 
meet,  not  only  some  of  the  most  prominent  members  of  the  water- 
ways committee  of  that  very  influential  organization,  but  to  meet 
other  representative  citizens  of  the  city'  of  Chicago  and  the  State 
of  Illinois  and  the  public  officials  having  to  do  with  the  water- 
ways of  the  State. 

When  the  committee  who  invited  me  suggested  that  the 
subject  they  would  like  to  have  under  discussion  would  be  the 
creation  of  a  waterway  between  the  city  of  Chicago  and  the  Mis- 
sissippi River,  they  also  were  kind  enough  to  suggest  that,  if  there 
were  any  other  public  officials  iii'the  State  that  were  concerned 
with  these  very  important  and  pregnant  problems,  they  would 
like  to  have  them  present.  And,  it  gives  me  much  pleasure  to 
see  around  this  board  not  only  the  very  representative  citizens 
connected  with  the  Association  of  Commerce  and  other  prom- 
inent citizens  of  this  city,  but  also  all  the  engineering  members 
of  the  Rivers  and  Lakes  Commission ;  in  fact,  all  the  members — 


DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,    GOVERNOR  593 

I  see  Mr.  Healy  here  and  Mr.  Charles, — all  members  of  the 
Rivers  and  Lakes  Commission,  and  all  the  commissioners  from  the 
Illinois  and  Michigan  canal  board.  The  president  of  the  Sani- 
tary district,  I  believe,  was  invited.  I  do  not  see  him  present, 
but  I  see  him  represented  both  by  Mr.  Cooley,  the  consulting 
engineer  of  that  great  corporation,  and  Edward  J.  Kelly,  the 
assistant  or  acting  engineer  of  the  Sanitary  district. 

We  are  all  intensely  interested,  my  friends,  in  making  prac- 
ticable and  utilizing  for  commerce  the  cut  across  the  watershed 
first  discovered  by  a  white  man  in  the  person  of  Father  Marquette. 
Years  and  years  ago,  in  the  early  history  of  this  State,  the  value 
of  that  great  waterway  across  that  watershed  became  apparent 
to  the  Congress  of  the  United  States  and  to  the  people  of  the 
State  of  Illinois,  and  the  Congress  of  the  United  States  ceded 
lands  of  enormous  value  now,  according  to  their  present  valua- 
tion, to  the  State  of  Illinois,  upon  the  distinct  understand- 
ing that  the  State  of  Illinois  would  create  a  navigable  waterway 
from  Lake  Michigan  leading  to  the  Mississippi.  Pursuant  to  that 
understanding  the  old  Illinois  and  Michigan  canal  was  con 
structed.  It  was  constructed  by  engineers,  capable  in  their  day 
and  was  well  constructed,  considering  the  state  of  engineering 
science  at  that  time.  But  the  world  has  moved  and  moved  most 
wonderfully  in  every  profession — except  the  profession  of 
law  (laughter).  It  has  moved  wonderfully  in  the  surgical 
science,  in  engineering  science,  in  the  science  of  war, — I  wish  to 
God  it  had  not  (applause), — and  it  has  moved  very  rapidly  in 
engineering  science,  and  things  that  were  absolutely  impossible 
of  achievement  forty  or  fifty  and  seventy-five  years  ago  in  the 
engineering  world,  are  mere  child's  play  today,  as  these  engineers 
will  tell  you. 

We  have  all  discovered  in  recent  years  that  the  waterway, 
built  by  the  State  of  Illinois  under  its  contract  with  the  Govern- 
ment in  exchange  for  these  valuable  lands,  has  become  an  obsolete 
and  inadequate  waterway.  I  got  a  very  bad  impression  of  the  value 
of  that  waterway  while  I  was  a  private  citizen  and  until  I  was 
elected  Governor,  and  retained  that  impression  for  months  after  I 
was  Governor.  When  riding  on  the  Chicago  &  Alton  train  from 
Chicago  to  Joliet,  I  looked  into  the  canal  from  the  railroad 
cars  I  thought  no  language  was  more  appropriate  than  that  applied 
by  Senator  Sherman  to  it  when  he  called  it  a  ''tadpole  ditch," 
because  between  Joliet  and  Chicago,  it  is  a  tadpole  ditch.  When  I 
got  into  office,  my  friends,  I  found  a  report  from  the  old  Illinois 
Canal  Commission  recommending  a  rehabilitation  of  that  canal.  In 
print  it  was  a  .very  able  argument  and  it  would  have  struck  me  with 


594  DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

a  great  deal  of  force,  were  it  not  for  the  fact  that  I  knew  the  condi- 
tion of  the  canal  from  Joliet  to  Chicago. 

I  said,  "Where  is  the  use?  Look  at  it!  We  can't  rehabili- 
tate that  thing  and  it  is  idle  to  think  of  it  in  view  of  the  fact  that 
the  Sanitary  district  has  got  a  splendid  waterway  right  along- 
side of  it."  But  I  did  not  know  anything  of  the  condition  of  the 
canal  from  Joliet  to  La  Salle. 

Finally  the  Illinois  and  Michigan  Canal  Commission  and 
Mr.  Burt,  their  superintendent,  became  very  insistent  that  I  ought 
to  acquaint  myself  with  the  condition  of  the  canal  below  Joliet, 
and  about  sixty  days  ago,  I  think  it  was,  I  accepted  the  invitation 
of  these  gentlemen  and  went  down  that  canal  from  Joliet  to 
La  Salle.  .1  suggested  that  they  invite  a  few  engineers  along 
who  would  go  on  the  waterway  with  me  and  who  might  be  able  to 
explain  the  things  to  my  mind  from  an  engineering  standpoint 
that  I  could  not  understand.  They  were  kind  enough  to  invite 
Mr.  Cooley,  whose  eminence  as  an  engineer  and  whose  learning 
and  ability  no  one  can  contest,  Mr.  Kelly  of  the  Sanitary  district, 
Mr.  Sherman  of  the  Rivers  and  Lakes  Commission,  and  Mr.  Shaw, 
who  was  formerly  on  the  commission  and  is  now  a  member  of  the 
Public  Utilities  Commission. 

T  went  down  that  canal  in  order  to  know  what  I  was  talking 
about  when  I  did  talk  to  the  Legislature  and  to  my  fellow  citi- 
zens; and  I  must  say  to  you,  my  friends,  my  eyes  were  opened. 

I  had  thought  we  had  a  tadpole  ditch  the  whole  way  down 
until  I  went  on  that  trip.  I  discovered  to  my  surprise  that  we 
had  a  waterway  that  ought  not  to  be  closed  up.  During 
my  trip  down  that  river  I  suggested  to  these  engineers  that  the 
improvement  of  the  waterway  from  Chicago  to  the  gulf  had  been 
delayed  and  hindered  by  differences  of  opinion  as  to  the  depth 
of  the  waterway:  "While  the  people  were  generous  enough  to 
consent  to  the  constitutional  amendment  under  which  you  can 
appropriate  twenty  million  dollars  for  the  improvement,  it  would 
appear  that  you  engineers  have  not  been  able  to  agree  upon  some 
sort  of  a  program  to  present  to  the  people."  And  I  happened 
to  say  to  these  gentlemen:  "Is  it  not  true  that  the  Federal  en- 
gineers who  have  been  preparing  plans  and  giving  study  to  the 
waterway  and  to  the  Mississippi,  have  reported  within  the  last 
twelve-month  that  the  waterway  from  St.  Louis  to  Cairo  and 
from  Cairo  to  New  Orleans  is  impracticable  at  a  greater  depth 
than  eight  feet?  If  that  be  true  at  the  present  time,  in  the  pres- 
ent condition  of  engineering  science,  is  it  necessary  to  discuss  a 
fourteen  or  twenty-four  foot  depth  of  the  Illinois  River  when 
commerce  is  waiting  in  Chicago  and  all  along  the  nanks  of  that 


DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,    GOVERNOR  595 

canal,  waiting  to  transfer  property  day  after  day?  An  enormous 
amount,  they  say,  can  be  carried  on  an  eight-foot  channel." 
"Can't  some  plan,"  I  said,  turning  to  Mr.  Cooley  and  these  other 
engineers,  "can't  some  plan  be  devised  under  which  we  can 
get  that  eight-foot  channel  from  Chicago  to  St.  Louis  and 
from  Chicago  to  Davenport  through  the  Hermepin  canal,  which 
connects  with  the  Mississippi,  that  will  not  militate  against  these 
other  depths,  and  would  it  not  be  wise  to  adopt  some  scheme, 
at  not  unreasonable  expense,  to  give  us  an  eight-foot  waterway 
temporarily,  if  that  does  not  conflict  ultimately  with  the  other 
fourteen  or  fifteen  or  twenty-four  foot  depths?" 

Mr.  Cooley  and  these  other  engineers  happened  to  drop  a 
remark  that  it  was  possible  by  building  a  dam  at  Starved  Rock 
across  the  Illinois  River  and  dredging  that  river  northwards  and 
utilizing  some  of  this  canal,  that  it  was  possible  to  get  an  eight- 
foot  channel  from  Chicago  down  to  LaSalle  without  antagonizing; 
or  foreclosing  any  of  the  other  depths  on  this  river.  I  then 
asked  these  gentlemen  if  they  would  not  be  kind  enough  to  make, 
as  engineers,  a  study  of  the  problem  and  report  to  me  in  thirty 
days,  i  am  pleased  to  say  that  all  of  these  gentlemen,  without 
pay  or  recompense,  as  far  as  I  know  (because  we  have  said  noth- 
ing about  it)  have  given  me  their  valuable  time  and  intelligence, 
and  it  gives  me  more  than  groat  pleasure  to  report  that  these 
gentlemen,  some  of  whom  are  devoted  to  a  deeper  waterway,  and 
some  to  another  kind  of  waterway,  have  submitted  to  me  three 
schemes  under  which,  in  a  very  short  time  and  at  very  low  ex- 
pense, the  city  of  Chicago  will  be  able  to  transport  merchandise 
from  that  city  to  LaSalle,  and  the  east  will  be  able  to  transport 
traffic  through  the  Sanitary  district  canal  down  to  Lockport  or 
Joliet,  and  thence,  utilizing  nineteen  miles  of  the  old  canal, 
which  will  have  to  be  dredged  to  the  depth  of  eight  feet,  and 
about  forty-five  miles  of  the  Illinois  River  to  LaSalle,  by  the 
Illinois  and  Mississippi  to  New  Orleans. 

These  men  reported  to  me,  in  other  words,  that  in  a  very 
brief  time,  and  at  the  expense  of  only  three  million  and 
seventy-five  thousand  dollars,  the  citizens  of  Chicago  and 
tho  citizens  of  Buffalo  and  Toledo,  Cleveland,  Detroit,  Duluth, 
the  citizens  of  all  these  cities  can  transport  in  steam  barges  to  the 
Mississippi  at  Davenport,  through  the  Hennepin,  and  also  to  St. 
Louis,  through  the  Illinois,  merchandise  that  is  waiting  for  the 
opening  of  that  canal,  and  at  a  cost  of  only  about  three  million 
dollars ;  and  that  the  proposition  as  recommended  by  them  in  the 
third  project  will  not  in  any  way  militate  against  any  of  those 
other  different  programs  for  the  depth  of  the  Illinois  south  of 
LaSalle. 


596  DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

I  am  here,  my  friends,  to  get  light  on  this  problem.  I  will 
be  frank  enough  to  say  to  you  that,  while  I  am  not  committed  to 
any  plan  at  the  present  time,  this  scheme  impresses  me  as  the 
most  practical,  reasonable,  and  sensible  program  that  has  been 
devised  during  all  this  talk  of  a  Avaterway  that  has  been  going 
on  in  the  city  of  Chicago  and  the  State  of  Illinois  for  the  last 
twenty  years.  I  know  that  at  this  table  there  are  many  business 
men  that  have  business  heads  on  them;  I  know  there  are  many 
engineers  who  have  experience  and  knowledge.  I  am  here  simply 
as  the  Executive  of  this  State  to  say  that  I  want  earnest  co- 
operation with  some  sort  of  scheme  with  the  citizens  of  this  com- 
munity that  will  enable  freight  to  be  carried  from  the  lakes  and 
through  the  port  of  Chicago  down  to  St.  Louis,  Cairo  and  New 
Orleans;  and  if  freight  to  the  enormous  amount  the  merchants  of 
this  city  tell  me  is  waiting  to  be  transported  can  be  transported 
upon  an  eight-foot  channel — and  it  lies  waiting  for  us — and  that 
project  recommended  by  these  gentlemen  will  give  us  an  eight- 
foot  channel  to  the  gulf — then  this  scheme  should  be  endorsed 
and  adopted. 

If  this  scheme  gives  that  great  artery  of  water  transportation 
without  militating  against  any  of  these  other  engineering  pro- 
jects of  fourteen  or  twenty-four  foot  depth,  it  is  an  act  of  wisdom 
on  the  part  of  this  community  and  you  business  men,  in  view  of 
the  fact  that  it  will  only  cost  three  million  and  seventy-five  thou- 
sand dollars,  to  get  to  work  on  it. 

That  is  the  impression  that  is  made  on  me  by  this  report.  I 
think  it  was  a  fortunate  circumstance  that,  when  we  went  down 
the  canal  I  had  the  benefit  of  all  the  information  given  me  by 
these  engineers  and  to  have  gotten  them  together  on  the  matter 
of  making  this  report.  I  want  that  report  to  be  studied  by  such 
men  as  the  Colonel  (Colonel  Judson)  on  my  right,  who  is  a  Fed- 
eral engineer,  to  let  me  know  if  there  is  anything  that  can  be 
logically  or  scientifically  urged  against  the  adoption  of  that  re- 
port. Jf  it  is  feasible,  we  know  it  is  economical^  We  know  there 
has  been  a  repeated  and  continuous  demand  from  the  merchants 
of  this  city  for  a  navigable  waterway  down  the  canal. 

I  see  Mr.  Duncan  of  LaSalle  here.  Down  there  they  tell  me 
there  is  an  enormous  amount  of  transportation  waiting  for  that 
waterway,  and  I  was  informed,  to  my  great  surprise,  >£hat  water- 
ways are  not  only  cheaper — everyone  knows  that — but  they  are 
more  expeditious  than  rail  transportation^/ 

That  is  a  thing  that  amazed  me.  If  we  get  a  waterway  that 
is  capable  of  floating  barges  of  about  eight-foot  draft,  they  tell  me 
that  such  transportation  will  be  cheaper  and  more  rapid  than 
by  rail. 


DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,    GOVERNOR  597 

That  is  the  situation,  my  friends,  that  we  are  here  to  discuss. 
That  is  a  condition  that  the  people  of  Chicago  and  the  public 
officials  and  myself  want  light  upon.  I  will  say  to  you  this,  I 
have  not  gone  ploughing  around  with  any  of  the  newspapers  to 
get  them  to  commend  or  approve  this  problem.  I  have  not  seen 
any  of  them  to  urge  its  adoption.  I  find  voluntary  support.  The 
Tribune  has  spoken  very  favorably  of  it — and  very  seldom  they 
speak  favorably  of  anything  I  am  interested  in.  (Laughter.) 
I  find  the  Journal  favorable  also,  although  it  has  been  a  little 
more  friendly  politically.  I  find  the  Examiner  today  had  an 
article  commending  it. 

In  addition  to  all  this,  let  me  say  before  I  close,  that  I  am 
advised  by  merchants  of  reputable  standing  in  this  community,  by 
manufacturers  and  men  who  expect  to  use  that  waterway,  that  if 
the  waterway  is  constructed — and  they  have  been  advocating  the 
rehabilitation  of  the  old  canal,  not  this  program,  which  is  wholly 
different — they  say  even  if  the  old  canal  was  rehabilitated  that  the 
amount  of  the  tonnage  rates  paid  for  freight,  which  I  believe  is 
much  less  than  what  is  paid  to  the  railroads — would  pay  the  interest 
upon  that  investment  to  the  State  of  Illinois.  These  gentlemen  who 
have  these  views  are  here,  and  we  probably  would  be  glad  to  hear 
from  them. 

This  project,  I  understand,  first  contemplates  the  erection  of 
a  dam  at  Starved  Rock,  which  would  constitute  the  major  part  of 
the  cost  of  the  whole  project.  Thence  north  for  forty-five  miles,  it 
utilizes  the  natural  waterway  of  the  Illinois  river  with  the  exception 
of  about  a  mile  and  a  half  at  Marseilles,  where  there  is  a  private 
waterway  which  we  don 't  care  to  interfere  with  at  the  present  time. 
Then  when  it  strikes  Dresden  Heights,  it  debouches  into  the  old 
canal,  and  for  about  19  miles  into  Joliet  utilizes  the  old  canal. 

The  plan  contemplates  the  dredging  of  the  waterway  to  the 
depth  of  eight  feet.  It  does  not  interfere  with  any  of  those  other 
projects  for  a  fourteen  or  twenty-four  foot  waterway,  down  from 
Chicago  to  southern  Illinois.  That  is  my  understanding,  gentle- 
men. I  am  pleased  to  be  here,  and  I  am  interested  to  find  out 
whether  the  plan  is  what  it  appears  to  be  and  whether  it  receives 
the  approval  of  the  level-headed  merchants  of  the  city  of  Chicago. 

I  shall  be  very  brief,  Mr.  Toastmaster.  I  would  not 
want  to  leave  this  meeting  without  voicing  my  appre- 
ciation of  the  statements  made  by  Mr.  Morton  with  reference  to  the 
control  of  the  terminals.  I  think  the  very  first  thing  we  ought  to 
do — all  the  cities  along  the  Illinois  River  and  the  Des  Plaines 
River — the  very  first  thing  that  ought  to  be  done,  if  we  are  going 
to  get  this  thing  through,  is  for  each  of  these  cities,  through  their 
public-spirited  citizens  and  common  councils,  to  acquire  property 


598  DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

• 

that  should  be  publicly  owned  or  publicly  controlled  by  the  munic- 
ipalities, to  be  dedicated  to  the  use  of  terminals  on  the  water 
front.  Once  that  property  is  acquired,  then  the  next  thing  to  be 
done  is  for  you  to  design  a  uniform  kind  of  terminal  consistent 
with  the  depth  of  the  water.  But  the  terminal  land  should  be  ac- 
quired now  if  we  go  forward  with  this  movement  to  deepen  the 
canal  between  Chicago  and  through  Utica  to  Davenport  and  to 
St.  Louis  at  once.  Every  shrewd  real  estate  investor  along  this 
river  is  going  to  acquire  these  water  fronts  if  he  can,  and  you 
are  going  to  be  fooled,  if  you  acquire  it  by  condemning  it  at  its 
enhanced  value. 

Chicago  has  led  the  way ;  we  are  going  to  have  a  great  public 
port  which  we  are  now  building  in  the  city  of  Chicago.  It  is  up  to 
Peoria,  Peru,  LaSalle,  and  every  one  of  these  cities  to  acquire  ter- 
minals, publicly  owned  and  controlled,  where  everybody  will  be 
permitted  to  land  his  barge  or  boat  at  the  public  docks  and  be 
treated  exactly  alike,  so  there  will  be  no  preferences  between  men, 
as  to  the  treatment  they  receive  at  these  terminals. 

I  want  to  say  that  this  has  been  made  easy  for  you  by  the 
enactment  by  -the  Legislature  of  the  law,  giving  the  cities  of  this 
State  the  right  to  acquire  any  utility  they  see  fit.  I  am  pleased  to 
say  that  in  the  last  Legislature  upon  my  recommendation  there 
was  passed  a  bill  under  which  every  city  of  the  State  can  acquire 
by  purchase  or  condemnation  every  sort  of  a  public  utility,  includ- 
ing bridges  and  warehouses  and  landings  and  such  things.  They 
can  be  acquired  throughout  the  whole  State.  (Applause.) 

Another  thing;  the  consensus  of  opinion,  as  displayed  by  the 
advocates  of  the  deep  waterway,  in  the  persons  of  Mr.  Cooley  and 
my  friend  from  Peoria.  and  the  attitude  displayed  toward  this 
scheme  by  the  advocates  of  the  shallow  waterway,  like  Mr.  Morton, 
makes  it  apparent  that  at  last  we  have  got  together  upon  a  feasible 
project  for  the  State  of  Illinois  for  the  opening  of  a  waterway.  I 
am  pleased  to  hear  that  we  have  a  million  dollars  for  the  develop- 
ment of  the  lower  rivers  in  the  hands  of  the  Government,  and 
pleased  to  hear  from  Colonel  Judson  that  there  will  be  little  diffi- 
culty in  acquiring  that  money  for  the  opening  of  the  canal. 

I  think  the  time  has  arrived  when  we  all  ought  to  push  forward 
this  project  as  advocated  under  Number  3 ;  and  particularly  at  this 
time  when  there  are  so  many  men  in  the  State  of  Illinois  who  need 
employment.  How  can  they  be  better  employed  than  upon  a  project 
like  this,  which  belongs  to  all  the  citizens  of  the  State. 

One  more  thing,  and  then  I  am  through.  I  want  to  call  atten- 
tion to  the  fact  that  the  present  Congress  has  sat  down  effectually 
upon  the  appropriation  for  waterways.  I  do  riot  think  that  is  spas- 
modic. I  think  that  is  likely  to  be  the  policy  of  Congress  in  the 


DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,    GOVERNOR  599 

future,  because  of  the  many  unreasonable  and  uimtilitarian  schemes 
that  have  been  brought  forward  in  the  country  by  hundreds  of  little 
places  for  the  wanton  waste  of  money.  If  we  can  go  to  Congress 
with  this  project  and  show  Congress  that  this  is  in  line  with  the 
things  already  recommended  by  their  engineers,  as  Colonel  Judson 
pointed  out,  we  won't  be  put  in  the  position  of  having  a  pork 
barrel  proposition,  but  a'  fine  utilitarian  project. 

If  the  people  are  behind  this,  as  they  seem  to  be  today,  I  think 
this  project  will  be  put  through  inside  of  two  years,  and  we  will 
have  a  practical  waterway  from  Lake  Michigan  to  the  Mississippi 
river. 

One  thing  more.  The  suggestion  has  been  made  by  Mr.  Gard- 
ner and  Mr.  Wilder  that  there  is  a  very  important  conference  of 
the  National  Rivers  and  Harbors  Congress  in  Washington,  and  I 
will  be  very  much  pleased  to  adopt  the  suggestions  made  by  Mr. 
Wilder,  and  appoint  the  gentlemen  who  have  displayed  their  inter- 
est in  the  matter  by  attendance  here,  as  delegates  to  the  convention. 
As  he  said,  the  State  has  made  no  appropriation  and  you  will  be 
rewarded  by  the  zeal  with  which  you  devote  yourselves  to  the  inter- 
ests of  the  people.  (Applause.) 


600  DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 


THE  IDEALS  OF  A  NOTED  IRISH 
PATRIOT. 

AT  THE  UNVEILING  OF  THE  FINERTY  MONUMENT,  CHICAGO, 
OCTOBER  11,  1914. 

Mr.  Chairman,  Ladies  and  Gentlemen: 

It  is  with  much  pleasure  that  I  participate  with  you  today  in 
the  unveiling  of  a  monument  erected  to  the  memory  of  one  of  the 
most  prominent  citizens  of  the  city  of  Chicago,  who,  during  his 
life,  by  his  signal  services  rendered  as  a  journalist,  editor,  orator 
and  statesman,  endeared  himself  to  a  very  wide  circle  of  acquaint- 
ances in  this  city,  and  throughout  the  Northwest. 

Seldom  does  it  happen  to  a  man,  so  soon  after  his  death,  to 
have  a  monument  erected  to  him  by  the  volunteer  contributions  of 
his  fellow  men.  The  fact  that  within  a  few  short  years  after  his 
death  this  monument  is  erected  by  volunteer  subscription  attests 
the  affection  in  which  he  was  held  by  many  thousands  of  our 
citizens. 

It  was  my  pleasure  to  have  known  him  personally  during  his 
lifetime,  and  I  can  speak  from  personal  contact  with  him  of  his 
many  remarkable  virtues  and  attributes.  For  forty  years  and  over 
he  was  identified  with  the  social,  commercial  and  political  life  of 
this  city. 

Possessed  of  a  magnificent  physique,  and  a  charming  person- 
ality, he  was  also  endowed  by  his  maker  with  conversational  and 
oratorical  gifts  which  seldom  fall  to  man.  With  such  attributes  he 
readily  found  his  way  into  the  hearts  and  affections  of  his  fel- 
low men. 

John  F.  Finerty  was  born  in  Galway,  Ireland.  His  father  was 
the  owner  and  proprietor  of  the  principal  paper  of  that  city,  which 
accounts  for  his  predilection  for  journalism  in  his  after  years.  In 
his  youth  he  witnessed  with  much  bitterness  the  destitution  and 
misery  afflicting  his  fellow  countrymen  as  the  result  of  atrocious 
misgovernment. 

Before  reaching  manhood  the  first  thing  he  did  was  to  cry  out 
in  protest  against  the  things  he  saw  around  him.  A  born  orator, 
he  easily  aroused  his  fellow  men  to  resist  the  continuance  of  such 
conditions.  So  effective  and  vigorous  were  his  speeches  that  a 
warrant  was  issued  for  his  arrest,  charging  him  with  the  dissemina- 


DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

tion  of  treason.  To  escape  imprisonment  because  of  these  utter- 
ances he  was  compelled  to  leave  his  native  land  while  yet  under 
age,  and  to  come  to  this  country. 

Promptly  upon  landing,  he  volunteered  in  the  Union  Army, 
and  served  creditably  for  a  brief  period  until  the  close  of  the  war. 
In  the  latter  end  of  the  sixties  he  located  permanently  in  Chicago. 
Almost  immediately  he  became  permanently  identified  with  the 
Chicago  press,  first  on  the  editorial  staff  of  the  old  Republican, 
which  was  the  precursor  of  the  Inter  Ocean,  and  afterwards  upon 
the  Tribune.  He  served  as  special  war  correspondent  for  the  Trib- 
une and  as  such  reported  four  of  the  western  Indian  wars,  including 
the  campaign  against  Sitting  Bull  in  1876. 

During  those  campaigns  he  endured  all  of  the  hardships,  and 
trials,  and  risked  all  the  dangers  of  the  ordinary  trooper,  and  nar- 
rowly escaped  massacre  in  the  Big  Horn  campaign.  Afterwards,  as 
the  correspondent  of  this  paper,  he  traveled  much  in  Mexico  re- 
porting the  border  troubles.  In  1882  he  founded  and  became 
editor  of  the  Chicago  Citizen,  a  weekly  which  has  existed,  and  has 
been  published  in  Chicago  from  that  time  down  to  the  present 
date. 

In  1883,  he  was  elected  to  Congress  and  served  most  creditably 
in  the  lower  House.  He  advocated  an  increased  Navy  and  more 
powerful  fortifications  for  America  in  a  powerful  speech  which  has 
been  long  remembered  throughout  the  country.  An  account  of  his 
experiences  in  his  Indian  campaigns  is  contained  in  his  "Warpath 
and  Bivouac,"  a  work  written  in  the  choicest  diction  and  full  of 
fire  and  action. 

He  also  was  the  author  of  "A  People's  History  of  Ireland." 

Throughout  his  life  he  never  forgot  to  sympathize  with  and 
champion  the  cause  of  the  land  of  his  birth.  The  impressions  which 
misgovernment  and  misrule  in  his  native  land  had  made  upon  him 
in  his  youth  seemed  to  have  burned  into  his  very  being.  He  never 
ceased  to  advocate  and  strive  for  the  independence  of  his  native 
land.  He  at  one  time  organized  the  great  popular  organization 
known  as  the  Irish  Land  League  of  America,  which  raised  and 
forwarded  over  one-half  million  dollars  to  the  Parliamentary  party 
in  Ireland. 

He  was  a  member  of  the  Grand  Army  of  the  Republic,  and  of 
the  American  Irish  Historical  Society,  and  was  seven  times  elected 
president  of  the  United  Irish  Societies  of  Chicago. 

He  possessed  that  rare  combination,  so  seldom  found  in  one 
person,  eloquence  of  speech  upon  the  platform,  and  facility  of 
expression  by  pen  in  the  library  or  editorial  sanctum.  Few  men  in 
Chicago  in  our  day  possessed  his  marvelous  eloquence.  I  can  recall, 
while  still  a  young  man,  being  more  deeply  moved  by  his  tremendous 


602  DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

power  of  public  utterance  than  by  any  man  in  his  day.  Patriot, 
poet,  orator,  author  and  journalist,  he  was  a  rare  combination 
among  men. 

Like  most  men  of  highly  emotional  temperament,  he  lacked 
commercial  sagacity  and  shrewdness.  This  lack  of  commercial 
shrewdness,  together  with  his  open-handed  generosity,  prevented 
his  amassing  even  a  moderate  competence.  He  left  behind  him 
little  of  this  world's  goods,  but  did  leave  behind  him  what  is  far 
more  to  be  envied,  the  reputation  of  being  a  man  of  exalted  ideals 
and  lofty  principle. 

The  respect  and  affection  of  hundreds  of  thousands  of  men  was 
the  only  heritage  he  left,  and  was  the  thing  that  he  valued  in  life 
more  than  all  the  riches  of  Golconda. 

It  is  fitting  and  proper  that  the  citizens  of  Chicago,  with  whom 
he  lived  so  long  and  honorably,  should  now.  that  he  has  passed 
away,  do  honor  to  his  fragrant  memory  and  splendid  life.  This 
they  now  do  by  unveiling  this  splendid  work  of  art  in  one  of  the 
parks  of  this  great  city. 


DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  603 


WATERWAY  TRANSPORTATION  NEAR. 

STATEMENT  TO  THE  PUBLIC,  OCTOBER  14,  1914. 

I  believe  the  time  is  rapidly  approaching  when  waterway 
transportation,  as  supplemental  to  and  not  antagonistic  toward 
railway  transportation,  is  soon  to  be  thoroughly  developed  in  the 
State  of  Illinois  and  surrounding  states. 

Public  sentiment  is  rapidly  crystallizing  in  favor  of  a  speedy 
construction  of  an  eight-foot  channel  in  the  Illinois  River  between 
Joliet  arid  LaSalle,  thus  giving  through  waterway  transportation 
with  a  depth  of  eight  feet  from  Chicago  to  St.  Louis,  and  from 
Chicago  to  Davenport,  Iowa,  via  the  Hennepin  canal;  such  a  proj- 
ect not  being,  however,  in  any  way  inconsistent  with  the  further 
development  of  the  river  to  a  further  depth.  In  view  of  this  fact 
and  before  any  legislation  is  recommended  or  carried  through 
the  Legislature  having  this  object  in  view,  it  is  most  important 
that  all  cities  intending  to  avail  themselves  of  water  transporta- 
tion should  immediately  proceed  to  acquire  title  to  the  land 
necessary  for  the  establishment  and  maintenance  of  terminals  and 
wharves. 

If  these  cities  wait  until  after  the  Legislature  legislates  upon 
the  matter,  they  will  be  faced  with  an  increase  in  valuation  of  the 
lands  necessary  to  be  acquired  for  that  purpose  resulting  from 
the  passage  of  such  a  law.  If  they  proceed  at  once  to  acquire 
by  purchase  or  condemnation  such  property,  it  can  be  procured 
at  a  cheaper  valuation. 

All  such  cities  and  municipalities,  in  my  judgment,  ought  to 
proceed  to  cooperate  for  the  purpose  of  establishing  a  uniform 
character  of  terminals  that  would  be  suited  to  the  boats  which 
would  be  engaged  in  siich  water  transportation. 


604  DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 


GOOD  ROADS  IN  ILLINOIS. 

ADDRESS  TO  ASSOCIATION  OF  COMMERCE,  CHICAGO,  OCTOBER  21,  1914. 
Mr.  Chairman  and  Gentlemen: 

It  is  a  pleasure  for  me  to  be  here  today  and  say  a  few  words 
upon  the  subject  of  "Good  Roads." 

The  question  of  good  roads  touches  vitally  the  agricultural, 
commercial,  educational,  social,  religious  and  economic  welfare 
of  Illinois,  and  involves  the  conservation  of  natural  resources. 

In  the  improvement  of  good  roads,  Illinois  has  until  recently 
been  indeed  backward.  Reports  of  the  Federal  Department  of 
Agriculture  up  to  1913  show  that  about  10  per  cent  of  the  95,000 
miles  of  Illinois  road  are  improved  in  a  permanent  manner,  as 
against  35  per  cent  in  the  neighboring  state  of  Indiana,  20  per 
f.ent  in  Kentucky,  28  per  cent  in  Ohio,  and  50  per  cent  in  Mas- 
sachusetts. 

The  loss  to  farmers,  because  of  inaccessible  primary  markets, 
and  the  abnormal  expense  of  transportation,  due  to  bad  roads, 
must  be  considered  as  a  contributing  cause  of  the  high  cost  of 
living.  In  some  Illinois  counties,  highways  are  impassable  to 
ordinary  loads  for  a  full  third  part  of  the  year.  Bad  roads  not 
only  hinder  crop  production  and  marketing,  but  they  keep  the 
rural  consumer  away  from  the  store  of  the  merchant  for  weeks 
at  a  time.  They  keep  pupils  from  the  schools,  and  voters  from 
political  gatherings,  and  from  participation  in  elections.  They 
impair  the  efficiency  of  churches,  and  social,  fraternal  and  other 
organizations,  which  depend  largely  on  public  gatherings  for  the 
efficacy  of  their  work. 

Moreover,  bad  roads  contribute  to  the  unattractiveness,  the 
isolation  and  the  monotony  of  country  life  that  are  responsible 
for  the  desertion  of  rural  pursuits,  especially  among  the  young. 
Experts  in  mental  ailments  agree  that  women  in  remote  sections 
are  the  chief  sufferers  from  the  restriction  of  communication  and 
social  intercourse,  which  bad  roads  impose. 

Highway  conditions  in  Illinois  are  due  to  the  fact  that  prog- 
ress in  methods  of  transportation  and  travel  has  not  been  met 
with  corresponding  changes  in  our  system  of  road  building  and 
maintenance. 


DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  605 

Illinois  is  the  third  State  in  the  United  States  in  population, 
wealth,  and  political  and  commercial  importance. 

It  is  the  premier  agricultural  State  of  the  United  States.  Its 
soil,  on  the  average,  is  three  times  as  valuable  in  selling  price  as 
the  average  soil  of  the  United  States,  and  yet  in  that  important 
feature  which  gives  value  to  the  farm,  to-wit,  the  roadways 
which  lead  to  its  gates,  Illinois  is  scandalously  and  deplorably 
in  the  background  as  compared  with  most  of  the  other  progres- 
sive states  of  the  Union. 

In  the  matter  of  ratio  of  improved  roadways  to  unimproved 
roadways,  Illinois  holds  today  the  hoodoo  number  of  23.  In  other 
words.  22  of  the  states  of  the  United  States  have  a  greater  ratio 
of  improved  roadways  to  unimproved  roadways  than  has  the  great 
State  of  Illinois. 

I  was  surprised  to  find,  upon  investigation,  that  Illinois  has  a 
smaller  percentage  of  improved  roads  than  has  the  United  States 
in  general.  In  other  words,  the  average  percentage  of  improved 
roads  to  unimproved  roads  in  the  whole  of  the  United  States  on 
December  31,  1911,  was  ten  and  one-tenth  per  cent,  while  the 
average  in  the  great  State  of  Illinois  was  only  nine  and  forty 
seven  hundredths  per  cent  on  the  same  date.  This  situation  of 
affairs  has  been,  and  is,  a  reproach  to  the  intelligence  and  a 
blemish  on  the  reputation  of  this  State. 

Knowing  these  conditions,  I  recommended  to  the  last  General 
Assembly  consideration  of  legislation  which  would  promote  the 
efficiency  and  economy  of  the  administration  of  the  road  system 
of  the  State.  Pursuant  to  that  recommendation  the  last  General 
Assembly  placed  upon  the  statute  books  a  law  which  affords  a 
scheme  of  State  aid  and  provides  for  cooperation  between  the 
State  and  counties  in  such  a  way  as  to  encourage  and  develop 
road  building  in  the  State  of  Illinois.  This  law  created  the  pres- 
ent State  Highway  Department. 

This  department  has  been  thoroughly  reorganized.  It  has 
laid  out  the  roads  that  will  constitute  the  proposed  State  aid 
road  system  of  the  entire  State,  and  maps  have  been  made  of 
about  sixteen  thousand  miles  of  improved  roads.  These  State 
aid  roads  connect  all  the  principal  trading  points  of  the  State 
with  one  another,  extending  throughout  the  length  and  breadth 
of  all  of  the  counties  of  the  State,  and  when  completed  as  the 
main  thoroughfares  of  the  State,  will  be  one  of  the  most  com- 
prehensive systems  of  roads  in  any  like  community  in  the  world. 
When  this  system  of  roads  is  once  constructed,  there  will  not  be  a 
home vin  the  State  of  Illinois  farther  than  four  and  one-half  miles 
from  a  State  aid  road. 


606  DUNNE— JUDGE,   MAYOR,  GOVERNOR 

The  State  Highway  Commission  was  somewhat  hampered  in 
the  beginning  of  their  work  by  a  suit  testing  the  constitutionality 
of  the  law.  It  was  fought  through  all  the  courts  and  the  Su- 
preme Court  handed  down  its  decision  on  the  question  at  the 
June  term,  this  year,  holding  the  law  to  be  constitutional  in  every 
detail. 

The  commission  at  once  began  active  work  under  the  law. 
The  first  contracts  were  let  on  the  first  day  of  July  this  year. 
Contracts  have  been  let  in  forty-six  counties  of  the  State  com- 
prising ninety-one  miles  of  road,  seventy-five  of  which  will  be  of 
concrete  and  sixteen  of  brick.  The  Highway  Department  hope  to 
have  this  number  of  miles  of  work  completed  this  fall.  This, 
together  with  perfecting  the  organization  and  the  preparing  of 
the  maps  and  designating  the  roads  that  should  be  State  aid  roads, 
we  believe  to  be  a  phenomenal  success  for  the  first  year's  work 
under  the  new  road  law. 

Communities  that  were  against  this  system  at  the  beginning 
of  the  work  have  become  enthusiastic  in  favor  of  road  improve- 
ment under  the  system  as  designated  in  the  law,  and  we  predict 
that  this  will  be  one  of  the  most  beneficial  pieces  of  legislation 
that  have  been  enacted  in  the  great  State  of  Illinois,  because  it 
will  ultimately  lead  to  the  construction  of  such  a  system  of  roads 
as  the  people  can  use  in  their  business  and  in  their  pleasure 
every  day  in  the  year. 

In  addition  to  the  State  aid  roads,  the  department  has  under 
construction  about  thirty-five  miles  of  hard  roads.  Seventeen 
miles  of  these  roads  are  waterbound  macadam  and  are  being  con- 
structed with  convict  labor.  Four  miles  are  in  Frankfort  Town- 
ship and  thirteen  miles  in  Washington  Township,  in  Will  County. 

Under  the  direction  of  the  State  Highway  Department  all  of 
the  roads  of  the  State  will  be  improved  under  one  system. 

Perhaps  one  of  the  most  important  points  in  the  construction 
of  any  quality  of  road  is  that  of  drainage.  This  question  applies 
to  every  quality  of  road,  whether  it  be  an  earth  road,  a  gravel 
road,  a  macadam  road,  a  concrete  or  brick  road.  If  any  road  is 
permitted  to  stand  under  water,  disintegration  will  soon  set  in, 
but  any  quality  of  road  properly  drained  is  a  great  improvement 
upon  the  old  system  of  letting  the  roads  practically  take  care  of 
themselves. 

During  the  year  there  have  been  graded  and  dragged  up- 
wards of  seven  thousand  miles  of  earth  roads  under  the  direction 
of  the  State  Highway  Department  through  the  county  superin- 
tendents of  highways.  We  have  ninety-six  thousand  miles  of 
public  highways  in  the  State  of  Illinois  outside  of  the  villages  and 
cities  of  Hie  State;  thus  you  will  see  we  will  always  have  many 


DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,  GOVERNOR  607 

earth  roads  and  we  must  give  much  attention  to  the  proper  grad- 
ing and  dragging  of  these  to  place  them  in  a  passable  condition, 
in  order  to  be  feeders  to  the  main  thoroughfares  which  are  desig- 
nated as  State  aid  roads. 

The  department  under  no  condition  will  overlook  the  lateral 
roads,  the  great  majority  of  which  for  many  years  will  be  earth 
roads,  but  the  construction  of  the  main  system  of  roads  of  either 
concrete  or  brick  will  lead  to  the  better  construction  of  all  of  the 
lateral  roads. 

The  State  Highway  Department,  in  addition  to  the  work  speci- 
fied, has,  during  the  year,  prepared  plans  and  specifications  for  at 
least  six  hundred  bridges  for  the  various  townships  and  counties 
in  the  State,  and  it  has  superintended  the  construction  of  many  of 
them.  This  part  of  the  work  has  been  of  vast  importance  to  the 
various  counties,  as  it  is  conceded  that  a  very  great  saving  has 
been  made  to  the  various  counties  because  of  their  inspection  and 
supervision.  The  durability  in  the  manner  of  constructing 
bridges  and  culverts  has  been  marked  because  of  the  quality  of 
construction,  reinforced  concrete  being  the  present  method  of 
construction.  When  a  culvert  or  bridge  is  built  of  this  material 
under  proper  plans,  it  is  almost  indestructible. 

The  improvement  of  our  highways  is  a  matter  that  ought  to 
arouse  every  citizen  of  the  land,  because  when  once  we  have 
thoroughly  improved  them,  it  will  be  a  pleasure  to  the  people 
and  of  vast  importance  to  them  from  a  business  standpoint.  The 
people  are  becoming  intensely  interested  in  this  question,  not 
only  from  one  end  of  the  State  to  the  other,  but  throughout  the 
entire  length  and  breadth  of  the  Nation,  and  I  can  think  of  no 
other  question  of  more  interest  to  the  State  and  Nation  than  the 
building  of  good  roads  and  good  waterways. 

When  this  system  of  roads  that  is  planned  in  Illinois  is  com- 
pleted, it  will  enormously  enhance  the  value  of  every  acre  of 
land  in  the  State.  The  cost  of  building  and  maintaining  these 
roads  in  comparison  with  the  enhanced  value  of  the  land  resulting 
therefrom  will  be  inconsiderable. 

The  entire  system  of  concrete  and  brick  roads  will  cost  the 
State,  as  the  department  estimates,  one  hundred  and  eighty  million 
dollars,  but  the  farmers'  part  of  this  cost  will  only  be  eight  cents 
per  acre  each  year  for  twenty  years  to  construct  the  entire  system, 
he  paying  under  the  new  road  law  forty  per  cent  of  the  cost  of  the 
system ;  the  railroads,  the  villages  and  the  cities  paying  the  balance 
of  the  cost  of  construction.  This  being  the  case,  it  would  seem  that 
every  citizen  in  the  State  ought  to  become  enthusiastic  and  insist 
that  within  a  few  years  we  must  have  this  system  of  roads  for  the 
benefit  of  our  people. 


608  DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,  GOVERNOR 

I  also  recommended  to  the  General  Assembly  the  enactment  of 
appropriate  legislation  which  would  provide  for  the  employment  of 
the  inmates  of  our  penitentiaries  in  road  work.  In  response  to  that 
suggestion  the  General  Assembly  passed  a  law  which  I  approved, 
permitting  the  use  of  convicts  on  the  roads  of  the  State,  who  have 
less  than  five-year  sentences  to  serve. 

The  first  road  camp — Camp  Hope — was  established  at  Grand 
De  Tour,  a  village  near  Dixon,  Illinois,  September  3,  1913.  Fifty- 
one  honor  men  were  sent  there.  A  road  was  cut  through  a  hill 
three-fourths  of  a  mile  long  and  one  mile  of  grading  was  completed. 
This  work  was  finished  February  7,  1914. 

On  April  27,  1914,  Camp  Dunne  was  established  at  Deer  Park, 
near  Ottawa,  Illinois.  Forty-two  honor  men  were  sent  there.  A 
deep  cut  was  made  through  rock  and  earth  and  about  two  and  one- 
half  miles  of  macadam  road  were  completed.  After  this  work  was 
completed,  the  camp  was  moved  to  Mokena,  Illinois,  where  one  mile 
and  a  fourth  was  completed  in  the  twenty-six  working  days.  This 
was  done  at  a  total  cost  of  $2,800.  The  roadbed  consisted  of  10 
inches  of  gravel  with  a  surface  of  2  inches  of  chipped  rock.  Camp 
Dunne  was  then  transferred  to  Frankfort,  Illinois,  where  forty-five 
honor  men  are  employed  and  have  completed  to  date  two  miles  of 
roadway. 

Another  camp — Camp  Allen — was  established  at  Beecher,  Illi- 
nois, on  June  15,  1914,  and  is  composed  of  sixty-two  honor  men. 
This  work  is  being  done  under  the  supervision  of  the  State  High- 
way Department.  To  date,  fourteen  miles  of  road  work  have  been 
completed,  and  with  good  weather,  we  hope  to  have  the  work  fin- 
ished there  by  the  fifteenth  of  November. 

Sixty  men  have  been  assigned  to  work  on  the  Joliet  honor  farm, 
consisting  of  about  two  thousand  acres.  At  present  these  men  are 
employed  rebuilding  and  grading  all  the  roads  around  this  farm, 
and  in  all  probability  will  remain  there  all  winter. 

I  am  advised  by  the  warden  of  the  Southern  Illinois  Peniten- 
tiary at  Chester  that  the  prisoners  in  that  institution  have  con- 
structed a  splendid  road  which  runs  in  front  of  the  prison  property 
on  the  grounds  of  the  State.  Also,  that  they  have  constructed  a 
fine  road  to  the  prison  farm,  and  have  built  many  rock  roads  on 
the  prison  farm. 

It  is  true  that  road  building  costs  money.  It  is  true  that  it 
must  entail  some  taxes,  but  I  do  not  believe,  if  the  road  building  of 
the  State  is  conducted  upon  sane  and  sensible  lines  under  which 
honest  work  will  be  done  for  fair  compensation,  that  there  is  not  a 
farmer  in  the  State  of  Illinois  whose  property  will  not  be  enhanced 
in  value  several  times  the  amount  in  taxation  he  may  be  compelled 
to  pay  under  the  new  road  law,  in  the  way  of  bringing  about  good 
roads  in  his  neighborhood. 


DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  609 

It  is  indeed  time  to  drag  the  State  of  Illinois  out  of  the  unen- 
viable twenty- third  position  she  now  occupies  among  the  states  of 
the  Union  in  the  matter  of  road  building,  and  further  drag  the 
people  of  the  State  out  of  the  mud  that  so  long  has  retarded  in 
particular  the  great  agricultural  interests  of  this  premier  agricul- 
tural State. 

It  was  a  pleasure  to  me,  as  Governor,  to  have  designated 
Wednesday,  April  15,  last,  as  "Road  Day,"  not  as  a  holiday,  but 
a  hard-working  day  upon  which  day  I  urged  public  officials  and  the 
public  in  general  to  begin  practical  and  effective  work  upon  the 
improvement  of  the  highways  of  the  State.  Public  sentiment  is  in 
favor  of  the  improvement  of  our  roads.  A  great  deal  has  been 
accomplished,  and  I  hope  much  more  will  be  accomplished  in  this 
direction  in  the  next  few  years. 


—20 


610  DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 


THE  WORK  OF  THE  RAILROAD  MAN. 

ADDRESS  TO  THE  SWITCHMEN'S  UNION,  CHICAGO,  OCTOBER  23,  1914. 

Mr.  Chairman  \and  Gentlemen: 

It  gives  me  much  pleasure,  as  Governor  of  this  State,  to  meet 
you  gentlemen  tonight,  and  to  address  to  you  a  few  words  of  wel- 
come and  encouragement. 

Probably  no  class  of  laboring  men  in  the  community  has  more 
responsible  and  arduous  duties  to  perform  than  the  men  engaged 
in  the  railway  transportation  of  the  country.  The  lives  and  prop- 
erty of  other  citizens  are  committed  to  their  care  and  keeping.  If 
they  are  vigilant,  sober,  and  industrious,  and  attentive  to  their 
duties,  the  loss  of  life  and  limb  and  property  is  minimized  to  the 
lowest  degree  of  which  human  intelligence  is  capable;  but  on  the 
contrary,  if  the  railroad  men  are  reckless,  careless,  dissipated  or 
improvident,  loss  of  life,  limb  and  property  must  necessarily  occur. 
You  are  out  in  all  sorts  of  weather.  Your  lives  are  constantly  in 
danger.  Your  future  is  uncertain,  and  your  compensation  not 
always  commensurate  with  the  tremendous  risks  you  run. 

I  am  pleased  indeed  to  have  this  opportunity  to  address  this 
body  of  men,  representatives  of  the  switchmen  of  North  America ; 
and  when  I  speak  to 'the  switchmen,  I  believe  that  my  remarks 
are  likewise  appropriate  to  the  whole  body  of  railroad  employes. 
So  while  you  may  be  divided  into  organizations  by  the  specific 
form  of  your  occupation,  you  have  in  common  the  good  of  all 
railroad  workers. 

The  American  railroad  man  is  without  a  peer  in  efficiency, 
skill  and  intelligence.  We  are  sometimes  inclined  to  criticise 
the  railroads.  Some  evils  in  them  deserve  all  the  condemnation 
we  can  heap  upon  them.  Their  financiering  has  often  been  a 
national  scandal.  Our  trains  have  been  made  abodes  of  physical 
comfort,  but  railroad  securities  have  frequently  been  the  most 
unsafe  things  in  which  to  invest. 

It  can  be  truthfully  said  that  recently  there  has  developed 
increased  safety  of  travel  upon  American  railroads  which  has 
been  largely  due  to  the  efforts  and  intelligence,  and  the  devotion 
to  duty  of  the  railroad  employes,  and  it  is  a  gratifying  sign  that 
the  fatalities  and  financial  losses  of  property  through  railroad 
accidents  have  been  steadily  decreasing. 


DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  611 

From  1902  to  1912,  passenger  and  freight  traffic  increased 
by  66  per  cent.  Yet  fatalities  to  passengers  in  1912  were  318 
against  345  in  1902.  Fatalities  to  employes  have  increased  only 
29  per  cent,  though  the  total  number  of  employes  at  work  had 
increased  in  that  time  by  45  per  cent. 

Our  American  railroads  today  have  a  system  of  250,000  miles 
of  track.  They  employ  nearly  2,000,000  men  and  women,  Their 
annual  pay  rolls  amount  to  more  than  $1,500,000,000.  In  1912  they 
carried  972,000,000  passengers,  an  increase  of  136  per  cent  since 
1888,  and  1,765,000,000  tons  of  freight,  an  increase  of  268  per  cent 
since  1888. 

The  British  Board  of  Trade  in  the  last  nine  years  have 
boasted  that  in  two  different  years  there  were  no  fatalities  on  the 
railroads  of  the  United  Kingdom.  Yet  even  here  in  this  country 
each  year  there  is  freedom  from  such  fatalities  on  more  miles  of 
railroad  than  there  are  miles  of  road  in  the  United  Kingdom, 
Germany,  France  and  Austria. 

Two  hundred  and  ninety  of  our  American  railroad  corpora- 
tions reported  no  passenger  fatalities  in  1912.  They  operated 
101,000  miles  of  track  and  carried  333,000,000  passengers  and 
868,000,000  tons  of  freight.  TKe  Lackawana  system  has  had  in 
twelve  years  only  one  accident  in  which  a  passenger  was  killed. 
The  Long  Island  road,  operating  34,000  miles  of  track,  had  one 
death  of  a  passenger  in  nineteen  years. 

During  the  years  1904  to  1912,  eight  roads  killed  no  passen- 
gers in  9  years ;  45,  none  in  8  years ;  76,  none  in  7  years ;  90,  none 
in  6  years ;  118,  none  in  5  years ;  165,  none  in  3  years ;  209,  none 
in  2  years;  and  290,  none  in  1912.  With  such  a  record  as  to 
passenger  safety  our  railroads  are  still  hazardous  for  train  crews 
and  employes.  It  is  noted  in  statistics  that  this  hazard  is  ma- 
terially decreasing.  In  1889,  one  trainman  out  of  117  was  killed. 
In  1912,  one  out  of  every  192  lost  his  life.  It  is  evident,  there- 
fore, that  the  railroad  men  of  this  country  are  still  in  need  of 
additional  legislation,  and  of  protective  and  preventative  meas- 
ures designed  to  save  their  lives  and  limbs. 

The  time  was  when  there  was  but  little  regard  for  your  safety 
and  well-being  in  the  statutes  of  the  State.  Enlightened  public 
opinion,  however,  in  recent  years  has  taken  recognition  of  the 
tremendous  risks  that  you  run  from  the  defects  of  machinery, 
and  from  other  causes,  and  has  begun  to  influence  the  legislation 
of  the  State  towards  relieving  you  in  so  far  as  human  ingenuity 
can  from  the  risks  and  dangers  of  your  employment,  and  the 
railroad  men  themselves  have  earned  all  they  have  secured.  They 
have  endeavored  to  improve  their  own  conditions  through  the 


612  DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

instrumentality  of  education,  insurance  benefits,  thoughtful  co- 
operation and  appeal  to  public  sentiment. 

I  am  pleased  to  say  that  the  Legislature  at  its  last  session 
did  notably  good  work  in  passing  legislation  which  will  lessen  the 
risks  of  railroad  employes  in  the  performance  of  their  duties. 

Senate  bill  687,  approved  June  26,  1913,  provides  "For  the 
appointment  of  three  additional  safety  appliance  inspectors  v.ho 
must  have  seven  years  of  practical  experience  on  railroads  oper- 
ating in  the  State  of  Illinois,  in  the  capacity  of  train  baggage 
man,  engineer,  fireman,  conductor,  yardmaster,  brakeman,  watch- 
man, car  inspector  or  car  repairer.  Their  duties  are  to  inspect 
the  surface  and  track  conditions  of  train  yards,  sanitary  condi- 
tions of  passenger  cars  and  the  investigation  of  power  brakes, 
and  such  appurtenances  of  cars  or  engines  used  by  persons  on 
the  railroads  engaged  in  moving  traffic  within  the  State." 

Senate  bill  473,  approved  June  26,  1913,  requires  "That  all 
locomotive  engines  used  in  passenger  service  excepting  suburban 
passenger  service,  be  equipped  with  headlights  of  sufficient  candle- 
power  to  discern  an  object  the  size  of  a  man  upon  the  track  at 
the  distance  of  eight  hundred  feet.  All  locomotives  used  in 
freight  service,  exclusive  of  switching  and  transfer  service,  be 
equipped  with  headlight  of  sufficient  candlepower  to  discern 
an  object  the  size  of  a  man  upon  the  track  at  the  distance  of 
four  hundred  feet,  and  that  all  locomotives  used  in  switching, 
transfer  or  suburban  passenger  service  be  equipped  with  a  head- 
light of  sufficient  candlepower  to  enable  the  engineer  to  discern 
an  object  the  size  of  a  man  upon  the  track  at  a  distance  of  two 
hundred  fifty  feet. ' ' 

House  bill  102,  approved  June  20,  1913,  provides  "For  the 
organization  of  corporations  to  allow  the  loaning  of  money  by 
such  corporations  secured  by  wage  assignment  and  limiting  the 
rate  of  interest  or  compensation  therefor,  not  to  exceed  three  per 
cent  per  month  for  the  use  of  such  money." 

The  law  further  provides  that  the  Governor  may  appoint  one 
of  the  directors  in  each  of  these  corporations  to  see  that  the  law 
is  efficiently  enforced.  This  law  is  of  vital  importance  to  a 
great  many  wage  earners  in  that  it  tends  to  put  a  stop  to  the  out- 
rageous loan  shark  methods  heretofore  prevailing  in  the  State. 

Senate  bill  11,  approved  June  21,  1913,  "Provides  for  the 
payment  of  all  wages  semimonthly"  in  accordance  with  the 
recommendation  of  my  inaugural  message. 

House  bill  348  requires  every  owner  or  operator  of  a  coal 
mine,  steel  mill,  foundry,  machine  shop  or  other  light  business 
in  which  employes  become  covered  with  grease,  smoke,  dirt, 
grime  and  perspiration  which  might  injure  their  health  or  make 


DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  613 

their  condition  offensive  to  the  public,  to  maintain  a  suitable 
and  sanitary  wash  room  in  or  convenient  to  place  of  employment, 
for  the  use  of  such  employes. 

House  bill  841  provides  for  compensation  for  accidental  in- 
juries or  death  suffered  in  the  course  of  employment  within  the 
State ;  the  creation  of  an  Industrial  Board  which  will  adjudicate 
differences  between  employer  and  employes. 

House  Bill  907,  known  as  the  Public  Utility  Act,  empowers  the 
Public  Utility  Commission  to  bring  about  efficient  service  and  guard 
against  accident  by  securing  the  installation  of  safety  and  inter- 
locking protecting  devices  and  the  maintenance  of  such  appurte- 
nances in  good  order.  The  construction  of  grade  crossings  along 
safer  lines  will  prevent  great  loss  of  life. 

I  can  assure  you,  gentlemen,  at  all  times  of  a  respectful  hear- 
ing before  the  new  Public  Utilities  Commission  and  of  justice  at 
its  hands. 

The  attitude  of  President  Wilson  and  of  Congress  towards 
railroad  corporations  and  their  employes,  must  be  gratifying  to 
you  and  to  all  good  citizens.  Congress  has  enacted  a  number  of 
splendid  laws  through  the  operation  of  which  you  will  be  helped. 
The  provisions  of  the  new  legislation  which  exempts  labor  organiza- 
tions from  the  penal  effects  of  the  antitrust  laws ;  the  amendments 
affecting  the  issue  of  injunctions  in  labor  disputes;  the  authoriza- 
tion of  the  Alaskan  railway  projects  under  Government  auspices; 
the  averting  of  several  tremendous  and  destructive  industrial  con- 
flicts between  the  railroads  and  their  employes  through  the  friendly 
intervention  and  aid  of  the  President,  are  but  a  few  of  the  achieve- 
ments of  the  last  two  years  in  o.ur  National  Government. 

There  is  another  subject  I  cannot  pass  by.  As  a  Nation  we 
have  been  shocked  by  the  warfare  that  is  destroying  our  fellow  men 
and  ruining  the  works  of  peace  on  the  European  continent.  In  our 
industrial  activities  we  are  suffering  severely  as  a  result  of  that 
terrible  conflict.  But  we  should  congratulate  ourselves  and  render 
thanks  to  our  Supreme  Ruler  for  the  peace  that  reigns  in  our  land. 
We  have  narrowly  escaped  a  bloody  war  with  one  of  our  neigh- 
bors. We  have,  by  our  conduct  in  the  Mexican  crises,  exalted  our- 
selves among  men  and  advanced  the  cause  of  democratic  government 
throughout  the  world.  No  one  can  estimate  where  war  with  Mexico 
would  have  led  us. 

Our  Government  was  supported  in  its  peace  policy  by  a  whole- 
some public  sentiment  which  has  been  forming  among  us  for  many 
years.  Contributing  to  this  sentiment  has  been  the  rapidly  growing 
disposition  among  employers  and  employes  to  adjust  their  dif- 
ferences by  peaceful  methods. 


614  DUNNE JUDGE,  MAYOR,  GOVERNOR 

Probably  no  class  of  labor  in  America  has  done  more  in  the 
creation  of  this  sentiment  for  peace  than  the  railroad  men.  They 
have  always  favored  arbitration  and  mediation  in  settling  disputes 
between  themselves  and  their  employers,  and  both  they  and  our 
country  have  profited  by  what  has  been  accomplished  in  this  way. 
You  may  congratulate  yourselves  upon  your  stand.  Events  through- 
out the  world  today  justify  your  position.  You  can  well  afford  to 
be  proud  of  your  record.  In  this  respect  you  have  done  far  more 
for  the  development  of  your  country  and  for  the  peace  and  pros- 
perity of  yourselves  and  your  fellow  men  than  you  or  I  can  ever 
estimate. 

As  I  have  already  said,  your  achievements,  your  devotion  to 
duty,  unmindful  often  of  your  own  safety  so  that  that  of  others, 
may  be  conserved,  your  intelligence,  efficiency,  courtesy,  good  citi- 
zenship, patriotic  performances  in  behalf  of  the  public  welfare, 
entitle  you  to  the  highest  and  most  thoughtful  consideration  and 
treatment.  I  wish  you  success  and  prosperity  in  your  undertakings. 

The  trend  of  modern  thought  and  modern  legislation  is  in  the 
direction  of  doing  away  with  unnecessary  risks  and  hardships  for 
workingmen  and  workingwomen  in  the  prosecution  of  their  employ- 
ment and  towards  compensating  them  for  the  inevitable  losses  and 
suffering  which  are  incident  to  such  occupations,  and  such  legisla- 
tion has  my  hearty  approval  and  support. 


DUNNE — JUDGE,  MAYOR,  GOVERNOR  615 


THE  STATE  CHARITIES  OF  ILLINOIS. 

ADDRESS  TO  STATE  CONFERENCE  OF  CHARITIES,  LASALLE, 
OCTOBER  26,  1914. 

Mr.  Chairman,  Ladies  and  Gentlemen: 

One  year  has  elapsed  since  the  holding  of  the  last  Charities 
Conference  in  Rockford,  under  the  auspices  of  the  Illinois  Charities 
Commission.  We  are  now  convened  in  LaSalle  for  the  purpose  of 
fostering  the  development  and  perfection  of  organized  and  con- 
structive charity  in  our  State.  We  are  met  to  compare  notes  in 
order  that  we  may  profit  by  our  varied  and  diversified  experiences, 
and  to  encourage  the  work  of  scientific  research  in  order  that  we 
may  be  better  able  to  perform  the  important  social  service  of  caring 
for  the  unfortunate  wards  of  the  State  who,  under  the  law,  have 
been  committed  to  our  care  and  keeping. 

I  heartily  endorse  the  plan  adopted  by  the  Charities  Commis- 
sion of  holding  these  meetings  in  different  cities  from  year  to  year. 
By  rotating  the  annual  conventions  between  different  communities, 
more  people  are  brought  in  direct  personal  contact  with  this  dis- 
tinguished body,  and  familiarized  with  its  lofty  purposes,  its  splen- 
did ambitions  and  its  humanitarian  work. 

We  learn  by  daily  experience  and  observation  that  thousands 
of  people  in  the  State  are  not  informed  as  to  the  mission,  the  mag- 
nitude and  the  number  of  the  State  institutions,  nor  as  to  their 
rights  and  privileges  regarding  these  hospitals  and  asylums. 

I  am  pleased  to  be  able  to  report  that  great  progress  has  been 
made  in  the  management,  the  enlargement  and  the  improvement 
of  all  of  our  State  institutions  since  last  I  addressed  the  charities 
conference.  Humanitarian  policies  have  been  adopted  and  are 
being  enforced,  which  are  very  significant  and  which  cannot  but 
prove  very  beneficial  and  far-reaching  in  their  consequences. 

At  practically  all  of  the  old  and  established  institutions,  new 
buildings  are  being  added  to  the  equipment  and  are  now  in  process 
of  erection  and  well  under  way,  to  increase  the  floor  space  and 
enlarge  the  facilities  for  the  custody  of  the  inmates  and  the  proper 
housing  of  the  employes. 

The  management  of  the  vast  State  farms  has  been  improved, 
the  standard  of  their  efficiency  elevated  and  their  output  materially 
increased. 


616  DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

Two  magnificent  new  institutions  are  being  added  to  the  list. 
At  the  new  State  hospital  at  Alton,  ground  has  been  broken  and 
quite  a  number  of  the  necessary  buildings  are  in  course  of  construc- 
tion. Provision  for  the  care  of  patients  will  be  made  at  this  new 
infant  institution  at  a  very  early  date.  The  crops  on  this  new 
farm  are  now  being  put  in  by  the  State. 

An  excellent  site  for  the  new  epileptic  colony  has  been  selected  • 
near  Dixon,  and  the  necessary  ground,  consisting  of  over  one  thou- 
sand acres  of  land,  has  been  purchased  and  paid  for  by  the  State. 
The  general  plans  for  the  construction  of  this  institution  have  been 
formulated  and  adopted  and  advertisements  are  now  running  in 
the  newspapers  for  the  bids  for  a  number  of  the  individual  build- 
ings and  cottages.  The  initiative  will  be  taken  in  the  building  opera- 
tions within  the  next  few  weeks.  At  each  of  these  two  new  institu- 
tions, provision  will  be  made  for  the  treatment  and  custody  of  at 
least  fifteen  hundred  patients  and  the  proper  housing  of  the  em- 
ployes. It  is  safe  to  predict  that  on  completion  of  the  new  buildings 
in  course  of  construction  at  the  old  institutions,  and  the  addition  of 
the  two  new  institutions,  the  present  deplorable  and  unfortunate 
over-crowding  and  congestion  at  the  State  institutions  of  Illinois 
will  be  completely  relieved  and  effectively  and  adequately  remedied. 

These  provisions  refer  to  the  improvement  of  material  condi- 
tions in  the  institutions.  Changes  of  policy  in  the  management 
having  .reference  to  social  justice  and  medical  efficiency  have  been 
agreed  upon  and  promulgated,  which  are  even  far  more  significant 
in  their  import  than  anything  which  I  have  yet  outlined. 

"We  have  abolished,  and  we  forbid,  the  use  of  mechanical  re- 
straint in  the  treatment  and  handling  of  the  patients  in  the  State 
hospitals  or  insane  asylums.  In  the  same  connection  we  have 
effectually  put  the  ban  on  all  brutality,  inhumanity  and  mistreat- 
ment in  all  of  these  institutions.  All  violations  of  this  rule  are 
punished  by  the  immediate  and  unconditional  discharge  of  em- 
ployes, who,  after  careful  and  impartial  trial,  are  found  guilty  and 
convicted  of  its  infraction.  "We  have  abolished,  and  we  forbid,  the 
use  of  corporal  punishment  in  the  institutions  having  to  do  with 
the  care,  the  training,  the  reformation,  the  teaching  and  the  educa- 
tion of  children,  whether  they  be  delinquents,  defectives  or  orphans. 
Modern  progress  demands  this  measure.  The  whip,  the  strap,  the 
cat-o-nine-tails  has  no  more  place  in  these  institutions  under  the 
light  of  advanced  knowledge  than  have  the  padded  cell,  the  hand- 
cuffs, the  straight- jacket,  the  manacles  and  the  bludgeon  and  the 
blacksnake  in  the  insane  asylums.  "We  have  resolved  to  substitute 
kindness  and  decency  for  the  fossilized  and  antiquated  methods 
which  are  thoroughly  discredited  and  should  have  been  thrown  into 
the  discard  long  ago. 


DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  617 

Last,  but  not  least,  we  have  adopted,  in  several  of  the  State 
asylums  and  have  in  contemplation  its  extension  to  the  other 
asylums,  the  eight-hour  system  for  the  benefit  and  relief  of  the 
employes.  Many  of  the  employes  in  our  State  institutions  have 
been  compelled  to  work  from  ten  to  fourteen  hours  and  even  six- 
teen hours  a  day,  without  a  Sunday  even  being  allowed  them  for 
much-needed  rest  and  recreation.  It  is  needless  to  say  that  pro- 
tracted and  unremitting  toil  of  this  description  is  enervating, 
irritating  and  demoralizing.  It  lacks  all  of  the  primary  and  essen- 
tial elements  of  social  justice. 

"We  cannot  render  the  service  to  the  patients  which  human 
society  has  the  right  to  expect  of  us  with  exhausted  overwrought 
and  overworked  employes.  I  am  satisfied  in  my  own  mind  that  the 
eight-hour  system  will  automatically  eliminate  much  of  the  vio- 
lence, the  discourtesy  and  the  ill-treatment  in  general  which  has 
served  to  discredit  the  public  service  in  State  charitable  institu- 
tions in  years  gone  by. 

In  the  adoption  of  these  three  great  progressive  reforms,  the 
State  of  Illinois  leads  all  of  the  states  in  the  Union. 

I  am  advised  that  wage  conditions  among  some  State  employes 
are  not  what  they  ought  to  be  in  Illinois.  In  no  instance  have  the 
wages  of  employes  been  lowered  during  my  administration.  In 
many  cases  where  they  have  been  grossly  underpaid,  they  have  been 
raised.  The  general  average  of  wages  and  the  standard  of  living 
and  the  conditions  of  employment  have  been  raised  in  all  of  the 
institutions.  More  progress  has  been  urged  in  this  direction,  but 
the  taxpayer  demands  economy  in  the  management  of  the  State 
institutions  and  his  interests  are  a  vital  factor  in  the  equation  and 
they  are  entitled  to  our  most  serious  considerations.  By  comparison 
with  statistics  which  reach  us  from  all  of  the  sister  states,  a  more 
than  favorable  showing  is  made  in  Illinois,  even  in  the  payment  of 
wages  to  the  domestics  and  farm  help  in  the  institutions.  We  are 
doing  the  very  best  we  can  under  existing  appropriations  and  we 
have  no  right  to  complain ;  for  our  Legislature  has,  by  comparison 
with  other  states,  been  fairly  liberal  and  generous  in  providing 
necessary  funds  for  the  support  of  the  unfortunate  and  afflicted 
wards  of  the  State. 

The  scope  of  organized,  constructive  and  public  state  charity 
in  Illinois  is  on  a  tremendous  scale.  We  will  have  twenty  institu- 
tions under  the  management  and  control  of  the  Board  of  Adminis- 
tration when  the  new  hospital  at  Alton  and  the  epileptic  colony  are 
on  the  completed  list  and  commissioned  into  service. 

The  cost  of  the  two  new  institutions  will  reach  the  stupendous 
sum  of  three  millions  of  dollars.  The  new  buildings  at  the  old 
institutions  will  run  over  a  million  dollars  in  cost  to  the  State.  It 


618  DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

will  cost  five  millions  and  over  a  year  to  maintain  the  institutions 
under  the  control  of  the  Board  of  Administration. 

The  lesson  which  these  figures  ought  to  impress  on  our  minds 
is  that  we  owe  the  taxpayer,  not  only  the  greatest  institutional  effi- 
ciency for  the  money  that  is  exacted  from  him,  perfect  honesty, 
absolutely  faithful  service,  but  rigid,  scrupulous  and  old-fashioned 
economy  as  well.  All  of  the  institutions  are  to  be  heartily  com- 
mended for  results  achieved  in  this  essential  direction. 

All  of  the  institutions  are  conducted  on  a  strictly  nonpartisan 
basis  and  the  merit  system  is  being  faithfully,  honestly  and  rigor- 
ously enforced  in  all  of  them.  All  of  them  are  doing  a  great  work 
and  they  are  meeting  the  highest  expectations  nobly  and  manfully. 
They  are  making  good.  They  are  realizing  the  highest  ideals  of 
mankind. 

I  am  sometimes  afraid  that  the  general  public  has  no  just 
appreciation  of  the  wonderful  work  which  is  being  done  in  the 
State  charitable  institutions,  on  account  of  the  modesty  which  is 
being  observed  in  giving  out  statements  of  results. 

The  inmates  in  these  institutions  approximate  the  twenty  thou- 
sand mark,  under  the  care  of  nearly  four  thousand  employes.  In 
the  eye  and  ear  infirmary  in  Chicago,  seventy-five  thousand  afflicted 
people  with  eye  and  ear  ailments  and  too  poor  to  employ  specialists 
to  give  them  the  benefit  of  their  science  and  skill,  receive  treatment 
and  get  relief  and  are  cured  every  year.  These  are  staggering 
figures,  but  they  are  accurate  and  they  unfold  a  tale  of  public 
charity  which  controverts,  so  far  as  Illinois  is  concerned,  the  pes- 
simistic charge  that  human  civilization  has  broken  down.  There  is 
balm  in  Gilead.  "We  are  indeed  our  brother's  keeper.  The  strong 
are  protecting  the  weak.  We  are  helping  those  who  have  lost  the 
ability  to  help  themselves.  We  have  incorporated  the  golden  rule 
into  our  governmental  system  and  we  are  making  heroic  efforts  to 
live  up  to  its  mandates. 

I  now  wish  to  thank  you  for  your  courtesy  in  inviting  me  to  be 
here  and  address  you.  Let  me  thank  you  for  the  efficient  work  of 
tEe  past  and  let  me  adjure  you  to  give  the  State  and  its  wards  the 
best  that  is  in  you. 


DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  619 


THE   SPREAD   OF   THE   FOOT-AND- 
MOUTH  DISEASE. 

STATEMENT  TO  THE  PUBLIC,  NOVEMBER  7,  1914. 

My  attention  has  been  called  to  the  fact  that  the  foot-and-mouth 
contagion  among  cattle  can  be  disseminated  by  persons  passing  from 
one  pasture  where  infected  herds  are  found  to  other  farms  and 
pastures  and  portions  of  the  State  where  hitherto  there  has  been 
no  infection. 

My  attention  also  has  been  called  to  the  fact  that  the  hunting 
season  for  quail  is  about  to  open  and  that  many  hunters  in  their 
zeal  for  the  game  may  be  tempted  to  cross  pastures  and  other 
places  occupied  by  cattle  and  other  stock,  and  in  this  way  un- 
wittingly disseminate  and  spread  the  contagion. 

In  view  of  these  facts,  I  desire  to  call  to  the  attention  of  the 
people  of  the  State  and  to  farmers  and  stock-raisers  in  particular, 
the  provisions  of  sections  29,  30  and  31  of  the  Fish  and  Game  Act, 
chapter  56,  Kurd's  revised  statutes  of  1913,  which  prohibit  "per- 
sons from  hunting  with  gun  or  dog  upon  the  grounds  or  premises 
of  another,  or  upon  the  waters  flowing  over  or  standing  on  said 
lands  or  premises,  without  first  obtaining  from  the  owner,  agent, 
or  occupant  of  said  lands  or  premises,  his,  her  or  their  permission 
so  to  do,"  and  which  make  a  violation  of  this  law  a  misdemeanor 
punishable  by  fine  or  imprisonment. 

In  view  of  the  widespread  and  dangerous  epidemic  among 
cattle  now  prevailing  in  this  State,  known  as  the  foot-and-mouth 
disease,  and  in  view  of  the  easily  communicable  character  of  said 
disease  by  persons  passing  from  one  field  to  another,  I  would  re- 
spectfully suggest  to  all  farmers  and  live  stock  dealers  that  they 
post  trespass  notices  upon  their  premises  and  that  they  exercise 
the  utmost  diligence  in  preventing  such  trespasses,  even  to  the  ex- 
tent of  apprehending  persons  violating  the  provisions  of  this  law. 

All  trespassing  upon  stock  farms  should  be  rigidly  prohibited 
at  the  present  time. 


620  DUNNE JUDGE,  MAYOR,  GOVERNOR 


UNIFORMITY  OF  SAFETY  AND  SANITA- 
TION LAWS  FOR  PLACES  OF 
EMPLOYMENT. 

ADDRESS  AT  GOVERNORS'  CONFERENCE,  NOVEMBER  10,  1914. 

Mr.  Chairman  and  Gentlemen: 

In  the  early  history  of  the  legislation  of  the  United  States, 
but  little  attention  was  paid  to  industrial  sanitation  and  the  pre- 
vention of  industrial  accidents. 

The  strong  individualism  and  self-reliance  of  the  pioneers 
who  opened  up  and  developed  the  country  regarded  such  matters 
as  being  wholly  within  the  province  of  each  individual  employer 
and  his  employes. 

The  law-making  bodies  for  years  placed  no  legal  restrictions 
upon  the  relations  of  employer  and  employe.  They  considered 
such  subjects  to  be  matters  for  private  consideration  and  action. 
They  believed  them  to  be  affairs  to  be  covered  by  contract  and 
environment  which  should  be  free  from  State  control. 

Conservation  of  public  resources,  and  the  conservation  of 
life  and  health  in  industrial  centers  were  alike  neglected  and 
ignored.  Our  forests  were  recklessly  destroyed  for  immediate 
gain,  without  care  of  the  future.  Our  mines  were  crudely  and 
wastefully  exploited.  Our  soils  were  recklessly  impoverished, 
and  their  fertility  woefully  weakened.  Our  waterways  were 
neglected  or  destroyed  for  immediate  necessities,  and  the  life 
and  health  of  the  proletariat  was  a  matter  of  but  little  public 
concern. 

In  recent  years,  however,  there  have  been  a  great  social 
awakening.  Conservation  is  the  order  of  the  day,  and  the  cry  of 
the  political  economist.  Mines,  forests,  and  waterways  are  being 
withheld  from  private  exploitation,  and  reserved  for  futurr  public 
development  or  development  by  private  interests  undor  public 
control.  '  So  also  is  the  trend  of  the  day  towards  the  conservation 
of  human  life,  human  limb,  and  human  health. 

The  statutes  of  most  of  the  progressive  states  are  replete 
with  modern  legislation  having  for  its  object  the  conservation 
of  the  health,  morals,  and  well-being  of  the  men  and  worr.cn 
who  form  the  working  units  of  the  industrial  world. 


DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  621 

It  was  high  time  that  there  should  have  been  such  an  awaken- 
ing. Within  the  knowledge  of  most  of  us  here  present,  there 
was  a  time  when  a  brakeman  working  upon  a  railroad  with  an 
unmutilated  hand  was  a  rarity ;  while  all  such  mutilations  were 
easily  preventable  by  the  adoption  of  safety  brakes. 

In  the  decade  from  1900  to  1910,  the  total  premiums  paid 
to  casualty  companies  insuring  against  accidents  was  $181,276,782 
and  during  that  period  the  total  number  of  persons  insured  who 
were  injured  was  1,558,551.  During  that  same  period  most  of 
the  losses  entailed  by  this  frightful  destruction  of  life  and  limb 
fell  riot  upon  the  industries  in  which  these  injuries  occurred,  nor 
upon  the  employers,  but  upon  the  helpless  employes  or  their 
widows  and  orphans. 

At  length  the  public's  conscience  was  shocked  both  at  the  ap- 
palling roster  of  these  casualties,  and  over  the  fact  that  the  Josses 
entailed  thereby  fell  upon  the  weak  and  helpless,  and  the  whole 
community,  including  even  the  employers,  arrived  at  tl-e-  con- 
clusion that  it  is  better  to  provide  safeguards  in  factories, 
in  workshops,  and  on  the  railroads,  than  to  wait  until  an  accident 
happens,  and  then  give  the  employe  the  choice  of  a  lawsuit  or 
the  benefit  of  the  recently  enacted,  so-called  compensation  laws. 

Legislation  creating  factory  inspection  commissions,  and 
legislation  compelling  the  adoption  of  safety  devices  and  sanita- 
tion appliances,  have  recently  been  adopted  by  most  of  the  pro- 
gressive states.  Such  laws  have  been  enacted  in  the  State  of 
Illinois. 

Since  the  enactment  of  such  laws,  the  Department  of  Factory 
Inspection  in  that  State  has  compelled  over  18,000  dangerous 
machinery  parts  to  be  provided  with  safeguards.  It  has  enforced 
the  construction  of  over  6,000  fire  escapes  and  exits;  arid  7,000 
devices  on  elevators  insuring  their  safety ;  enforcing  the  guard- 
ing of  over  43,000  belts  and  pulleys ;  over  30,000  gears,  and  1,800 
emery  wheels;  compelled  the  removal  of  over  18,000  set  screws; 
issued  nearly  13,000  orders  covering  sanitation  <md  ventilation, 
and  eliminated  or  compelled  changes  in  over  137,000  possible 
sources  of  danger  from  machinery. 

It  has  compelled  the  safeguarding  of  machinery  during  tho 
last  three  years,  which  has  cost  the  employers  four  millions  of 
dollars,  and  has  taken  steps,  which  during  the  coming  year,  with 
the  approval  of  the  directors  of  several  Illinois  con  ponies,  will 
cost  even  a  greater  amount  than  four  millions  of  dollars. 

Not  only  has  that  State  made  such  stringent  and  expensive 
changes  in  the  interests  of  the  safety  of  life  and  lioab,  but  it  has 
enforced  many  sanitation  laws  of  inestimable  value  to  the  working 


622  DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

men  and  women  of  the  State.  Twenty-five  out  of  the  forty-eight 
states  of  the  Union  have  enacted  more  or  less  progressive  laws 
relating  to  the  safety  and  sanitation  of  working  men  and  women. 
All  such  legislation  has  been  forced  upon  the  statute  books  by 
reason  of  the  fact  that  50,000  people  were  being  killed  annually 
in  industrial  enterprises  in  the  United  States  and  over  1,000,000 
more  were  receiving  nonfatal  injuries. 

Time  was  when  the  employer,  because  of  expense  and  the 
trouble  entailed  upon  him  by  the  changes  of  equipment,  opposed 
the  passage  of  such  laws,  but  in  recent  years  he  has  harkened  to 
the  demands 'of  humanity  and  modern  progress,  and  now  many  of 
these  laws  are  placed  upon  the  statute  books  after  consultation 
with,  and  the  approval  of  the  employing  element  of  our  citi-' 
.zenship. 

The  only  objection  to  the  passage  of  such  humane  and  sani- 
tary laws  that  now  comes  from  the  employer  is  the  objection  that 
such  laws  are  not  uniform  in  their  application  to  all  employers 
in  the  same  line  of  business.  In  making  this  objection,  the  em- 
ployer points  out,  with  some  truth,  that  some  of  these  states 
claiming  to  be  progressive,  are  passing  and  rigidly  enforcing  laws 
for  the  safety  of  human  life  and  limb,  and  for  the  sanitation, 
hygiene  and  well-being  of  the  working  men  and  working  women, 
which  entail  great  expense  upon  the  employers  in  his  state,  while 
other  states  within  whose  borders  there  exists  the  same  line  of 
industry  are  free  from  the  burden  so  enforced  upon  him  and 
thus  are  able  to  run  their  business  more  cheaply  and  more  profit- 
ably, and  under-bid  him  in  placing  their  products  upon  the  open 
market. 

Such  an  employer  points  out  that  frequently  the  large  in- 
dustries are  driven  from  one  state  whose  laws  are  onerous  upon, 
and  expensive  to  the  employer,  to  another  state  where  such  re- 
strictions are  not  enforced,  and  where  the  business  can  be  car- 
ried on  more  economically  and  more  profitably.  A  progressive 
state  enacting  humane  laws  for  the  conservation  of  human  life 
and  limb,  and  for  the  preservation  of  the  health,  morals,  and 
well-being  of  its  laboring  citizens  is  thus  placed  at  a  great  dis- 
advantage as  compared  with  a  nonprogressive  state,  which  by  its 
failure  to  enact  such  laws  invites  the  manufacturer  whose  only 
aim  is  financial  profit  within  its  borders,  and  thus  enhances  the 
manufacturing  development  in  such  nonprogressive  state. 

Such  cases  are  not  rare.  I  have  in  mind  one  reported  to  me 
by  the  Chief  Factory  Inspector  of  our  State.  This  concern  had 
four  factories  in  different  parts  of  the  State,  but  found  it  difficult 
to  comply  with  certain  restrictions,  which  the  child  labor  and 
machinery  law  placed  upon  it.  After  demands  by  the  Chief 


DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,  GOVERNOR  623 

State  Factory  Inspector  of  the  State  of  Illinois  were  made  upon 
that  concern  to  comply  with  these  restrictions,  the  president  of 
the  corporation  decided  that  in  order  to  place  his  corporation 
and  its  products  under  the  same  advantages  as  his  competitors 
in  the  same  line  of  business  he  would  move  his  plant  out  of  the 
State  of  Illinois,  into  an  adjoining  state  where  the  factory  laws 
were  less  stringent. 

Many  manufacturers,  before  instituting  an  establishment  or 
developing  an  existing  establishment,  look  carefully  into  the  laws 
of  the  different  states  before  setting  up  an  establishment  or 
further  developing  it,  and  if  they  find  the  laws  of  one  state  oner- 
ous and  exacting,  and  entailing  an  expenditure  of  money  to  com- 
ply with  such  laws,  locate  by  preference  in  the  states  where 
such  laws  are  not  so  onerous.  The  old  position  of  the  manu- 
facturer and  employer  was  the  demand  "to  be  let  alone."  In 
recent  years,  however,  he  has  changed  that  position  largely  as  the 
result  of  the  tremendous  changes  which  have  taken  place  in  mod- 
ern business  and  in  modern  public  opinion.  He  has  come  to 
realize  and  accept  graciously  the  fact  that  the  day  of  absolute 
"laissez  faire"  is  past.  He  is  now  willing  to  submit  to  a  great 
deal  of  governmental  regulation  and  inquiry,  but  he  wants  to  be 
assured  that  that  inquiry  and  regulation  bears  equally,  uniformly, 
and  impartially  on  all  his  competitors.  He  is  satisfied  that  he  can 
pass  on  to  the  consumer  the  increased  cost  of  manufacture  en- 
tailed by  reasonable  and  humane  laws,  relating  to  sanitation  and 
safety  of  his  employes  so  long  as  these  burdens  rest  equally  upon 
all  engaged  in  the  same  line  of  business. 

I  am  informed  that  at  a  recent  hearing  before  the  New  York 
legislature,  on  a  bill  fixing  the  maximum  number  of  hours  per 
week  during  which  women  might  work  in  factories,  the  attorneys 
for  the  textile  manufacturers  opposed  the  bill  on  the  ground  that 
the  difference  in  wages  and  working  time  which  would  result, 
as  compared  with  Pennsylvania  and  with  some  southern  states 
where  a  longer  working  week  was  allowed,  would  be  ruinous  to 
their  business.  These  attorneys  declared  "That  they  and  those 
whom  they  represented  would  be  glad  to  go  to  Washington  and 
favor,  as  a  national  law,  the  same  measure  which  they  were  oppos- 
ing as  a  state  law. ' '  Without  doubt  there  is  some  truth  and  force 
in  the  position  thus  taken  by  such  manufacturers. 

The  manufacturer  in  the  progressive  state,  which  enacts  such 
humane  laws  entailing  expense  upon  them  may,  and  probably  will 
find,  competitors  in  the  same  line  of  business  in  other  states 
where  such  laws  are  in  force,  producing  the  same  line  of  goods 
much  more  cheaply  and  thus  underbidding  them  in  the  markets  of 
the  world.  This  may  result  in  either  totally  ruining  or  seriously 


624  DUNNE JUDGE,  MAYOR,  GOVERNOR 

damaging  the  position  of  the  manufacturer  in  the  progressive 
state. 

It  must  be  apparent,  therefore,  that  if  such  salutary  laws 
must  be  passed  and  enforced — as  all  must  concede — that  there 
should  be  more  or  less  uniformity  of  legislation  in  all  the  states 
where  such  industries  are  carried  on  or  the  enactment  of  Federal 
laws  covering  the  subject  matter.  This  latter  alternative  has 
been  seriously  urged  by  many  manufacturers  and  political  econo- 
mists, but,  in  my  judgment,  is  not  feasible  or  possible. 

Federal  legislation,  under  the  Interstate  Commerce  Act  may 
be  applied  to  interstate  railroads,  and  other  interstate  utilities, 
but  most  of  the  product  of  our  manufacturing  industries  are  not 
impressed  with  an  interstate  character.  They  may  be  consumed 
in  any  state,  and  when  finished  at  the  manufactory,  are  not  with- 
in the  scope  and  control  of  Interstate  Commerce  legislation. 
Placing  such  products  upon  a  common  carrier  does  not  change  the 
character  of  the  product.  After  a  product  is  finished  and  capable 
of  barter  and  sale,  it  does  not  become  contraband  or  nonsalable 
when  placed  upon  an  interstate  common  carrier.  Moreover,  even 
if  it  were  feasible  and  within  the  scope  of  Interstate  Commerce 
legislation,  it  would  not  be  advisable  to  place  the  control  of  the 
manufacture  of  produce  and  merchandise  within  the  jurisdiction 
of  the  Federal  Government.  A  Federal  law  must  be  uniform 
in  its  application  to  all  parts  of  the  United  States,  and  a  law 
which  might  be  salutary  and  advisable  relating  to  the  manufac- 
ture of  goods  in  the  tenement  districts  of  New  York,  Philadelphia 
or  Chicago,  might  be  grossly  unjust  and  unduly  onerous  in  west- 
ern villages  and  cities. 

A  fire-escape  in  a  great  city  surrounded  by  conflagration 
hazards  might  be  unnecessary  and  unduly  expensive  in  a  western 
village.  Absolute  uniformity  of  laws  relating  to  the  sanitation 
and  safety  of  working  men  in  all  parts  of  the  United  States  under 
all  circumstances  is  not  demanded,  and  in  fact,  unnecessary,  but 
uniform  law  or  laws  approaching  uniformity  in  the  different  states 
engaged  in  like  industries  under  like  circumstances  is  an.  attain- 
ment much  to  be  desired. 

It  has  been  urged  that  it  is  impossible  to  secure  uniformity 
of  legislation  upon  any  subject  in  all  of  the  forty-eight  states 
of  the  United  States.  This  I  believe  to  be  true.  There  are  so 
many  different  circumstances  and  environments,  and  so  much  dif- 
ference in  the  methods,  habits  and  occupations  of  citizens  in  the 
forty-eight  states  of  the  United  States,  that  public  sentiment 
could  not  force  absolute  uniformity  of  laws  in  all  particulars. 
Nonetheless,  I  believe  that  cooperation  between  the  great  manu- 


DUNNE — JUDGE,  MAYOR,  GOVERNOR  625 

facturing  States  of  the  United  States  toward  the  securing  of  the 
same  or  similar  laws  affecting  such  industries  is  urgently  demand- 
ed and  that  it  is  not  difficult  of  attainment. 

Geographical  locations,  facility  of  transportation,  and  avail- 
ability of  the  raw  products  necessary  to  the  carrying  on  pf  many 
great  industries  necessarily  centralizes  these  industries  in  certain 
fixed  localities.  Most  of  the  coal  mining  of  the  United  States 
is  carried  on  in  five  or  six  states.  The  manufacturing  of  textile 
fabrics  is  confined  to  New  England  and  two  or  three  of  the  south- 
ern states.  Most  of  the  clock  and  watch-making  is  confined 
to  a  few  states.  The  manufacture  of  flour  is  confined  to  but  a  few 
states.  The  manufacture  of  iron  and  steel  is  confined  to  but  a 
few  states.  The  production  of  cotton  is  confined  to  the  Southern 
states.  The  production  of  corn  and  wheat  mostly  to  the  states  of 
the  Central  West.  Numerous  other  instances  might  be  given 
where  the  manufacture  of  certain  products  are  confined  to  cer- 
tain limited  districts. 

From  this  it  follows,  in  my  judgment,  that  cooperation  be- 
tween stales  engaged  in  like  manufactures  can  secure  the,  passage 
of  laws  substantially  uniform  in  relation  to  the  conduct  of  such 
character  of  business.  Great  manufacturing  enterprises  can  only 
be  carried  on  where  power  is  easily  developed,  and  raw  products 
and  transportation  are  accessible. 

The  time  has  come,  in  my  judgment,  when  the  different 
states  of  the  United  States  engaged  largely  in  the  manufacture 
of  industrial  products  should,  through  commissions  appointed  by 
the  legislature,  or  the  executive  of  those  states,  arrange  for  an 
investigation  of  the  conditions  relating  to  manufacturing  and  the 
advocacy  of  the  laws  covering  those  industries  in  so  far  as  the 
health,  sanitation,  morals  and  safety  of  the  men  and  women  en- 
gaged therein  are  concerned. 

Modtrn  conditions  and  overwhelming  public  sentiment  favor 
the  passage  of  such  laws.  The  only  obstacle  in  the  way  is  the  re- 
fusal of  some  jurisdictions  so  to  do,  thus  entailing  upon  the 
manufacturers  in  those  states  responding  to  this  public  sentiment, 
the  hardships  of  unfair  competition  by  manufacturers  in  other 
states,  or  driving  them  out  of  those  states  which  respond  to  the 
demands  of  modern  progress  into  the  states  who  refuse  to  heed 
the  cry  of  humanity  for  decent  treatment  of  the  workingmen. 

I  am  confident  that  if  the  great  manufacturing  states  of  the 
United  States  through  their  legislatures  authorized  the  creation  of 
commissions  for  securing  the  enactment  of  uniform  laws  relating 
to  safety  and  sanitation  in  manufacturing  industries,  and  if  these 
commissions  meet  in  a  spirit  of  fairness  and  impartial  justice, 
they  can,  before  the  meeting  of  the  next  ensuing  legislatures, 


626  DUNNE — JUDGE,  MAYOR,  GOVERNOR 

recommend  to  their  respective  legislatures  the  passage  of  laws 
affecting  with  substantial  uniformity  such  manufacturing  indus- 
tries which  will  be  just  to  both  employer  and  employe,  and  meet 
the  demands  of  modern  society  for  laws  which  will  conserve  the 
health  and  lives  of  the  working  men  and  working  women  of  the 
nation. 

This  step  towards  cooperation  of  the  states  in  procuring 
uniformity  of  laws  has  been  advocated  heretofore  by  some  of  the 
best  thinkers  and  political  economists  of  this  country.  Upon  all 
subjects,  of  course,  it  is  impossible  to  secure  this  uniformity,  but 
upon  many  subjects,  cooperation  can  be  secured.  For  many  years 
uniformity  of  divorce  laws  had  been  advocated  by  some  of  the 
ablest  men  and  women  of  the  country. 

Uniformity  of  state  labor  legislation  has  been  advocated,  not 
only  in  this  country,  but  in  many  countries  of  Europe. 

A  number  of  treaties  of  international  importance  have  been 
made  affecting  labor.  In  1906  fourteen  nations  united  in  a  treaty 
forbidding  the  night  work  of  women  in  industries.  In  the  same 
year  seven  nations  united  in  a  treaty  forbidding  the  use  of  white 
phosphorus  in  the  manufacture  of  matches,  in  order  to  stamp 
out  the  phosphorus  necrosis  which  is  so  prevalent  in  this  industnr. 

In  1P04  a  treaty  was  made  between  France  and  Italy  to  secure 
for  the  workers  of  each  of  these  countries  advantages  in  the  sav- 
ings banks  and  the  insurance  institutions  of  the  other  country. 
In  July,  1909,  a  treaty  was  made  between  France  and  England, 
giving  the  workmen  of  those  countries  reciprocal  rights  with  re- 
gard to  compensation  for  accidents. 

Samuel  Gompers,  President  of  the  American  Federation  of 
Labor,  is  on  record  as  favoring  uniform  laws  regulating  child 
labor  and  woman's  work,  and  especially  the  normal  work  day, 
hours  of  labor,  compulsory  school  attendance,  and,  "even  above 
all  these,  compensation  for  the  victims  of  industry." 

John  Mitchell,  a  short  time  ago  declared:  "The  working- 
men,  in  common  with  all  other  citizens,  are  interested  in  the  sub- 
ject of  uniform  legislation  among  the  various  states  and  they 
recognize  the  necessity  and  the  importance  of  systematic  efforts 
in  this  direction.  Especially  are  they  interested  in  uniform  and 
effective  legislation  for  the  prevention  of  industrial  accidents." 

John  Hays  Hammond  also  has  declared:  "Uniformity  in  the 
mining  laws  of  all  the  states  is  indispensable.  It  would  obviously 
be  unfair  for  a  state  to  impose  drastic  legislation  upon  its  mining 
industry  adding  to  the  cost  of  production,  where  laxity  in  this 
respect  prevails  in  neighboring  sister  states." 


DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  627 

Isaac  N.  Seligman,  speaking  for  the  National  Child  Labor 
Committee,  declared:  "The  importance  of  uniform  legislation  is 
obvious,  particularly  where  states  are  within  the  same  industrial 
area." 

It  may  be  objected  that  the  enactment  of  such  uniform  laws 
by  conference  between  the  legislative  committees  or  commis- 
sions from  the  different  states  contemplates  and  requires  a  com- 
pact between  the  states,  arid  that  such  compacts  are  a  violation  of 
Section  10,  Article  1,  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States, 
which  declares  "That  no  State  shall  enter  into  any  treaty,  alli- 
ance, or  confederation."  My  answer  to  this  is  that  no  official 
compact  or  treaty  between  the  states  is  necessary. 

The  passage  of  uniform  laws  in  each  state  corresponding 
with  the  laws  of  a  sister  state  will  be  the  result,  not  of  interstate 
agreement,  but  the  result  of  interchange  of  experience  and  wisdom 
between  the  citizens  of  such  states.  Identical  or  similar  laws  can 
be  passed  by  such  great*  nations  as  Great  Britain,  France  or 
Germany  without  compact,  and  will  be  binding  upon  the  citizens 
and  subjects  of  these  great  nations  when  enacted. 

Similar,  aye,  even  identical  laws  are  now  in  force  in  many 
of  the  states  of  the  United  States,  not  as  the  result  of  interstate 
compact  or  treaty,  but  as  the  result  of  the  fact  that  public  senti- 
ment in  the  several  states  was  harmonious,  and  secured  the  pass- 
age of  such  similar  or  identical  laws.  But  it  may  be  said  that 
the  securing  of  such  uniformity  of  laws  by  conference  between 
interstate  commissions  will  be  a  matter  of  slow  development.  I 
think  not. 

The  American  Bar  Association,  some  twenty  years  ago,  began 
a  campaign  for  uniformity  of  legislation  in  the  different  states. 
It  has  secured  the  official  selection  of  Uniform  State  Law  Com- 
missioners in  forty-four  states  and  territories.  These  commis,- 
sioners  have  secured  the  adoption  of  a  uniform  Negotiable  Note 
bill  in  thirty-eight  of  the  states,  territories  and  Federal  districts, 
a  uniform  Warehouse  Receipts  bill  in  eighteen  states  and  a  uni- 
form Bill  of  Lading  act  in  two  states.  On  the  Pure  Food  and 
Drug  matter  they  urged  the  adoption  by  the  states  of  the  Federal 
Act,  which  has  already  been  endorsed  by  thirty-five  states.  Their 
Marriage  and  Divorce  Act  has  been  adopted  in  four  states. 

The  result  of  these  activities  is  promising.  If  every  State 
Commission  acts  vigorously  and  promptly  they  can  secure  uniform 
or  similar  laws  relating  to  sanitation  and  life-saving  in  the  indus- 
trial states  within  a  reasonable  time.  If  the  commissions,  upon 
conference,  can  agree  upon  a  uniform  law,  the  securing  of  the 
enactment  of  this  law  in  the  several  manufacturing  states  is 
certain  to  come  within  a  reasonable  time.  Even  if  there  should 


628  DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

be  delay  between  the  agreement  upon  such  a  law  in  these  con- 
ferences, and  the  enactment  of  the  law  in  the  several  states,  the 
progressive  states  can  place  such  laws  upon  their  statute  books 
to  take  effect  when  all  of  the  manufacturing  states  shall  enact 
them  in  their  several  jurisdictions. 

I  have  no  doubt,  for  instance,  that  the  State  of  Illinois  could 
place  upon  its  statute  books  a  law  covering  sanitation  and  safety 
of  employes  in  manufacturing  industries,  which  would  receive 
the  approval  of  the  legislative  commissions  from  the  several 
manufacturing  states,  with  a  proviso  that  said  law  should  only 
go  into  effect  when  the  governor  of  the  state  shall  ascertain  and 
make  proclamation  that  said  law  has  been  placed  upon  the  statute 
books  of  certain  other  states.  It  is  within  the  province  of  a 
legislative  in  enacting  a  law  to  fix  the  time  for  its  going  into 
effect,  and  such  time  may  be  fixed  as  a  positive  date  or  upon  the 
happening  of  certain  events  officially  found  and  promulgated. 
Uniform  laws  enacted  by  the  great  manufacturing  states  relating 
to  sanitation  and  the  safety  of  life  and  limb  of  industrial  work- 
ers is  a  crying  demand  of  the  times,  and  I  believe  is  a  matter  of 
early  accomplishment. 

This  brings  us  to  the  consideration  of  what  should  be  the 
general  character  of  such  laws.  Many  of  the  states  of  the  United 
States  have  enacted  employment  laws  of  great  length  and  par- 
ticularity. They  have  specifically  covered  the  number  of  hours 
to  be  worked  per  day ;  limitations  of  hours  as  to  women  and  chil- 
dren; registration  of  factories  and  warehouses;  inspection  of 
premises,  and  appliances;  safety  devices  for  machinery;  safety 
devices  for  scaffolds,  hoists,  elevators  and  fire  escapes ;  ventilation 
and  sanitation. 

Such  states  have,  as  a  rule,  after  the  passage  of  such  acts, 
appointed  factory  inspectors  to  enforce  compliance  with  thost, 
acts.  Other  states,  notably  Wisconsin,  California,  New  York, 
Ohio  and  Pennsylvania,  have  contented  themselves  in  a  broad  way 
in  placing  upon  the  statute  books  simple,  concise  laws  demanding 
the  adoption  of  safe  machinery,  safe  buildings,  safe  appliances 
and  safe  employment,  and  requiring  that  all  things  should  be 
done  that  are  reasonably  necessary  to  protect  the  life,  health, 
safety  and  welfare  of  the  employe.  Those  states  have  then 
created  Industrial  Commissions  with  power  to  hear,  examine  and 
determine  all  questions  relating  to  such  safety  and  welfare  of 
employes,  and  then  empowered  the  commissions  to  adopt  general 
rules  by  order  of  the  commission,  which  orders  shall  have  the 
force  and  effect  of  laws. 

In  other  words,  those  states  give  their  Industrial  Commis- 
sions so  created,  what  is  practically  legislative  power  in  the  mat- 


DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,  GOVERNOR  629 

ter  of  the  declaration  of  what  buildings,  tools,  and  appliances 
are  safe,  sanitary,  and  for  the  well-being  of  the  workingmen. 
While  much  can  be  said  in  favor  of  the  creating  of  such  adminis- 
trative commissions,  and  in  favor  of  permitting  such  commis- 
sions to  carry  out  the  main,  broad  and  comprehensive  intent  of  the 
law  in  favor  of  sanitation  and  safety  by  administrative  order  in 
detail  matters,  it  will  be  urged  against  giving  such  tremendous 
power  to  those  commissions  that  it  is  an  abdication  of  the  law- 
making  power  of  the  state,  to-wit,  the  legislature  of  its  legis- 
lative powers,  and  that  such  delegation  of  legislative  powers  to 
such  commissions  is  illegal  and  unconstitutional.  Until  the  courts 
have  finally  passed  upon  these  questions  in  detail  we  can  not 
safely  say  whether  this  quasi-lawmaking  power  of  the  commis- 
sion will  be  upheld. 

I  am  here  simply  to  discuss,  not  the  legality  of  such  laws,  but 
the  policy  of  their  enactment  if  they  can  be  enforced.  As  a 
matter  of  policy,  I  believe  that  in  the  determination  of  such  ques- 
tions as  to  what  is  the  latest  and  best  safety  device  to  be  adopted ; 
what  is  the  best  method  of  securing  the  best  ventilation,  what  is 
the  best  and  latest  method  of  securing  employes  from  the  acquisi- 
tion of  occupational  diseases,  and  questions  of  like  character,  that 
such  matters  ought  to  be  left  to  a  standing  commission  which  is 
always  in  session,  to  be  determined  by  such  commission  from  time 
to  time  by  frequent  investigation  with  the  assistance  of  the  most 
modern  experts  and  scientists. 

Changes  in  the  forms  of  machinery  are  taking  place  almost 
monthly.  What  is  a  modern  safety  securing  machine  today  may 
be  obsolete  tomorrow.  The  science  of  sanitation  is  growing  by 
leaps  and  bounds.  Methods  which  might  be  approved  as  skillful 
and  up-to-date  this  week  may  be  discarded  as  obsolete  and  out 
of  date  next  week. 

A  commission  created  for  the  purpose  of  keeping  pace  with 
the  march  of  modern  science,  with  power  to  examine  from  day 
to  day  and  from  week  to  week  new  methods  and  new  contriv- 
ances, would  have  a  facility  of  power  and  effectiveness  which 
could  not  be  obtained  in  any  cast-iron  law  passed  by  a  legislature 
in  its  biennial  sessions.  I  believe  in  the  creation  and  operation 
of  such  commissions  operating  through  administrative  orders  so 
far  as  the  courts  will  permit  same  to  be  done. 

Nonetheless,  I  see  no  good  reason  why  a  legislature  should 
not,  in  its  laws  relating  to  manufacturing  industries,  incorporate 
in  such  laws  full  and  plenary  provisions  securing  safety  and 
sanitation  by  methods  which  have  received  the  approval  of 
science  after  full  investigation  up  to  the  date  of  the  passage  of 
such  laws,  leaving  the  industrial  commissions  created  contem- 


630  DUNNE JUDGE,   MAI!  OR,   GOVERNOR 

poraneous  with  the  enactment  of  such  laws  to  supplement  these 
laws  in  detail  matters  by  commissional  order.  Such  commis- 
sional  orders,  however,  should  be  uniform  and  applicable  alike 
to  all  classes  of  citizens  and  manufactories  in  similar  classes. 

I  doubt  much  the  advisability  of  that  provision  of  the  Wiscon- 
sin law  which  permits  a  commission  to  make  special  orders  ap- 
plicable to  special  cases.  Private  legislation  by  legislatures  in 
the  past,  appearing  on  the  statute  books  in  the  shape  of  private 
law,  became  a  scandal  and  a  disgrace  and  forced,  in  many  states,  a 
revision  of  the  constitution,  prohibiting  such  legislation.  Special 
orders  by  a  commission  seems  to  me  just  as  objectionable  as 
private  laws  enacted  by  a  legislature.  In  some  cases  such  special 
orders  work  no  injustice,  but  the  power  to  make  such  special 
orders  opens  the  door  to  the  possibility  of  grave  abuses,  and,  in 
my  opinion,  is  dangerous  and  unnecessary. 

I  do  not  pretend  to  have  made  a  careful  examination  into 
the  workings  of  the  "Wisconsin  law  creating  the  industrial  com- 
mission, which  declare  in  such  simple,  concise,  and  generic  lan- 
guage the  duties  of  the  employers  of  that  state,  and  the  powers 
of  that  commission,  but  I  see  no  good  reason  why  a  legislature, 
in  the  passage  of  laws  covering  the  employment  of  men  and 
women  in  the  manufacturing  industries,  should  not  place  upon  the 
statute  books  enactments  requiring  specifically  the  adoption  of 
such  measures  and  appliances  as  modern  science  and  modern  ex- 
perience has  shown  to  be  necessary  to,  and  productive  of,  the 
safety,  health,  and  welfare  of  such  employes,  and  then  as  auxil- 
iary thereto  appoint  a  commission  with  the  powers  given  by  the 
•  Wisconsin  law  to  strengthen  the  statute  law  by  investigation  and 
commissional  order  in  relation  to  details  relating  to  safety,  health 
and  welfare,  which  may  not  be  specifically  covered  by  such  law. 
This,  in  my  judgment,  would  be  a  wise  and  conservative  method 
of  procedure. 

Reasonable  laws  for  the  protection  of  the  life,  health,  safety 
and  welfare  of  employes  are  essential  to  the  political  and  social 
health  of  the  states  and  the  Nation.  Such  laws  should  be  uniform 
in  fairness  to  the  employers.  Uniformity  should  come,  and  will 
come,  from  cooperation  between  the  states,  and  it  is  the  duty 
of  every  citizen  interested  in  the  well  being  of  our  industrial 
classes,  and  the  prosperity  of  our  country  to  cooperate  in  bring- 
ing about  this  much  desired  accomplishment. 


DUNNE JUDGE,  MAYOR,  GOVERNOR  631 


PROCLAIMING  THE  BIRTHDAY  OF 
ILLINOIS. 

PROCLAMATION  TO  THE  PEOPLE,  NOVEMBER  16,  1914. 

Illinois  was  admitted  to  the  Union  of  the  States  on  December 
3,  1818,  and  we  are  fast  approaching  the  centenary  of  the  birth  of 
this  State. 

The  Forty-eighth  General  Assembly  has  already  laid  the 
foundation  for  a  historical  commemoration  of  the  event. 

In  view  of  these  facts,  I  have  been  requested  by  the  Chicago 
Association  of  Commerce,  the  Peoria  Association  of  Commerce,  and 
the  East  St.  Louis  Commercial  Club,  and  the  Cairo  Association  of 
Commerce,  and  many  prominent  citizens,  to  proclaim  December  3 
the  birthday  of  the  State,  as  a  State  holiday,  upon  which  day 
commercial  and  civic  organizations  throughout  the  State  may  appro- 
priately celebrate  the  day. 

In  view  of  the  widespread  desire  for  the  setting  apart  of  this 
day  as  a  day  distinctly  of  State  commemoration,  I  hereby  respect- 
fully request  the  citizens  of  the  State  of  Illinois,  without  interfering 
with  their  daily  avocations,  to  participate  in  commemoratory  serv- 
ices of  the  admission  of  the  State  of  Illinois  to  the  Union  of  States 
on  December  3,  1914,  and  to  signalize  the  birth  of  a  State  which 
within  a  century  has  so  rapidly  advanced  into  the  front  rank  among 
the  States  of  the  Union. 

In  witness  whereof,  I,  Edward  F.  Dunne,  Governor  of  the 
State  of  Illinois,  do  hereunto  set  my  hand  and  cause  to  be  affixed 
the  Great  Seal  of  the  State  this  sixteenth  day  of  November,  A.  D. 
1914. 


632  DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 


THE  LAW  AND  PRACTICE  IN 
REQUISITION. 

STATEMENT  TO  THE  PUBLIC,  NOVEMBER  28, 1914. 

If  Judge  Gemmell  of  the  Municipal  Court  of  Chicago  is  cor- 
rectly quoted  in  the  papers,  he  is  amazingly  ignorant  of  the  law 
relating  to  the  extradition  of  fugitives  from  justice. 

As  reported  by  the  papers,  he  intimates  that  before  a  governor 
can  honor  the  requisition  of  another  governor  he  must  await  for 
and  consider  evidence  taken  before  a  court  in  this  State.  Such  is 
not,  and  never  has  been,  the  law.  When  the  governor  of  any  state 
shall  demand  the  extradition  of  any  person  in  this  State  as  a  fugi- 
tive from  justice,  and  shall  have  complied  with  the  requisitions  of 
the  act  of  Congress,  and  forwarded  a  copy  of  the  complaint  or 
indictment  attached  to  his  requisition  duly  authenticated,  it  becomes 
the  duty  of  the  Executive  of  this  State,  upon  ascertaining  the  iden- 
tity of  the  person  sought  and  that  he  has  fled  to  this  State,  after 
the  commission  of  the  alleged  crime,  to  issue  his  warrant  for  the 
apprehension  of  the  fugitive  and  deliver  the  fugitive  to  the  agent 
of  the  governor  of  such  requisitioning  state.  No  proceedings  in 
court  are  necessary  and  no  evidence  need  be  submitted  to  the  Gov- 
ernor, Judge  Gemmell  to  the  contrary  notwithstanding. 

In  the  proceedings  before  Judge  Gemmell,  as  soon  as  he  was 
notified  that  a  warrant  of  extradition  had  been  issued  by  the  Gov- 
ernor of  this  State  upon  the  requisition  of  the  governor  of  Iowa,  it 
was  his  duty  to  respect  that  warrant.  Judge  Gemmell,  as  a 
municipal  judge,  has  no  jurisdiction  on  habeas  corpus,  and  has  no 
power  of  any  character  to  interfere  with  the  Governor's  warrant. 

Section  3  of  the  fugitive  act  does  provide  for  a  hearing  before 
a  court  when  a  man  is  arrested  in  this  State  as  a  fugitive  from 
justice  of  another  state  when  no , requisition  has  been  made  ~by  the 
Governor  of  a  foreign  state  and  no  extradition  has  been  issued  by 
the  Governor  of  this  State. 

In  the  case  before  Judge  Gemmell,  when  the  Governor's  war- 
rant was  issued,  the  prosecution  properly  entered  a  motion  for 
nolle  of  the  proceedings  which  Judge  Gemmell  wrongfully  and 
improperly  refused.  In  the  case  of  Hemstreet,  I  have  refused  to 
recall  the  warrant  of  extradition,  but  as  a  matter  of  favor  to  his 


DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  633 

attorney,  who  claims  that  his  client  is  deaf  and  dumb  and  innocent, 
I  have  written  Governor  Clarke  of  Iowa  the  defendant's  conten- 
tion, and  asked  him  for  his  desires  in  the  matter.  I  was  moved  to 
this  because  of  the  fact  that  the  defendant  is  a  deaf  and  dumb  man, 
who  seems  to  be  struggling  for  a  living.  If  the  Governor  of  Iowa 
wants  him,  under  the  law,  his  requisition  must  be  honored,  and  the 
defendant  extradited  to  Iowa. 


634  DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 


THE  SCOTCHMAN  IN  AMERICA. 

ADDRESS  TO  ST.  ANDREW'S  SOCIETY,  CHICAGO,  NOVEMBER  30,  1914. 

Mr.  Chairman  and  Gentlemen: 

It  gives  me  much  pleasure  to  participate  with  you  at  the  ban- 
quet board  in  the  commemoration  of  Scotland's  national  holiday. 

It  is  not  the  first  time  that  I  have  attended  a  St.  Andrew 
banquet.  I  retain  very  pleasant  recollections  of  former  occasions 
when  I  enjoyed  your  hospitality  and  good  cheer. 

At  a  St.  Andrew  banquet  you  meet  not  only  a  lot  of  congenial, 
good  fellows,  but  many  of  the  most  representative  men  in  public 
and  commercial  life  of  this  great  city.  I  am  not  here  to  consume 
your  time  with  the  commemoration  of  the  achievements  and  glories 
of  old  Scotia  in  the  past,  great  as  they  have  been.  The  Scotch  people 
have  ever  asserted  their  rights  to  liberty  and  independence,  in  the 
forum  and  on  the  battlefield.  They  resisted  stoutly  and  aggressively 
their  English  neighbors  for  many  centuries,  and  only  when  they 
succeeded  in  getting  a  Scotch  king  upon  an  English  throne  did  they 
desist  in  their  warfare  upon  the  English.  Since  that  time  it  must 
be  conceded  that  they  have  been  as  loyal  and  have  remained  as 
faithful  to  the  British  Constitution  as  have  the  English  themselves. 

I  will  not  descant  upon  the  courage  and  valor  of  your  Robert 
Bruce,  nor  your  William  Wallace,  nor  dwell  at  length  upon  the 
contributions  of  your  David  Hume  and  Adam  Smith  to  philosophy, 
science  and  history,  nor  shall  I  pay  a  well-merited  but  unnecessary 
tribute  to  the  genius  of  Bobby  Burns  and  Sir  Walter  Scott,  nor  to 
the  rugged  literary  grandeur  of  one  of  the  most  forceful  historical 
writers  in  the  English  language,  Thomas  Carlyle. 

Let  me  spend  but  a  few  minutes  in  discussing  the  contributions 
of  brain  and  brawn  made  to  this  great,  cosmopolitan  Republic  by 
the  men  of  the  Scottish  race. 

Proverbially,  the  Scotchman'  is  a  money  maker  and  a  money 
saver,  and  because  of  this  sagacity  and  frugality,  the  Scotchman 
has  made  himself  felt  in  every  portion  of  the  commercial  world,  but 
the  Scotchman  can  be  as  open-handed  and  generous-hearted  as  a 
man  of  any  nationality  on  earth. 

Andrew  Carnegie  is  probably  one  of  the  greatest  money  makers 
in  modern  history,  and  yet  this  man,  with  his  great  acquisition  of 
wealth,  has  been  even  greater  in  the  generosity  of  his  benefactions. 


DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  635 

No  man  in  the  world,  so  far  as  I  know,  has  done  more  in  the  way 
of  bringing  about  a  sentiment  for  peace  and  universal  disarmament 
than  has  Andrew  Carnegie,  and  no  man  has  done  more  to  bring 
about  the  education  of  the  multitude  by  the  foundation  of  libraries 
throughout  the  world  than  has  this  same  Andrew  Carnegie.  Unlike 
most  benefactors,  he  has  lived  to  see  the  splendid  accomplishment 
of  his  generous  heart,  and  I  trust  with  you  that  his  days  may  long 
be  numbered  to  continue  these  magnificent  benefactions  throughout 
the  world. 

Although  the  emigration  to  this  country  from  Scotland  has 
not  been  as  great  as  that  from  Germany,  Ireland,  Sweden,  Italy  or 
Russia,  the  Scotch  immigrant  in  this  country  has  made  up  for  his 
lack  of  numbers  by  the  force  of  his  personal  character. 

Among  the  great  men  who  have  graced  the  bench  of  the 
Nation  and  the  states,  we  find  the  names  of  Storey  and  Kent, 
Marshall,  Harlan  and  David  Davis,  all  of  whom  I  believe  were 
proud  to  claim  that  they  were  of  Scotch  ancestry. 

Patrick  Henry  was  either  a  Scotch-Irishman  or  an  Irish- 
Scotchman.  I  suppose  he  got  the  name  of  Henry  from  some  Scotch 
father,  while  Patrick  was  probably  attached  to  it  by  some  enthusias- 
tic Irish  mother,  but  whatever  his  origin,  he  was  historically  the 
first  Governor  of  the  territory  upon  which  we  now  stand.  In  the 
Statehouse  at  Springfield,  among  the  portraits  of  its  Governors, 
at  the  head  you  will  find  the  portrait  of  that  great  Scotch-Irish- 
Virginian,  Patrick  Henry. 

George  Rogers  Clark  was  a  Scotch-Irishman,  who  received  his 
commission  to  recover  the  Northwest  from  British  rule  from  Patrick 
Henry,  and  this  gallant  man,  at  the  head  of  a  band  of  153  men, 
among  whom  were  Scotch,  Irish  and  Virginian  names  most  numer- 
ous, succeeded  after  a  marvelous  march  through  the  wilds  of  the 
western  territory,  in  capturing  the  British  Fort  Kaskaskia,  which 
was  then  the  Capital  of  Illinois,  and  then  secured  the  surrender 
of  the  British  garrison  in  the  town  of  Vincennes,  Indiana,  and  thus 
wrested  from  the  British  Crown  the  marvelously  rich  valley  of  the 
Mississippi,  and  placed  it  under  the  folds  of  the  American  flag. 

No  more  romantic  adventure  appears  in  the  pages  of  history 
than  that  enterprise,  daring  and  almost  incomprehensible  as  it  was. 
It  was  pregnant  with  more  far-reaching  results  than  any  accom- 
plishment on  the  great  battlefields  of  Europe.  The  storming  of 
Kaskaskia  and  the  capture  of  Vincennes  turned  over  to  the  young 
American  Republic  a  territory  upon  which  now  live  one-half  of  the 
population  of  the  United  States,  a  territory  which  is  probably  the 
most  fertile  on  the  face  of  the  earth. 

Edward  Coles,  one  of  the  early  Governors  of  Illinois,  a  Vir- 
ginian by  birth,  was  of  Scotch  origin. 


636 

McLean,  the  first  Speaker  of  the  Illinois  House  of  Representa- 
tives, was  a  Scotchman,  and  gave  his  name  to  one  of  the  largest 
and  richest  of  Illinois  counties,  McLean,  the  county  seat  of  which  is 
Bloomington. 

Governor  Ninian  Edwards,  the  man  for  whom  the  State  re- 
cently erected  a  monument  at  Warsaw,  Illinois,  was  the  third  elected 
Governor  of  Illinois,  and  was  of  Scotch  origin. 

General  John  A.  Logan,  the  greatest  volunteer  soldier  of  the 
War  of  the  Rebellion,  and  Senator  for  many  years  in  the  United 
States  Senate,  was  of  Scotch-Irish  ancestry. 

James  S.  Ewing,  Minister  to  Belgium  under  President  Cleve- 
land's administration,  is  a  Scotchman,  and  a  member  of  the  Ewing 
family,  prominent  in  early  Illinois  history. 

McClernand,  Speaker  of  the  House  of  Representatives  of  Illi- 
nois, Army  leader  and  friend  of  Lincoln,  was  a  Scotchman. 

Governors  Oglesby,  Yates  and  Palmer,  all  boasted  of  their 
Scotch  ancestry,  and  Stephen  A.  Douglas,  the  little  giant  of  the 
West,  and  the  great  antagonist  of  Lincoln,  was  undoubtedly  of 
Scotch  descent. 

With  such  a  record,  the  Scotch-Americans  of  this  community 
may  well  boast  of  the  splendid  part  they  have  played  in  the  up- 
building of  this  State  and  Nation. 

In  the  commercial  and  financial  theater  of  action  all  of  us 
concede  that  the  Scotchman  and  the  Scotch- American  has  played  a 
most  honorable  and  useful  part,  and  a  part  of  which  all  Illinoisans 
are  proud. 

I  congratulate  you  upon  the  record,  and  congratulate  you  that 
year  after  year  you  maintain  this  splendid  organization  with  its 
splendid  record  of  benevolence  and  charity,  and  trust  that  the 
success  already  secured  by  your  organization  may  long  continue  in 
this  city  and  in  this  State  with  the  beneficent  results  that  have  fol- 
lowed it  in  the  past. 


DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  637 


THE  PAST  AND  FUTURE  OF  ILLINOIS. 

ADDRESS  TO  COMMERCIAL  ASSOCIATION,  SPRINGFIELD,  DECEMBER 

3,  1914. 

Mr.  Chairman  and  Gentlemen: 

For  nearly  a  century  the  State  of  Illinois  has  been  without  a 
State  flag  or  a  State  official  anniversary. 

Whether  we  should  adopt  a  State  flag,  following  the  precedent 
by  many  other  States,  or  whether  we  should  be  content  to  remain 
with  no  flag  but  the  starry  emblem  of  our  Nation,  is  a  matter  about 
which  there  may  be  some  difference  of  opinion.  But  that  we  should 
have  an  official  Illinois  Day,  upon  which  to  commemorate  the  prog- 
ress and  achievements  of  this  great  State,  I  do  not  believe  will  be 
seriously  questioned. 

The  great  commercial  organizations  of  Illinois  seem  to  be  firmly 
of  this  opinion.  A  wide-spread  sentiment  in  favor  of  it  I  find  to 
prevail  among  all  classes.  Because  of  this  sentiment,  as  I  have 
found  it,  I  have  deemed  it  my  duty,  as  Executive  of  this  -State,  to 
declare  by  proclamation  December  3,  the  day  upon  which  this 
State  was  born  and  upon  which  it  was  admitted  into  the  union  of 
states,  as  a  day  appropriate  to  be  set  apart  for  the  commemoration 
of  the  material  and  moral  progress  which  this  State  has  made  among 
the  states  of  the  Union.  In  so  doing,  I  have  not  requested  the  laying 
aside  of  the  ordinary  avocations  of  life,  but  have  simply  suggested 
to  the  people  of  the  State  that  the  birthday  of  the  State  could  be 
appropriately  celebrated  without  interference  with  the  business 
activities  of  its  citizens. 

I  have  noticed  in  going  to  other  states  a  manifestation  of  more 
state  pride  in  those  states  than  there  has  existed  up  to  the  present 
time  in  the  State  of  Illinois.  On  a  recent  visit  to  Georgia,  I  noted 
that  the  Georgians  had  a  state  flag  of  which  they  are  extremely 
proud,  and  I  found  it  pinned  upon  the  buttonholes  of  many  of  the 
residents  of  that  state,  and  they  are  wont  to  speak  with  peculiar 
pride  of  the  part  that  Georgia  has  played  in  the  history  of  these 
United  States.  I  know  of  no  reason  why  the  men  of  Illinois  should 
not  be  as  proud  of  the  history  of  their  State,  as  are  the  citizens  of 
Georgia. 

True  it  is  that  we  were  not  one  of  the  original  thirteen  colonies, 
and  did  not  therefore  become  one  of  the  thirteen  original  con  fed- 


638  DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,  GOVERNOR 

erated  states,  but  if  we  were  not  then  one  of  the  original  states, 
upon  the  soil  of  Illinois  there  was  enacted  during  the  War  of  the 
Revolution  pne  of  the  most  glorious  episodes  in  American  history. 
While  the  thirteen  colonies  were  engaged  in  a  life  and  death  strug- 
gle with  the  kingdom  of  Great  Britain,  as  the  result  of  which  they 
wrested  from  the  mother  country  their  independence  as  autonomous 
states,  on  the  soil  of  Illinois  a  struggle  took  place  during  that  same 
war  with  consequences  so  tremendous  that  it  has  redounded  not 
only  to  the  tremendous  aggrandizement  of  the  young  American 
Nation,  but  in  glory  to  this  State  which  can  never  be  forgotten. 

In  1778,  Patrick  Henry,  then  Governor  of  Virginia,  was  ap- 
proached by  a  daring  spirit  in  the  person  of  George  Rogers  Clark, 
who  suggested  to  him  the  granting  of  a  commission  to  him  (Clark) 
for  the  wresting  from  British  control  of  the  fertile  valleys  east  of 
the  Mississippi  River.  Clark  was  without  money  and  without 
troops,  and  without  the  munitions  of  war.  The  Old  Dominion  her- 
self was  engaged  in  a  struggle  with  Great  Britain,  which  taxed  all 
her  energies  and  occupied  the  attention  of  all  its  fighting  men,  but 
Patrick  Henry  was  not  only  a  public  official  and  a  brilliant  orator, 
but  one  of  the  most  far-seeing  men  of  his  day. 

Wild  and  visionary  as  the  scheme  might  have  seemed  to  other 
men,  he  became  attracted  by  its  very  daring,  and  although  he  was 
unable  to  furnish  either  men  or  means  to  the  daring  applicant  he 
gave  him  a  commission  empowering  him  to  raise  an  expedition  of 
men,  and  in  the  name  of  Virginia,  to  plant  the  American  flag  upon 
the  forts  held  by  the  British  in  the  northwest  territory.  To  com- 
mission a  man  to  undertake  such  a  project  at  such  a  time,  and  in 
such  a  way,  as  we  look  upon  it  now,  seems  to  border  upon  the 
quixotic,  and  yet  it  is  a  fact  incontestably  recorded  in  history. 

Upon  receipt  of  the  commission,  the  daring  and  heroic  Clark 
proceeded  to  its  execution.  How  he  crossed  the  Alleghenies,  the 
bridgeless  rivers,  and  the  trackless  wastes  that  then  lay  between 
Virginia  and  the  Mississippi  River,  only  Clark  and  the  adventur- 
ous men  who  accompanied  him  can  tell. 

However,  it  was  accomplished.  Clark  and  153  men  in  the 
spring  of  1778  captured  Fort  Massac  on  the  Ohio  River,  and  thence 
through  the  swamps  and  mountains  they  found  their  way  to  the 
fort  of  Kaskaskia  on  the  Mississippi  River,  and  ill-clad  and  ragged 
as  they  were  they  succeeded  in  surprising  and  capturing  that 
British  fort  and  placing  over  it  the  flag  of  the  young  Republic. 
The  nearest  British  fort  was  then  at  Vincennes,  Indiana,  and  soon 
it  came  to  the  ears  of  Clark  that  the  British  forces  in  that  fort 
were  about  to  be  reinforced  by  British  troops  from  Detroit,  whence 
it  was  planned  that  an  expedition  should  start  to  reconquer  Kas- 
kaskia. With  extraordinary  daring  Clark  conceived  the  idea  of 


DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  639 

surprising  Vincennes  before  these  reinforcements  could  arrive. 
With  about  200  men  he  again  traversed  the  State  of  Illinois  from 
the  Mississippi  to  the  Wabash  in  the  middle  of  winter,  laying  siege 
to,  and  capturing  the  fort  of  Vincennes.  A  more  daring,  courageous 
and  successful  campaign  was  never  waged.  The  results  were  prob- 
ably the  most  comprehensive  in  the  history  of  the  United  States. 

As  the  result  of  this  extraordinary  expedition,  the  northwestern 
territory  at  the  close  of  the  Revolutionary  War  was  in  the  hands  of 
the  long-knife  soldiers  and  frontier  men  from  Virginia  and,  when 
peace  was  concluded,  Great  Britain  was  compelled  to  acknowledge 
that  the  frontier  men  from  Virginia  were  in  possession  of  the  terri- 
tory to  the  east  of  the  Mississippi  and  under  the  terms  of  the  treaty 
of  peace,  all  this  territory  was  recognized  as  belonging  to  the 
thirteen  colonies  and  was  divested  forever  of  British  rule. 

To  the  west  of  the  Mississippi  there  lay  a  tremendous  territory 
between  the  Mississippi  and  the  Rocky  Mountains,  to  which  the 
Spaniards  claimed  possession.  It  was  practically  unpopulated,  how- 
ever, by  white  men,  and  the  Spanish  tenure  was  therefore  most 
insecure,  and  when  the  great  Napoleon  succeeded  in  overrunning 
Spain,  and  placing  his  brother  upon  the  throne,  he  secured  a  relin- 
quishment  of  the  Spanish  title  to  France,  and  soon  after,  being 
sorely  pressed  for  money,  Napoleon  surrendered,  for  a  nominal  con- 
sideration, all  title  to  these  United  States.  Thus  we  find,  as  the 
result  of  this  extraordinary  enterprise  of  George  Rogers  Clark  and 
his  small  band  of  Virginians  and  Kentuckians,  the  United  States 
now  owns  the  most  fertile  valley  on  the  face  of  the  earth,  upon 
which  now  live  practically  one-half  of  the  population  of  the  United 
States.  In  that  valley  there  now  live  prosperous,  happy  and  con- 
tented, about  50,000,000  American  freemen. 

Upon  Illinois  soil  on  the  4th  day  of  July,  1778,  took  place  a 
struggle,  which,  as  we  see,  has  eventuated  in  incorporating  50,000,- 
000  of  people  in  the  body  politic  of  the  United  States,  and  what  a 
wondrous  story  has  been  the  growth  and  development  of  this  State 
from  that  time  to  this !  Have  you  ever  noted  the  peculiar  formation 
of  the  State  of  Illinois,  and  its  surroundings  ?  Look  at  its  map  and 
you  will  find  Lake  Michigan  in  the  shape  of  a  great  index  finger 
pointing  southward  to  the  northeast  corner  of  the  State,  the  finger 
of  destiny,  with  the  point  of  that  finger  resting  upon  the  great 
metropolis  of  the  West  where  now  nearly  2,500,000  people  are 
engaged  in  developing  what  I  believe  will  eventually  be  the  greatest 
city  on  the  western  continent. 

Again,  have  you  ever  noted  the  peculiar  shape  of  this  State? 
Trim  off  the  straight  boundary  line  which  rests  between  it  and  Wis- 
consin, and  it  takes  the  shape  of  a  human  heart,  the  heart  of  the 
Mississippi  valley,  the  throbbing  nerve-center  of  the  United  States, 


640  DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

and  running  across  its  fair  bosom  northeast  to  southwest  runs  the 
mighty  Illinois  River,  navigable  for  263  miles,  like  a  cordon  of  the 
legion  of  honor.  Nearly  6,000,000  people  now  dwell  in  comfort 
and  happiness  within  its  borders. 

The  first  state  in  the  United  States  in  the  valuation  of  its  crops, 
the  second  in  mining,  third  in  the  production  of  oil,  in  population 
and  in  political  and  commercial  importance,  and  the  greatest  manu- 
facturing state  in  the  United  States  west  of  the  Alleghenies.  Of 
the  2,950  counties  in  the  United  States,  the  first  eight  produced 
about  2  per  cent  of  the  total  value  of  all  the  crops  of  the  year  1913. 
In  other  words,  these  eight  counties  produced  over  $95,000,000 
worth  of  crops.  Four  of  these  counties  out  of  the  eight  are  within 
the  State  of  Illinois,  viz:  McLean,  Livingston,  Iroquois  and 
LaSalle. 

The  average  value  per  acre  of  the  land  of  Illinois  is  three 
times  the  average  value  of  the  land  of  the  United  States.  These 
figures  show  the  tremendous  progress  of  the  State  of  Illinois  up 
to  date.  What  of  the  future? 

Her  roadways  are  as  yet  practically  undeveloped.  Her  great 
waterway,  the  Illinois  River,  is  clogged  and  stopped.  Of  the 
90,000  odd  miles  of  roads  of  this  State,  less  than  ten  per  cent  can 
be  called  good  roads.  The  average  of  improved  roads  in  the 
State  of  Illinois  is  less  than  the  average  of  the  improved  roads 
of  the  United  States. 

First  in  the  valuation  of  her  agricultural  products,  second  in 
the  valuation  of  her  mines,  third  in  the  production  of  oil,  in  popu- 
lation and  in  commercial  and  political  importance,  she  ranks 
twenty-third  of  the  states  of  the  United  States  in  road  improve- 
ments. Her  great  waterway,  the  Illinois  River,  which,  if  devel- 
oped to  Lake  Michigan,  would  give  a  water  highway  from  the 
lakes  to  the  gulf  and  the  Panama  canal,  is  still  clogged,  because 
about  sixty  miles  of  that  river  runs  through  a  rocky  formation. 
In  other  words,  the  great  State  of  Illinois  has  achieved  its  won- 
derful progress  without  any  intelligent  development  of  either  its 
great  waterway  or  its  roadways. 

Must  we  be  content  with  what  nature  has  done  for  her  or 
will  we  assist  nature  and  at  once  really  demonstrate  the  future 
greatness  of  our  State?  If  we  had  good  roads  in  Illinois,  it 
would  enable  the  farmers  to  take  the  produce  of  their  farms 
into  the  cities  and  railways  stations  and  waterway  terminals, 
and  the  value  of  Illinois  land  before  long  would  be  doubled. 

If  we  can  break  through  the  rocky  strata  of  60  miles  which 
now  separate  the  great  lakes  from  the  Mississippi  we  can  develop 
a  waterway  commerce  which  will  astonish  the  world.  We  have 


DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  641 

already  commenced  to  improve  our  roadways.  The  people  are  at 
last  awakening  to  the  drawbacks  resulting  from  mud  roads,  which 
are  impassable  for  at  least  one-third  of  the  year. 

The  last  Legislature  wisely  placed  upon  the  statute  books 
a  law,  under  which  the  State  cooperates  with  the  counties,  and 
I  am  satisfied  that  an  aroused  public  sentiment  will  soon  eventu- 
ate in  pulling  Illinois  from  the  twenty-third  position  of  disgrace 
which  she  now  occupies  among  the  states  up  to  the  place  in  which 
she  should  hold  among  the  progressive  states  of  the  United  States. 

I  am  confident  that  the  movement  to  improve  our  roadways 
will  soon  result  in  pulling  Illinois  out  of  the  mud. 

As  to  the  waterway,  at  the  present  time,  south  of  St.  Louis, 
in  the  Mississippi  River,  there  is  a  channel  of  about  eight  feet  in 
depth.  Federal  engineers  have  reported  to  the  United  States 
Government  that,  to  secure  a  greater  depth  in  the  Mississippi, 
would  involve  a  cost  so  enormous  as  to  make  a  further  depth  a 
commercial  impossibility  in  the  present  state  of  engineering 
science. 

With  a  depth  then  in  the  Mississippi  River  of  eight  feet,  why 
cannot  we  acquire  the  same  depth  in  the  60  miles  of  river  and 
canal  lying  between  Joliet  and  Utica.  Within  the  last  sixty 
days,  at  my  request,  four  intelligent  and  practical  engineers 
have  made  a  study  of  the  problem  and  have  reported  to  me  that 
such  a  channel  can  be  had,  and  quickly  secured,  for  the  whole  of 
that  60  miles,  at  a  tost  to  the  State  of  Illinois  of  $3,075,000.  This 
channel  can  be  completed  within  two  years,  and  we  get  a  water- 
way from  the  lakes  to  the  gulf  for  immediate  use  by  the  citizens 
of  Illinois. 

The  commercial  associations  of  the  State  have  examined  the 
plan,  and  I  am  pleased  to  say  that  it  has  been  universally  ap- 
proved. I  have  not  found  a  single  critic  as  yet  to  attack  it.  Let 
us  then  not  be  content  with  the  tremendous  prosperity  shown  by 
our  great  and  glorious  State  in  the  past;  let  us  awake  to  the  op- 
portunities of  the  present  and  the  future.  Let  us  develop  our 
roadways  for  the  benefit  of  our  farmers  and  stock  raisers,  and  let 
us  remove  the  blot  and  stain  upon  the  history  of  this  State  in 
allowing  60  miles  of  an  impassable  waterway  to  retard  the  prog- 
ress and  advancement  which  should  be  ours. 

With  this  channel  completed  in  two  years,  at  a  cost  of  about 
$5,000,000,  and  with  our  roadways  developed  into  durable  com- 
mercial highways  as  they  should  be,  I  can  see  an  era  of  prosperity 
for  this  State  which  can  not  be  measured  in  ordinary  language. 
A  prosperity  which  within  one-half  of  a  century  would  place 
this  State  as  the  premier  State  of  the  American  Republic. 

—21 


642  DUNNE — JUDGE,  MAYOR,  GOVERNOR 


UPON  REFUSING  TO  ISSUE  CERTIFI- 
CATES OF  ELECTION  IN  CERTAIN 
CASES. 

STATEMENT  TO  THE  PUBLIC,  DECEMBER  24,  1914. 

While  I  have  the  absolute  right,  in  accordance  with  the  terms, 
of  section  78  of  the  chapter  on  elections  relating  to  the  canvass 
of  election  returns  by  the  State  Canvassing  Board,  or  any  two  of 
them,  in  the  Governor's  presence,  and  pursuant  to  the  opinion  of 
the  Attorney  General  of  this  State,  to  proclaim  elected  and  issue 
certificates  of  election  to  Thomas  F.  Byrne  as  State  Senator  from 
the  Eleventh  Senatorial  District,  Joseph  Strauss  as  State  Senator 
from  the  Twenty-third  Senatorial  District,  and  Robert  Howard 
as  a  Representative  from  the  Thirty-fourth  Senatorial  District, 
I  have  determined,  in  view  of  the  divergent  opinions  existing 
between  the  members  of  the  State  canvassing  board  as  to  the  per- 
sons who  received  the  highest  number  of  votes  for  said  offices, 
not  to  issue  any  proclamations  or  certificates  of  election  in  said 
Senatorial  Districts  as  to  said  offices,  leaving  the  matter  of  such 
elections  to  be  determined  by  the  Senate  and  House  of  Represen- 
tatives, respectively,  where  the  ballots  can  and  should  be  opened 
and  counted  and  the  persons  really  elected  can  and  should  be 
definitely  and  surely  ascertained  and  declared  elected. 


DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,  GOVERNOR  643 


ON  THE  ISSUING  OF  ELECTION 
CERTIFICATES. 

STATEMENT  TO  THE  PUBLIC,  DECEMBER  29,  1914. 

On  last  Saturday,  Mr.  Masters  of  the  Springfield  Bar,  repre- 
senting Mr.  Joseph  Strauss,  Democratic  candidate  for  Senator, 
called  upon  me  to  ascertain  whether  or  not  I  would  expedite  the 
hearing  of  a  mandamus  case  against  me  as  Governor  in  connection 
with  the  senatorial  contests,  by  signing  certain  papers  that  he 
would  prepare. 

I  suggested  to  him  that  he  confer  with  the  legal  representa- 
tive of  Mr.  Austin,  the  Republican  candidate  for  Senator,  and 
that  they  both  confer  with  the  Attorney  General  to  ascertain 
whether  we  could  agree  upon  some  method  of  finally  disposing  of 
the  same  in  court  expeditiously. 

Yesterday,  the  28th  instant,  Mr.  Masters,  and  Mr.  M.  J.  Stein, 
representing  Mr.  Austin,  called  at  my  office  in  the  effort  to  agree 
upon  a  plan  for  an  early  and  final  hearing  of  a  mandamus  suit 
against  me  in  the  matter  of  the  issuance  of  certificates  of  election, 
and  the  proclamation  of  candidates. 

I  informed  them  I  was  willing  to  expedite  in  every  possible 
way  the  hearing  of  such  a  case  in  court,  provided  a  final  decision 
could  be  rendered  binding  on  all  parties  within  a  few  days.  It 
was  pointed  out  by  Mr.  Stein  that  if  any  mandamus  proceeding 
was  commenced  against  me  as  Governor  by  Mr.  Strauss,  that 
under  section  7  of  the  Mandamus  Act,  Mr.  Austin  would  have  to 
be  made  a  party  defendant  "upon  his  application,"  and  that  he, 
Austin,  would  "appear  and  plead,  answer  and  demur  in  the  same 
manner  as  if  he  had  been  made  defendant  to  the  original  peti- 
tion," and  that  if  a  suit  were  commenced  in  the  Circuit  Court  in 
Sangamon  County  against  me  as  Governor  that  Austin  would 
appear  therein,  and  would  pray  an  appeal,  if  any  judgment  was 
entered  against  me  as  Governor,  to  the  Supreme  Court. 

The  right  of  Austin  to  appear  in  any  such  proceeding  was 
conceded  by  Mr.  Masters.  It  then  became  apparent  that  no  final 
determination  of  the  case  could  be  had  until  the  meeting  of  the 
Supreme  Court  in  February,  for  the  reason  that  any  one  defend- 
ant has  the  right  to  appeal,  in  which  case,  the  appealing  defend- 


644  DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

ant,  under  section  97  of  the  Practice  Act,  "shall  be  permitted  to 
remove  such  suit  to  the  reviewing  court  by  appeal  or  writ  of 
error,  as  may  be  by  law  allowed,  and  for  that  purpose  shall  be 
permitted  to  use  the  names  of  all  of  the  defendants,  if  necessary,'.' 
and  no  final  order  could  be  executed  in  the  Circuit  Court  of  San- 
gamon  County  until  the  appeal  was  disposed  of  in  the  Supreme 
Court.  Jn  other  words,  it  became  apparent  that  no  final  disposi- 
tion of  the  proceedings  in  court  could  be  had  until  after  the 
Senate  convened,  and  that  nothing  could  be  accomplished  by  any 
agreement  between  myself,  as  Governor,  and  the  complainant  if 
a  mandamus  suit  were  started  against  me. 


DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  645 


FAVORS   SIMPLIFIED   SPELLING. 

ADDRESS  TO  STATE  TEACHERS'  ASSOCIATION,  SPRINGFIELD,  ILLINOIS, 
DECEMBER  29,  1914. 

Mr.  Chairman,  Ladies  and  Gentlemen: 

It  gives  me  much  pleasure  to  meet  so  many  of  the  trained 
teachers  of  this  State  assembled  at  this  convention. 

Because  of  your  intelligence,  superior  education,  and  expe- 
rience in  teaching  you  are  well  qualified  in  your  deliberations  to 
make  recommendations  in  the  interests  of  the  education  of  the 
children  of  the  State.  Probably  it  is  not  for  me  to  give  sugges- 
tions, but  I  think  I  can  appropriately  speak  a  word  of  commenda- 
tion on  one  matter  in  which  we  have  a  common  interest. 

I  congratulate  the  teachers  of  this  State  upon  ha-ving  among 
their  membership  so  many  who  are  in  favor  of  a  simplified  spell- 
ing movement.  I  believe  that  the  movement  initiated  in  your 
ranks,  and  it  has  been  a  puzzle  to  me  why  it  has  not  made  more 
distinct  and  positive  progress.  Probably  the  reason  lies  in  the 
fact  that  adult  men  and  women  who  have  completed  their  educa- 
tion in  spelling  have  become  so  inured  to  the  old  stereotyped 
forms  that  it  has  become  second  nature  with  them  and  difficult  to 
shake  it  off. 

If  it  is  started  in  the  schools,  however,  the  children  educated 
in  simplified  spelling  will  adhere  to  it  when  they  arrive  at  mature 
age,  and  the  problem  will  be  solved.  It  lies,  then,  with  the  teach- 
ers in  the  universities,  normal  schools,  and  common  schools  of 
the  State  to  push  this  great  reform. 

Why  should  the  child  be  compelled  to  memorize  and  retain 
all  his  life  the  inconsistencies  and  absurdities  of  our  present 
spelling?  If  the  child  has  spelled  a  word  according  to  its  sound, 
why  should  the  child  be  taught  to  tack  on  to  the  sound  the  useless 
"ugh"?  Why  should  he  be  compelled  to  write  "ph"  instead  of 
"f"?  Why  should  he  be  compelled  to  write  "el'"'  or  "ie", 
"ea"  or  "ee"  in  such  words  as  deceive,  believe,  retreat,  discreet? 
Why  not  write  the  accented  vowel  in  all  of  them?  Why  should 
he  write  succeed,  but  recede;  proceed,  but  precede? 

The  only  argument  against  simplified  spelling  is  that  given 
by  one  of  my  children  now  in  the  high  school.  "If  I  have  gone 


646  DUNNE JUDGE,  MAYOR,  GOVERNOR 

to  all  the  trouble,"  said  he,  "of  learning  how  to  spell  under  the 
present  style,  why  should  you  simplify  it?  Other  children  under 
your  new  system  would  be  relieved  of  all  the  labor  that  I  was 
put  to."  This  is  the  child's  argument,  but  an  unjust  one. 

In  the  interest  of  children  now  growing  up,  simplified  spell- 
ing should  be  taught  both  as  a  saving  of  labor  on  the  part  of  the 
student  and  on  the  part  of  the  teacher. 

I  believe  that  phonetic  spelling,-  if  "adopted,  would  shorten 
the  ordinary  child's  course  in  school  at  least  one  year. 

I  congratulate  you  upon  your  efforts  in  this  direction,  and  I 
hope  that  your  efforts  will  be  continued  and  more  compre- 
hensive. 

I  wish  you  -a  most  successful  and  productive  convention. 


DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  647 


WHAT  HAS  1914  DONE  FOR  ILLINOIS? 

STATEMENT  TO  THE  CHICAGO  DAILY  NEWS,  DECEMBER  30,  1914. 

Nineteen  Fourteen  has  secured  for  the  State  of  Illinois : 

First.  Reform  in  its  penal  institutions.  In  Pontiac,  the  boys 
no  longer  are  beaten  and  battered,  and  overwork  upon  task  work 
is  a  thing  of  the  past.  They  are  given  one  hour  a  day  recreation. 
Regeneration  rather  than  vengeance  is  the  watchword  of  the 
State  in  dealing  with  its  convicts.  At  Joliet  and  Chester,  one 
hour  recreation  per  day  is  given  the  men,  and  convicts  are  now 
employed  building  roads  for  the  State,  and  are  employed  upon 
the  penitentiary  farms  upon  honor.  To  their  credit,  they  have 
responded  to  the  change  of  treatment.  There  have  been  few 
escapes,  and  an  almost  universal  keeping  of  honor  pledges. 

Second.  Physical  punishment  of  the  boys  and  girls  in  the 
State  School  for  Boys  at  St.  Charles,  and  the  State  School  for 
Girls  at  Geneva  has  been  abolished. 

Third.  The  straight  jacket  and  other  instruments  of  physical 
restraint  have  been  banished  from  the  asylums  of  the  State.  For- 
bearance and  kindly  treatment  has  been  substituted  therefor. 

Fourth.  The  eight-hour  day  has  been  instituted  in  several 
institutions  of  the  State. 

Fifth.  The  public  utilities  of  the  State  have  been  placed 
under  State  control.  Rebates,  passes,  and  favors  to  public  offi- 
cials and  other  favorites  have  been  abolished.  Discrimination  in 
rates  has  been  abolished,  and  the  public  utilities  of  the  State  are 
being  compelled  to  give  reasonable  service  at  reasonable  rates  to 
the  public. 

Sixth.  A  great  and  comprehensive  start  has  been  made  in 
pulling  Illinois  "out  of  the  mud"  and  building  decent  highways 
throughout  the  State. 

Seventh.  Adequate  State  levees  have  been  constructed  at 
Cairo,  Shawneetown  and  Mound  City,  securing  those  cities  against 
the  floods  which  threatened  to  overwhelm  and  obliterate  them  in 
the  year  1912. 

The  year  Nineteen  Fifteen  promises  for  the  State  of  Illinois : 

First.  The  probable  enactment  of  a  law  authorizing  the  con- 
struction of  an  eight-foot  waterway  between  Joliet  and  LaSalle, 
thus  opening  up  a  waterway  from  the  lakes  to  the  gulf,  of  the 


648  DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

same  depth  now  maintained  in  the  Mississippi  River  and  opening 
up  a  commerce  in  the  Mississippi  valley  from  the  great  lakes 
along  the  Illinois  River  to  the  Panama  canal,  insuring  a  lowering 
of  railroad  rates  between  the  Mississippi  valley  and  the  Pacific 
coast. 

Second.  The  probable  enactment  of  a  law  under  which  the 
State  will  have  the  right  to  examine  into  the  reasonableness  of 
fire  insurance  rates  fixed  arbitrarily  by  a  combination  of  the 
great  fire  insurance  interests  of  the  State,  and  State  regulation 
of  these  rates. 

Third.    The  opening  up  of  the  new  epileptic  colony  at  Dixon. 

Fourth.  Developing  an  extension  of  the  insane  asylum  at 
Alton. 

Fifth.  Reorganization  and  concentration  of  many  of  the  dif- 
ferent departments  of  the  State  which  will  result  in  efficiency 
and  economy  of  government. 


DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  649 


UPON  DEVELOPING  THE  STATE 
MILITIA. 

STATEMENT  TO  NEW  YORK  TIMES,  JANUARY  16,  1915. 

In  answer  to  yours  of  the  13th  instant,  would  say  that  I  be- 
lieve the  states  and  the  Federal  Government  ought  to  encourage 
the  further  development  and  increase  of  the  militia  of  the  differ- 
ent States. 

I  do  not  believe  that  the  American  people  favor,  or  will  favor, 
a  large  standing  army.  The  only  alternative  between  a  large 
standing  army  and  unpreparedness  for  defense  in  the  event  of 
war  is  the  establishment  of  a  citizen  soldiery. 

The  major  portion  of  the  equipment  used  by  the  military  of 
the  several  states  is  furnished  by  the  Federal  Government  as  a 
charge  against  allotment  to  states  made  by  congressional  appro- 
priation, and  the  military  authorities  of  the  state  become  responsi- 
ble therefor.  This  plan  is  good  because  it  results  in  standardiza- 
tion of  equipment.  The  state  furnishes  the  arsenals  and  armories 
and  bears  the  expense  of  maintaining  her  military  force  under  the 
direction  of  the  Governor  as  Commander-in-Chie/,  through  his 
Adjutant  General. 

From  this  cooperation  between  the  state  and  Federal  forces, 
there  has  arisen  mutual  obligation  and  responsibility  and  as  the 
state  forces  are  required,  as  closely  as  possible,  to  acquire  the 
efficiency  of  the  regular  establishment,  much  additional  prepara- 
tion and  time  and  labor  on  the  part  of  officers  and  men,  in  con- 
nection therewith,  is  now  required.  No  compensation  is  paid 
the  enlisted  men  except  $1.00  per  day  while  they  are  on  their 
tour  of  instruction,  which  does  not  exceed  twelve  days  annually. 
This  period  being  admittedly  insufficient  to  secure  that  high  de- 
gree of  efficiency  desired,  much  additional  time  must  be  spent  by 
officers  and  men  through  the  year  in  securing  military  prepared- 
ness. This  time  is  given  to  the  state  absolutely  gratuitously  and 
involves  from  one  to  three  evenings  a  week.  In  this  situation 
there  has  arisen  the  thought  that  if  a  man  is  willing  to  enter  into 
a  volunteer  enlistment  and  sacrifice  his  time  and  many  civilian 
interests  in  order  to  prepare  himself  to  answer  the  emergency 
call  of  either  his  state  or  Nation,  that  equity  would  demand  that 


650  DUNNE — JUDGE,  MAYOR,  GOVERNOR 

he  be  not  penalized  therefore  by  being  compelled  to  pay  from 
his  own  individual  funds  for  the  privilege. 

To  the  end  that  at  least  that  burden  should  be  lifted,  I  favor 
the  enactment  of  a  Federal  law  which  will  compensate  these  men 
at  the  rate  of  $1.00  per  day  for  each  day  spent  in  drilling 
throughout  the  year,  provided  at  least  forty  days  during  the 
fifty-two  weeks  are  actually  devoted  by  the  men  to  military  train- 
ing. I  think  if  this  'additional  inducement  were  given  to  the 
rank  and  file  that  the  militia  forces  of  the  different  states  would 
be  doubled  within  a  very  short  time. 


DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  651 


ON  THE  DISSOLUTION  OF  AN  INJUNC- 
TION AFFECTING  LIVE  STOCK. 

STATEMENT  TO  THE  PUBLIC,  FEBRUARY  1,  1915. 

I  have  just  been  informed  that  Judge  Irwin  has  dissolved  the 
injunction  heretofore  granted  by  him  in  the  case  of  Norton 
against  Dyson. 

The  injunction  should  never  have  been  granted.  It  has  been 
very  productive  of  hardships  upon  the  farmers  and  stock  raisers  of 
this  State.  The  physical  effect  of  the  injunction  was  not  so 
serious  but  the  moral  effect  was  to  induce  farmers  and  stock 
raisers  to  believe  that  the  State  in  advocating  the  slaughter  of 
infected  and  exposed  cattle  was  making  a  mistake  and  pursuing 
an  unjustifiable  policy. 

At  the  time  this  injunction  was  issued,  there  were  not  to 
exceed  twenty-five  affected  herds  in  the  State  under  quarantine 
and  under  consideration  for  slaughter.  Since  the  issuance  of 
the  injunction,  I  am  informed,  many  farmers  acting  in  the  belief 
that  the  injunction  was  properly  issued,  and  that  quarantine,  and 
not  slaughter  of  diseased  and  exposed  animals  was  the  proper 
course  to  pursue,  have  kept  from  the  State  and  Federal  veterin- 
arians knowledge  of  the  existence  of  the  foot-and-mouth  epidemic 
in  their  herds,  and  have  refused  to  agree  to  the  slaughter  of  their 
herds  upon  an  appraisal. 

There  are  today  in  the  State  of  Illinois  between  fifty  and 
sixty  herds  of  cattle  infected,  which  should  be  slaughtered  as 
soon  as  preparations  can  be  made  therefor. 

This  mischievous  injunction  now  being  out  of  the  way,  I  call 
upon  all  stock  raisers  and  farmers  in  the  State  of  Illinois  to  co- 
operate with  the  Federal  and  State  veterinarians  in  maintaining 
the  Federal  quarantine  which  the  State  was  constrained  by  this 
injunction  to  adopt,  for  the  more  effective  eradication  of  the 
disease. 

At  the  earliest  possible  moment  I  hope  to  secure  the  consent 
of  the  Federal  authorities  in  releasing  from  time  to  time  the  dis- 
tricts now  under  quarantine.  I  invoke  their  further  cooperation 
in  consenting  to  the  slaughter  of  infected  and  exposed  herds  after 
an  appraisal  has  been  made.  The  consent  to  slaughter  and  dis- 
infection will  effectively  operate  toward  a  conrlition  where  the 


652  DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,  GOVERNOR 

\ 

State  and  Federal  authorities  can  from  time  to  time  safely  lift  the 
quarantine  from  those  portions  of  the  State  where  it  is  now  in 
force. 

I  shall,  as  I  have  heretofore  announced,  cooperate  heartily 
with  the  Legislature  in  providing  for  an  appropriation  to  compen- 
sate the  owners  of  slaughtered  herds  for  one-half  of  the  value  of 
the  same,  the  Federal  Government  already  being  on  record  in 
favor  of  compensating  for  the  other  half. 

I  can  assure  the  stock  raisers  of  the  State  of  my  hearty  sym- 
pathy with  such  an  appropriation. 


DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  653 


PUT  THE  UNEMPLOYED  ON  ILLINOIS 
WATERWAYS. 

ADDRESS  TO  ELKS  CLUB,  CHICAGO,  FEBRUARY  6,  1915. 

Mr.  Chairman  land  Gentlemen : 

One  of  the  most  important  problems  confronting  modern 
society  is  the  problem  of  the  unemployed. 

At  the  present  time,  and  during  every  winter  in  the  large 
cities  of  the  Nation  many  men  and  women  are  found  to  be  out  of 
work,  and  any  expedient  that  can  be  devised  to  bring  legitimate 
work  to  the  unemployed  is  worthy  of  the  closest  attention.  I 
believe  that  the  State  of  Illinois  is  at  the  present  time  in  a  condi- 
tion to  relieve  much  of  this  distress,  and  at  the  same  time  carry 
out  a  great  public  improvement  which  is  absolutely  necessary  and 
essential  to  the  further  development  of  this  State. 

Between  Chicago  and  Joliet  we  have  a  great  waterway,  the 
Sanitary  district  canal,  22  feet  in  depth  and  with  an  enormous 
capacity  for  commerce.  Between  Joliet  and  LaSalle  for  65 
miles,  we  have  a  waterway  available  only  to  prehistoric  canal 
boats  drawing  four  feet  of  water.  Between  LaSalle  and  Grafton, 
where  the  Illinois  River  enters  into  the  Mississippi  River,  we  have 
a  splendid  waterway  of  232  miles  that,  without  dredging,  aver- 
ages seven  feet  in  depth,  and  between  Grafton  and  Cairo,  the 
Mississippi  River  has  a  channel  eight  feet  in  depth.  The  only 
obstacle  to  a  tremendous  commerce  by  self-propelling  and  tow 
barges,  capable  of  carrying  from  one  to  two  thousand  tons,  be- 
tween Chicago  and  the  great  lakes  at  one  end  and  the  Gulf 
of  Mexico  at  the  other  end,  is  the  65  miles  of  inadequate  and 
undeveloped  waterway  between  Joliet  and  LaSalle,  which  acts  as 
a  stone  wall  in  the  way  of  commerce. 

Such  being  the  situation,  I  traveled  on  a  barge  down  the 
old  Illinois  and  Michigan  canal  from  Joliet  to  LaSalle  last  sum- 
mer, and  invited  four  eminent  and  experienced  engineers  to  ac- 
company me  on  the  trip.  Prior  to  that  time,  different  engineers 
in  the  State  had  been  advocating  a  waterway,  some  of  them  in- 
sisting upon  a  14-foot  channel,  and  others  insisting  upon  a  greater 
depth. 

During  the  trip  down  the  canal,  I  suggested  to  the  engineers 
who  accompanied  me  that  the  channel  in  the  Mississippi  River 


654  DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

from  Grafton  to  Cairo  was  only  eight  feet  in  depth  and  that  Fed- 
eral engineers  had  reported  adversely  against  the  practicability 
of  a  greater  depth  and  suggested  the  propriety  of  devising  some 
engineering  scheme  which  would  give  the  people  an  eight-foot 
depth  in  a  waterway  between  Joliet  and  LaSalle  without  fore- 
closing the  further  development  and  deepening  of  this  channel  to 
a  further  depth,  if  the  time  should  ever  come  in  the  development 
of  engineering  when  a  greater  depth  could  be  produced  in  the 
Mississippi  River.  As  the  result  of  this  suggestion,  these  different 
engineers  who  prior  to  that  time  had  been  advocating  differing 
depths  and  projects,  finally  agreed  in  a  written  report  to  me, 
signed  by  all  of  them,  that  a  dam  could  be  built  acr6ss  the  Illinois 
Eiver  at  Starved  Rock,  near  LaSalle,  and,  by  the  construction  of 
certain  locks  in  the  Illinois  River  and  in  a  portion  of  the  old  canal, 
that  a  waterway  could  be  successfully  completed  between  Joliet 
and  LaSalle,  eight  feet  in  depth  at  a  cost  of  about  $3,075,000. 

This  project,  they  reported,  could  be  completed  within  two 
years  at  this  moderate  cost,  and  I  have,  therefore,  recommended 
to  the  Legislature  the  passage  of  a  bill  appropriating  not  to  ex- 
ceed $3,500,000  for  the  furtherance  of  this  sane  and  sensible  proj- 
ect. I  know  of  no  scheme  of  more  momentous  importance  to 
the  State  of  Illinois  than  the  building  of  this  65  mile  waterway 
between  Joliet  and  LaSalle  at  this  depth  of  eight  feet,  utilizing 
the  Illinois  River  for  45  miles  and  the  old  Illinois  and  Michigan 
canal  for  20  miles. 

The  Panama  canal  is  now  open  to  the  commerce  of  the  world. 
New  Orleans  is  about  900  miles  nearer  to  that  oanal  than  New 
York,  Boston,  or  any  other  of  the  eastern  seaports.  Since  the 
opening  of  the  Panama  canal,  freight  rates  between  New  York 
and  San  Francisco  by  waterway  are  found  to  be  considerably 
cheaper  than  rail  rates  across  the  continent.  As  a  result  the 
trans-continental  railroads  have  been  compelled  to  cut  their  rates, 
but  in  cutting  these  rates  they  have  confined  the  cuts  to  the  terri- 
tory east  of  the  Alleghenies  and  west  of  the  Rocky  Mountains, 
leaving  the  rates  for  the  great  Mississippi  valley  undisturbed. 
The  rates  in  the  Mississippi  valley  have  not  been  lowered,  because 
we  have  no  competition  from  waterwaj^s.  If  the  65  miles  of 
waterway  between  Joliet  and  LaSalle  were  finished  and  open  to 
commerce,  we  then  could  transport ,  our  merchandise  from  the 
great  lakes  down  the  Illinois  River  and  Mississippi  River  to  the 
Gulf  of  Mexico  and  get  even  better  waterway  rates  than  now 
prevail  between  New  York  and  San  Francisco.  As  the  result  of 
cutting  of  the  railroad  rates  on  the  transcontinental  lines  east 
of  the  Alleghenies  and  west  of  the  Rocky  Mountains,  the  Saturday 
Evening  Post,  a  few  weeks  ago  called  attention  to  the  fact  that 


DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  655 

trade  was  being  diverted  from  as  far  west  as  the  states  of  Indiana 
and  Ohio  to  New  York,  and  thence  placed  on  shipboard  and  trans- 
ferred to  the  Pacific  coast. 

If  this  65-mile  gap  in  the  waterway  between  Chicago  and 
New  Orleans  were  open,  all  of  this  trade,  now  going  to  the  eastern 
seaboard,  would  go  by  water  from  Lakes  Erie  and  Ontario 
through  the  Detroit  and  St.  Clair  Rivers  to  Chicago  and  thence 
down  the  Illinois  and  Mississippi  Rivers. 

Colonel  E.  S.  Conway  of  W.  W.  Kimball  &  Co.,  declared 
recently  in  a  public  address  that,  if  an  eight-foot  channel  was 
opened  between  Joliet  and  LaSalle,  freight  rates  from  Chicago 
to  New  Orleans  would  be  reduced  from  $1.10,  the  present  rate, 
to  $0.40  per  hundred.  Other  manufacturers  and  merchants  who 
are  extensive  shippers  of  merchandise  are  of  the  same  opinion. 
The  Illinois  River,  as  a  waterway  in  transporting  capacity,  is  equal 
to  the  River  Rhine  in  Germany.  The  Illinois  River  for  232  miles 
has  a  depth  today  without  dredging  of  7  feet.  The  distance 
between  Chicago  and  the  Mississippi  River  along  the  drainage 
canal  and  the  Illinois  River  is  327  miles,  and  there  is  a  depth  of  7 
feet  or  over  during  the  whole  of  its  course  excepting  the  65  miles 
between  LaSalle  and  Joliet. 

The  River  Rhine  is  355  miles  long  between  the  Dutch  frontier 
to  Strassburg;  its  depth  varying  from  9  and  8-10  feet  to  4  feet 
In  the  year  1908,  54,000,000  tons  of  merchandise  were  trans- 
ported up  and  down  this  river.  I  am  satisfied  that,  if  this  gap 
of  65  miles  in  the  waterway  between  Chicago  and  New  Orleans 
was  developed  to  an  8-foot  depth,  a  greater  commerce  would  ply 
between  Chicago  and  New  Orleans  annually  than  is  now  carried 
up  and  down  the  Rhine. 

Thousands  of  men  are  now  out  of  employment.  A  tremen- 
dous potential  commerce  lies  at  our  door.  This  commerce  should 
come,  first,  from  the  immediate  -banks  of  the  Illinois  and  Missis- 
sippi Rivers ;  second,  from  the  tributaries  of  those  rivers ;  third, 
from  the  great  lakes ;  and  fourth,  from  the  Gulf  of  Mexico.  In 
my  judgment,  with  such  opportunities  before  us,  to  fail  to  take 
advantage  of  them,  is  almost  criminal. 

In  view  of  the  fact  that  thousands  of  men  are  out  of  employ- 
ment and  that  this  work  is  so  easy  of  accomplishment  and  can  be 
completed  at  such  a  moderate  cost  within  the  next  two  years,  1, 
therefore,  urge  with  all  the  emphasis  of  which  I  am  capable  that 
now  is  the  time  and  now  is  the  opportunity  for  the  development 
by  our  great  State  of  this  waterway,  and  that  it  will  not  only 
give  employment  to  the  unemployed  at  present  but  that  its  com- 
pletion will  furnish  opportunities  for  future  employment  in  the 
commerce  that  will  inevitably  develop  as  the  immediate  result 
thereof. 


656  DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 


LINCOLN  AND  ILLINOIS. 

AT  THE  LINCOLN  DAY  BANQUET,  SPRINGFIELD,  ILLINOIS,  FEBRUARY 

12,  1915. 

Mr.  Toastmaster,  Lpdies  and  Gentlemen: 

The.  Lincoln  Centennial  Association  has  but  one  mission  and 
object — to  perpetuate  and  do  honor  to  the  memory  of  the  greatest 
of  Illinoisans  and  one  of  the  greatest  of  Americans,  the  immortal 
Lincoln. 

"With  that  end  in  view,  each  year  since  its  organization  it 
has  gathered  around  its  banquet  board  the  greatest  of  living  men, 
who  have  deemed  it  an  honor  to  be  invited  to  discuss  the  life, 
the  virtues  and  the  accomplishments  of  the  great  Emancipator. 
Presidents,  Foreign  Ambassadors,-  Senators,  orators,  poets  and 
divines  have,  around  this  board  and  in  this  hall,  honored  the 
association  and  themselves  by  paying  tribute  to  the  man  whose 
name  and  fame  are  honored  and  beloved  in  every  nation  and  in 
every  clime  on  the  civilized  earth. 

"With  the  same  object  in  view,  we  are  again  gathered  tonight. 
We  Illinoisans  are  proud  of  the  history  and  progress  of  this  great 
State. 

We  are  proud  that  it  was  on  the  soil  of  Illinois  that  the 
gentle  Pere  Marquette  made  most  of  his  important  discoveries 
and  planted  the  cross  of  Christianity  in  1673,  his  mission  being 
one  for  the  salvation  of  souls  and  not  the  subjugation  of  the 
bodies  of  men. 

We  are  proud  of  the  achievements  which  LaSalle  and  Joliet, 
Tonti  and  Hennepin  accomplished  on  Illinois  soil. 

We  are  proud  of  the  fact  that  the  hardy  pioneers  who  dwelt 
in  the  wilderness  around  Kaskaskia  in  what  is  now  the  State  of 
Illinois,  anticipated,  in  1771,  the  demands  of  the  colonists  in  Mas- 
sachusetts, New  York,  Virginia  and  the  rest  of  the  13  colonies 
when  they  repudiated  Lord  Dartsmouth's  "Sketch  of  Government 
for  Illinois,"  as  "oppressive  and  absurd,"  and  declared,  "should 
a  government  so  evidently  tyrannical  be  established,  it  could  be 
of  no  duration.  There  would  exist  the  necessity  of  its  being 
abolished."  This  declaration  of  independence  antedates  that  of 
1776  in  Philadelphia  by  five  years. 

We  are  proud  of  the  fact  that  on  Illinois  soil  took  place,  on 
July  4,  1778,  the  struggle  resulting  in  the  capture  from  the  Eng- 


DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  657 

lish  by  George  Rogers  Clark  of  the  fort  of  Kaskaskia,  which 
wrested  forever  from  the  British  crown  all  of  the  territory  west  of 
Pennsylvania  lying  between  the  Ohio  and  Mississippi  Rivers. 

We  are  proud  of  the  fact  that  it  was  on  the  soil  of  Illinois 
that  its  two  intellectual  giants  argued  out  before  the  people  sit- 
ting as  a  jury  the  greatest  moral  issue  that  this  country  has  ever 
faced — the  issue  as  to  whether  this  country  could  long  endure  as 
a  republic  with  human  slavery  legally  enforced  in  one  part  of  it, 
and  legally  prohibited  in  another. 

We  are  proud  of  the  fact  that  that  great  issue,  as  the  result 
of  that  great  debate,  was  finally  settled  right  in  the  awful  arbitra- 
ment of  war  under  the  leadership  of  the  great  commander  fur- 
nished by  Illinois  in  the  Nation's  crisis,  backed  by  the  valor  of 
256,000  sons-  of  Illinois. 

We  are  proud  of  the  place  that  Illinois  has  taken  within 
the  first  century  of  its  existence  as  a  state  among  the  states  of 
the  Union. 

We  are  proud  today  that  the  comparatively  young  State  of 
Illinois  has  distanced  all  of  her  sisters,  excepting  two,  in  popula- 
tion, wealth,  manufacture  and  political  importance,  that  she 
stands  first  in  agricultural  wealth,  first  in  the  fertility  of  her 
soil  and  first  in  railway  development,  and  when  we  have  opened 
up  a  waterway  over  the  sixty  miles  of  rock  between  Joliet  and 
LaSalle  and  thus  given  to  the  people  of  the  Mississippi  valley  a 
continuous  commercial  waterway  from  Buffalo,  New  York,  and 
Duluth,  Minnesota,  to  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  we  will  be  proud  to 
boast  of  Illinois  as  the  premier  state  of  the  Union  in  commercial 
importance. 

But  above  and  beyond  all,  the  State  of  Illinois  is  proud  of 
the  fact  that  she  gave  to  the  Nation  and  to  the  world  Abraham 
Lincoln,  the  great  Emancipator. 

Four  men  who  have  reached  the  Presidency  of  this  great 
Republic  stand  out  among  the  fellow  presidents  as  Titanic  figures 
in  American  history — Washington,  the  ideal  patriot;  Jefferson, 
the  ideal  statesman;  Jackson,  the  ideal  citizen-soldier;  and  Lin- 
coln, the  ideal  humanitarian. 

To  honor  the  last  but  not  least  of  these  we  are  gathered  here 
tonight.  It  does  not  rest  with  me  in  my  feeble  words  to  do  this 
appropriately.  Other  men  better  qualified  will  follow  me  to 
whom  will  fall  that  pleasing  and  important  task. 


658  DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 


BIENNIAL  MESSAGE  TO  THE  FORTY- 
NINTH  ASSEMBLY. 

To  THE  FORTY-NINTH  GENERAL  ASSEMBLY,  FEBRUARY  17,  1915. 

To  the  Members  of  the  Illinois  .General  Assembly: 

In  compliance  with  the  constitutional  provision,  requiring  the 
Governor,  at  the  commencement  of  each  session,  to  give  to  the 
General  Assembly  information,  by  message,  of  the  condition  of 
the  State  and  to  recommend  such  measures  as  he  may  deem 
expedient,  I  submit  the  following  matters  for  your  consideration ; 

WATERWAYS. 

For  many  years  past  there  has  been  in  this  State  an  emphatic 
demand  for  a  waterway  between  Chicago  and  the  Gulf  of  Mexico. 
The  practicability  of  such  a  waterway  was  noted  by  Pere  Mar- 
quette  when  he  first  discovered  the  portage  between  the  Chicago 
River  and  the  DesPlaines  River  centuries  ago.  Its  practicability 
was  further  noted  by  the  early  pioneers  of  this  State,  and  the 
boundary  lines  of  the  State  were  fixed  upon  its  admission  to  the 
Union  of  States  so  as  to  provide  for  this  waterway. 

The  Congress  of  the  United  States  deeded  lands  of  immense 
value  to  the  State  of  Illinois  for  the  purpose  of  creating  this 
waterway.  In  the  early  history  of  the  State,  a  cut  was  made  and 
a  canal  constructed,  connecting  the  south  branch  of  the  Chicago 
River  with  the  Illinois  River,  which  was  for  many  years  success- 
fully used  in  commerce.  As  the  years  rolled  by,  however,  it 
became  apparent  that  the  canal  then  constructed  was  totally 
inadequate  to  meet  the  demands  of  advanced,  modern  transpor- 
tation. The  age  of  steam  and  gasoline  has  rendered  obsolete 
the  boats,  locks  and  waterways  of  the  early  part  of  the  nineteenth 
century,  and  the  Illinois  and  Michigan  canal  has  rapidly  fallen 
into  disuse.  As  the  result,  in  recent  years,  the  demand  for  an 
adequate  waterway  between  the  Great  Lakes  and  the  Mississippi 
River  has  become  insistent. 

On  November  3,  1908,  the  people  of  the  State  by  popular 
vote  amended  the  Constitution  so  as  to  permit  the  issuance  of 
not  to  exceed  $20,000,000  worth  of  bonds  to  be  used  in  the  con- 
struction of  an  adequate  waterway,  and  in  the  erection,  equipment 


DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  659 

and  maintenance  of  power  plants,  locks,  bridges,  dams  and  ap- 
pliances. 

Divers  plans  for  the  development  of  a  waterway  between 
Lockport  and  Utica  have  been  formulated  and  discussed  before 
the  public,  but  the  different  Legislatures  of  the  State  have  never 
succeeded  as  yet  in  formulating  a  law  for  that  purpose,  and  plac- 
ing it  upon  the  statute  books. 

In  my  judgment,  the  time  has  arrived  for  prompt  action.  The 
Panama  canal  has  been  opened  to  the  commerce  of  the  world. 
As  the  results  thereof,  the  cost  of  transportation  between  the 
eastern  and  the  western  seaboard  has  fallen  much  below  the 
rates  heretofore  charged  by  the  railroads.  As  a  result,  freight 
traffic  is  now  being  attracted  from  as  far  east  as  the  states  of 
Ohio  and  Indiana  to  the  eastern  seaboard  by  railroad  and  thence 
by  waterway  transportation  to  the  western  coast  of  the  United 
States.  Where  such  competition  exists,  railroad  rates  will  proba- 
bly be  lowered,  and  where  no  competition  exists,  railroad  rates 
will  probably  remain  as  they  now  are. 

If  an  adequate  waterway  were  opened  between  Lake  Michi- 
gan and  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  an  immense  commerce  would,  in  my 
judgment,  develop  between  points  on  the  Illinois  River  and 
points  at  or  near  the  Great  Lakes  through  the  Sanitary  District 
Canal  from  Chicago  to  Lockport  and  thence  through  a  waterway 
from  Lockport  to  the  Mississippi  River.  At  the  present  time,  a 
navigable  depth  of  over  seven  feet  exists  normally  for  a  distance 
of  262  miles  out  of  a  total  of  327  miles  between  Chicago  and  the 
Mississippi  River.  Sixty-five  miles  between  LaSalle  on  the  Illi- 
nois River  and  the  Chicago  Drainage  Canal  at  Lockport  is  now 
limited  to  a  draft  of  four  and  one-half  feet  through  the  old  fos- 
silized Illinois  and  Michigan  Canal,  with  its  inadequate  locks  con- 
structed three-quarters  of  a  century  ago.  A  channel  of  eight 
feet  in  depth  now  maintained  in  the  Mississippi  River  from 
Cairo  to  St.  Louis  with  no  early  prospect  of  being  further  deep- 
ened. If  an  eight-foot  depth  could  be  provided  for  an  adequate 
waterway  in  the  Illinois  River  and  a  portion  of  the  Illinois  and 
Michigan  Canal  between  the  cities  of  Utica  and  Lockport,  we 
would  have  a  waterway  of  eight  feet  in  depth  from  Chicago  to 
the  Gulf  of  Mexico. 

Such  being  the  situation,  I  invited,  last  summer,  the  eminent 
engineer,  Lyman  E.  Cooley,  and  E.  J.  Kelly,  Assistant  Chief  En- 
gineer of  the  Sanitary  District  of  Chicago,  Walter  A.  Shaw, 
engineer  member  of  the  Illinois  Public  Utilities  Commission,  and 
LeRoy  K.  Sherman,  engineer  member  of  the  Illinois  Rivers  and 
Lakes  Commission,  to  accompany  me  down  the  Illinois  and  Mich- 
igan Canal  from  Joliet  to  LaSalle.  On  that  trip  of  inspection, 


660  DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

these  gentlemen  and  myself  examined  the  physical  condition  of 
the  Illinois  and  Michigan  Canal  and  the  Illinois  and  DesPlaines 
Rivers  between  Joliet  and  LaSalle,  and  as  the  result  of  that  in- 
spection and  after  a  careful  inquiry  into  the  practicability  of  at 
least  an  eight-foot  channel  between  Joliet  and  Utica,  these  gen- 
tlemen have  reported,  in  writing,  several  schemes  or  projects 
for  the  construction  of  an  eight-foot  waterway  between  Utica  and 
Joliet.  One  of  these  schemes  or  projects,  known  as  project  No.  3, 
they  have  unanimously  endorsed  as  being  entirely  feasible  and 
capable  of  construction  within  two  years  at  a  cost  of  $3,075,000. 
It  contemplates  the  use  of  the  Illinois  River  for  approximately 
45  miles  and  the  development  /and  enlargement  of  about  20  miles 
of  the  Illinois  and  Michigan  Canal.  A  copy  of  this  report  which 
has  been  endorsed  by  the  Rivers  and  Lakes  Commission  of  this 
State  will  accompany  this  message,  and  I  herewith  recommend  it 
to  you  for  careful  examination. 

I  am  convinced  that  the  scheme  is  entirely  feasible  that,  con- 
sidering the  immense  advantages  to  be  obtained  therefrom,  it  is 
exceedingly  economical,  and  that  it  possesses  the  advantage  of 
not,  in  any  way  foreclosing  or  preventing  the  creating  of  a  deeper 
waterway  hereafter,  if  a  deeper  waterway  can  be  secured  in  the 
Mississippi  River.  If  the  science  of  engineering  in  the  future  will 
be  able  to  bring  about  a  greater  depth  in  the  Mississippi  River 
than  the  eight  feet  which  now  exists,  such  depth  can  also  be  se- 
cured in  the  proposed  channel  without  in  any  way  impairing  the 
efficiency  of  the  wrork  done  under  project  No.  3.  In  other  words, 
the  construction  of  this  channel  in  the  Illinois  River  and  the  Illi- 
nois and  Michigan  Canal  between  Utica  and  Joliet  will  open  up 
within  two  years,  if  constructed,  a  splendid  waterway  of  eight 
feet  in  depth  from  Chicago  to  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  at  a  cost  of 
$3,075,000  or  thereabout,  and  give  to  the  people  of  this  State,  as 
well  as  those  tributary  to  the  Great  Lakes,  a  commerce  to  New 
Orleans  and  the  Panama  Canal. 

I  would  further  call  the  attention  of  the  Legislature  to  the 
fact  that,  if  this  waterway  be  constructed  as  outlined  in  project 
No.  3,  $1,000,000  is  available  in  the  treasury  of  the  United  States 
for  the  dredging  and  deepening  of  the  Illinois  River  to  an  eight- 
foot  depth  between  Utica  and  the  mouth  of  the  Illinois  River 
where  it  enters  into  the  Mississippi  River.  Project  No.  3  has 
been  investigated  by  such  influential  bodies  as  the  Association  of 
Commerce,  of  Chicago,  Joliet,  LaSalle,  Peoria,  and  other  cities 
and  towns  along  the  Illinois  and  Mississippi  Rivers,  and,  so  far 
as  I  am  informed,  it  has  their  unanimous  approval. 

I  therefore  recommend  the  passage  of  a  law  providing  for  the 
construction  of  a  channel,  as  recommended  by  these  engineers, 


DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  661 

aud  authorizing  the  issuance  of  bonds  not  to  exceed  in  amount 
the  sum  of  $3,500,000. 

REGULATION  OF  FIRE  INSURANCE  RATES. 

Complaints  of  excessive  rates  in  fire  insurance  premiums  and 
of  combinations  between  fire  insurance  companies  to  prevent  com- 
petition in  the  establishment  of  reasonable  rates  in  this  State  have 
reached  me  for  some  time  past. 

In  the  spring  of  1914  I  instructed  the  Insurance  Superin- 
tendent, Hon.  Rufus  M.  Potts,  to  make  an  investigation  into  the 
subject,  the  result  of  which  investigation  he  has  embodied  in  a 
comprehensive  report,  to  which  I  respectfully  request  your 
earnest  attention. 

In  substance,  this  report  declares  that  there  exists  a  wide- 
spread and  comprehensive  combination  among  the  fire  insurance 
companies  doing  business  in  the  State,  and  their  annexes  and 
rating  organizations  and  appendages,  the  effect  of  which  has  been 
to  stifle  competition  and  to  establish  in  many  lines  of  insurance 
unreasonably  excessive  rates  of  premiums  such  rates  being  in  ex- 
cess of  rates  established  and  charged  in  other  states,  although 
the  State  of  Illinois  is  favorably  situated  in  reference  to  fire 
insurance  risks. 

The  report  discloses,  as  the  result  of  investigation  into  prem- 
iums paid  and  losses  sustained,  that,  for  twenty  years  past,  the 
insured  citizens  of  this  State  have  been  paying  for  insurance 
premiums  approximately  twice  as  much  as  has  been  paid  to  the 
insured  for  fire  losses.  The  report  also  states  that  the  profits 
earned  by  the  insurance  companies  upon  their  capital  stock  have 
been  enormous,  amounting  in  some  cases  to  over  100  per  cent. 

The  report  shows  that,  owing  to  the  fact  that  it  is  impossible 
to  obtain  the  dividend  figures  of  European  companies,  the  total 
profit  percentage  of  all  companies  doing  business  in  the  State 
cannot  be  calculated.  This  can  be  done,  however,  for  companies 
domiciled  in  the  United  States.  The  average  profit  percentage  of 
these  companies  for  1913,  exclusive  of  dividends,  as  shown  by  this 
report,  was  32.8  per  cent.  They  paid  an  average  dividend  of  12.3 
per  cent,  so  that  the  total  annual  profit  for  1913  of  all  the  Ameri- 
can fire  insurance  companies  doing  business  in  Illinois,  as  stated 
in  the  report,  was  45.1  per  cent  of  their  capital  stock,  which  is 
enormous  and  unreasonable. 

The  fire  insurance  companies  dispute  the  conclusion  of  the 
report  in  some  particulars,  but  there  are  sufficient  facts  set  forth 
in  said  reports  to  justify  me  in  reaching  the  conclusion  that  the 
time  has  come,  in  the  history  of  the  State,  for  effective  control  by 


662  DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

the  State  of  the  rates  charged  for  fire  insurance.  Legislation 
along  this  line  is  imperative.  I  have  been  in  correspondence  and 
in  conference  with  representatives  of  the  fire  insurance  interests 
of  the  State  in  the  endeavor  to  agree  upon  the  outlines  of  a  law 
under  which  the  State  shall  be  empowered  to  make  a  thorough 
and  exhaustive  examination  into  the  rates  charged  for  fire  in- 
surance, and  to  enable  the  State  further,  if  it  is  found  that  such 
rates  are  unreasonable  and  excessive,  to  fix  and  proclaim  just  and 
reasonable  rates,  which  shall  be  "charged  in  the  future  by  all  the 
fire  insurance  companies  doing  business  in  this  State. 

I  am  pleased  to  announce  that  gentlemen,  representing  very 
important  and  influential  fire  insurance  interests  of  the  State,  have 
declared  their  willingness  to  cooperate  with  the  Insurance  Super- 
intendent and  his  legal  staff  in  and  about  drafting  a  bill,  under 
which  the  right  of  the  State  to  make  such  investigations  and  to  fix 
such  rates  is  recognized,  and  that  they  are  willing  to  ha\e  such 
provisions  incorporated  in  a  law  to  be  enacted  by  this  Legislature. 
The  Insurance  Superintendent  and  his  counsel  and  the  counsel 
for  these  insurance  interests  have  been  engaged  for  some  time 
past  in  endeavoring  to  agree  upon  the  details  of  such  a  bill.  If 
such  an  agreement  is  reached,  such  a  bill  will  be  presented  to  this 
Legislature  for  its  action.  Should  they  not  agree  upon  the  details 
of  the  bill,  one  will  be  presented  to  the  Legislature  by  the  Insur- 
ance Superintendent,  embodying  the  fundamental  principles  of 
investigation  and  regulation  by  the  State,  hereinbefore  referred 
to,  and  such  other  provisions  as  may  be  agreed  upon  between 
the  insurance  interests  and  the  Insurance  Superintendent,  leav- 
ing the  other  details  of  the  bill,  which  may  not  be  agreed  upon, 
to  the  careful  consideration  of  this  .Legislature.  Such  a  law  is 
now  in  force  in  the  State  of  Kansas,  and  has  been  pronounced 
valid  and  constitutional  by  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United 
States  in  the  case  of  the  German  Alliance  Insurance  Company  v. 
Lewis,  decided  April  20,  1914. 

In  that  case  the  court  held  that  "the  business  of  insurance  so 
far  affects  the  public  welfare  as  to  invoke  and  require  govern- 
mental regulation."  "In  assimilation  of  insurance  to 
a  tax,  the  companies  have  been  said  to  be  the  mere  machinery  by 
which  the  inevitable  losses  by  fire  are  distributed,  so  as  to  fall 
as  lightly  as  possible  on  the  public  at  large,  the  body  of  the  in- 
sured, not  the  companies,  paying  the  tax;"  and  again  in  the  same 
case,  the  court  declares  that  fire  insurance  has  "become  clothed 
with  a  public  interest,  and,  therefore,  subject  to  be  controlled  by 
the  public  for  the  common  good." 


DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  663 

I  earnestly  recommend  the  passage  of  a  bill  providing  for 
such  investigation  and  regulation  in  the  interest  of  the  citizens 
of  Illinois. 

Insurance  Superintendent  Potts  in  his  report,  after  an  ex- 
haustive examination  into  insurance  conditions,  has  made  certain 
recommendations  with  reference  to  the  codification  and  amplifica- 
tion of  the  general  insurance  laws  of  this  State  to  which  I  hereby 
direct  your  earnest  attention. 

AMENDMENT  TO  THE  AMENDING  CLAUSE  OF  THE  CON- 
STITUTION OF  1870. 

The  Constitution  adopted  by  this  State  in  the  year  1870  is  in 
many  respects  an  admirable  instrument.  Its  bill  of  rights  is  broad 
and  comprehensive,  and  its  distribution  of  powers  of  government 
is  in  accord  with  the  fundamental  -laws  of  most  of  the  states 
of  the  Union. 

In  the  march  of  events,  however,  it  has  been  found  that  some 
few  amendments  are  advisable.  So  proud  of  their  work  were  the 
framers  of  this  Constitution  that  they  framed  the  article  relating 
to  amendments  of  the  Constitution  in  such  a  way  as  to  make 
amendments  to  the  Constitution  most  difficult,  by  declaring  that 
"The  General  Assembly  shall  have  no  power  to  propose  amend- 
ments to  more  than  one  article  of  this  Constitution  at  the  same 
session,  nor  the  same  article  oftener  than  once  in  four  years." 
This  provision  is  archaic,  inelastic,  and  unduly  onerous.  It  is  so 
restrictive  as  at  times  to  operate  in  practice  as  a  prohibition 
against  amendment.  This  amendment  should  be  amended  so  as 
to  permit  at  least  three  different  articles  to  be  amended  at  the 
same  session. 

Because  of  the  difficulty  in  amending  the  present  Constitution, 
some  sentiment  exists  in  favor  of  the  adoption  of  a  new  Constitu- 
tion. Whether  a  new  Constitution  is  adopted  or  not,  in  my  judg- 
ment, the  amending  clause  of  the  present  Constitution  should  be 
amended.  The  amendment  of  the  amending  clause  could  be 
amendment  of  the  present  Constitution,  the  much  needed  amend- 
ments of  the  present  Constitution  to  be  adopted  thereafter.  A 
new  Constitution  cannot  be  adopted  by  the  people  in  the  ordinary 
course  of  such  matters  within  five  or  six  years. 

What  the  new  Constitution,  when  framed  may  be,  and 
whether  the  people  will  approve  of  it  or  not,  cannot  be  known. 
In  the  meantime  we  must  proceed,  before  the  adoption  of  a  new 
Constitution,  upon  the  lines  of  the  old  Constitution,  and  that  Con- 
stitution should  be  amended,  in  its  amending  clause,  so  as  to 


664  DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

permit  the  people  to  suggest  amendments  from  time  to  time  to 
meet  the  demands  of  modern  progress  in  legislation. 

If  a  new  Constitution  be  framed  and  submitted  to  the  people 
and  disapproved,  we  should  have  our  present  Constitution  in 
such  shape  as  to  permit  it  to  be  more  readily  amendable  than 
at  the  present  time.  If  a  new  Constitution  is  adopted  after  the 
amendment  of  the  present  Constitution,  the  much  needed  amend- 
ment heretofore  suggested  would  not  operate  in  any  way  to 
interfere  with  a  new  Constitution,  as  the  present  Constitution,1 
and  all  amendments  thereto  would  be  displaced  by  the  new  Con- 
stitution. 

Whatever  action  be  taken  in  reference  to  a  new  Constitution, 
1,  therefore,  recommend  the  amendment  of  the  amending  clause' 
of  the  present  Constitution  as  hereinbefore  suggested. 

In  the  past  the  struggle  between  the  advocates  of  the  in- 
itiative and  referendum  and  the  advocates  of  revenue  reform  for 
paramount  recognition  have  operated  to  prevent  the  adoption  of 
either.  With  the  amending  clause  amended,  as  suggested,  it 
will  open,  the  way  for  an  early  amendment  of  the  Constitution 
along  the  lines  of  revenue  reform,  the  initiative  and  referendum, 
and  other  necessary  amendments,  all  of  which  could  be  voted  for 
at  the  same  session  and  submitted  to  the  people  at  the  same 
election. 

REDISTRICTING  OF  SENATORIAL  AND  CONGRESSIONAL 

DISTRICTS. 

SENATORIAL. 

The  Constitution  provides  that  "The  General  Assembly  shall 
apportion  the  State  every  ten  years  into  51  senatorial  districts, 
each  of  which  shall  elect  one  Senator  and  three  Representatives. 

The  last  senatorial  apportionment  was  made  in  the  year  1901. 
The  new  senatorial  apportionment  should  have  been  made,  pur- 
suant to  the  Constitution,  in  1911.  Nearly  four  years  have  elapsed 
since  the  senatorial  apportionment  should  have  been  made. 

I,  therefore,  recommend,  in  compliance  with  the  Constitution, 
that  the  Legislature  reapportion  the  senatorial  districts  of  the 
State. 

CONGRESSIONAL. 

The  last  congressional  apportionment  in  this  State  was  made 
on  May  13,  1901.  Since  that  time  Illinois  has  become  entitled 
to  two  additional  Congressmen,  who-  are  now  elected  in  the  State 
at  large. 

A  new  congressional  apportionment  should  also  be  made  at 
this  session  to  provide  for  27  congressional  districts. 


DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  665 

COST  OF  ELECTIONS. 

Elections  for  city,  village,  township,  school  districts,  counties 
and  State  are  unnecessarily  frequent  and  too  costly.  In  the 
city  of  Chicago  alone  a  single  primary  election  costs  $275,000 
and  a  single  final  election  $320,000. 

I.  would  respectfully  recommend  the  passage  of  bills  requiring 
all  city,  village,  township  and  school  elections  to  be  held  on  the 
same  day,  and  have  only  one  such  election  every  two  years,  and 
that  all  county,  State,  congressional  and  national  elections  should 
be  held  upon  the  same  day  every  two  yars.  If  the  State,  county, 
congressional  and  national  elections  are  held  in  the  even  year, 
the  city,  village,  township  and  school  elections  might  be  held  in 
the  odd  year,  thus  having  only  one  election  day  each  year. 

This  will  considerably  reduce  both  the  cost  and  number  of 
elections  and  be  for  the  public  interest. 

I  further  recommend  that  elections  for  all  judicial  offices  be 
held  on  a  date  when  no  other  officials  are  voted  for.  The  primary 
election  for  judges  might,  however,  be  held  on  the.  same  day  as  a 
general  election,  had  for  other  offices. 

Legislation  should  also  be  enacted  cutting  down  the  number 
of  elective  offices  where  possible,  thus  shortening  the  ballot  and 
providing  for  the  rotation  of  names  of  candidates  upon  the  ballot 
at  all  elections  for  all  offices. 

I  further  recommend  that,  at  all  primary  elections,  each 
candidate  be  compelled,  on  filing  his  application,  to  pay  to  the 
clerk,  where  such  application  is  filed,  a  filing  and  printing  fee 
sufficient  to  cover  the  cost  of  printing,  at  least  one  page  of  printed 
matter,  relating  to  his  candidacy,  and  that  said  clerk  cause  to 
be  printed  and  paid  for  out  of  such  fee  copies  of  such  page  of 
printed  matter  to  the  amount  of  twice  the  number  of  legal  voters 
in  the  district  from  which  said  applicant  is  a  candidate,  said 
copies  to  be  delivered  to  the  applicant,  before  the  nomination, 
for  distribution  by  him  or  mailed  to  all  voters  by  said  clerk 
upon  such  candidate  paying  the  cost  of  the  postage  thereof,  and 
that  all  candidates  be  limited  in  their  election  expenditures  to  a 
reasonable  amount  over  and  above  the  cost  of  such  distribution 
of  such  printed  matter.  Probably  twenty  per  cent  of  the  legal 
salary,  paid  to  the  incumbent  of  the  office  should  be  the  maximum 
of  expenditure  to  be  permitted. 

The  election  laws  should  also  be  amended  so  as  to  provide 
for  a  report  of  a  candidate's  expenditures  within  a  reasonable 
time  after  the  election  and  before  he  be  permitted  to  assume 
the  duties  of  his  office,  with  effective  penalties  for  violation  of 
the  law. 


666  DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

STATE  PUBLIC  UTILITIES  COMMISSION. 

The  State  Public  Utilities  Commission  closed  the  first  eleven 
months  of  its  administration  on  November  30.  1914.  During  that 
time,  the  commission  was  organized,  its  work  systematized,  and 
the  administrative,  engineering,  accounting,  rate,  and  service 
departments  were  built  up  to  such  a  state  of  efficiency  as  the  lim- 
ited time  and  the  means  at  the  disposal  of  the  commission  would 
allow.  The  present  working  force  of  the  commission,  attorneys, 
engineers,  accountants,  statisticians,  experts,  inspectors,  clerks, 
stenographers,  etc.,  numbers  seventy-three  persons.  The  Illinois 
Public  Utilities  Law  is  probably  the  most  comprehensive  measure 
of  its  kind  ever  enacted,  and  the  duties  and  powers  of  the  Illinois- 
Commission  are  probably  more  numerous  and  greater  than  those 
of  any  similar  commission.  The  multiplicity,  variety,  and  im- 
portance of  matters  coming  before  it  during  this  period  of  organi- 
zation have  been  so  great  as  to  tax  to  the  utmost  its  ability  to 
investigate,  hear,  and  dispose  of  the  cases. 

During  the  eleven  months,  there  were  filed  1,278  formal  com- 
plaints and  petitions,  all  of  which  called  for  investigation  and 
public  hearings,  and  a  finding  by  the  commission.  In  924  of  these 
cases  formal  orders  were  entered.  There  were  also  brought  to 
the  attention  of  the  commission  during  this  same  time  about  500 
informal  complaints,  covering  almost  every  conceivable  matter 
about  which  complaint  could  be  made,  some  400  of  which  have 
been  investigated  and  disposed  of  informally  by  correspondence 
or  conference.  In  addition  to  the  above,  the  commission  has  ap- 
proved 1,160  leases,  made  by  utility  corporations.  Orders  were 
issued  in  sixty-five  stock  and  bond  cases,  authorizing  the  issue  of 
$176.917,304  par  value,  of  stocks,  bonds,  and  notes.  On  December 
15,  1914,  there  were  pending,  applications  for  authority  to  issue 
securities  of  the  par  value  of  $262,185,258.  On  December  22  a 
majority  of  the  pending  applications  for  authority  to  issue  securi- 
ties had  been  heard.  The  amount  of  fees  paid  into  the  State 
Treasury  for  authorities  granted  up  to  this  time  was  $505,202.78. 
The  total  receipts  of  the  commission  at  this  time  was  $510,173.89. 
The  total  amount  of  appropriation  expended  to  maintain  the 
commission  was  $118,548.14.  • 

'  The  beneficent  effects  of  the  operation  of  the  Utilities  Law 
are  already  apparent  on  every  hand.  Discriminations  in  rates 
and  service  have  been  eliminated,  and  it  may  now  be  said  that 
strict  rate  uniformity  prevails  among  all  the  utilities  of  the  State. 
The  question  of  rates  has  probably  been  most  often  brought  to 
the  attention  of  the  commission ;  for  while  rates  and  service 
are  fundamentally  joined  in  almost  every  case,  the  majority  of 


DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  667 

complaints  coming  to  the  commission  thus  far  have  found  their 
expression  in  terms  of  rates.  In  a  number  of  smaller  communi- 
ties settlements  have  resulted  in  substantial  reductions  in  rates. 
In  some  of  the  more  important  cases  the  determination  of  reason- 
able rates  has  necessitated  the  making  of  property  valuation, 
which  requires  much  time  and  labor. 

Standards  of  service  to  govern  gas  and  electric  utilities  have 
been  established  by  the  commission,  and  service  inspectors  are 
now  at  work  inspecting  the  quality  of  service  furnished  by  the 
various  utilities  of  the  State. 

One  of  the  main  objects,  sought  by  the  Legislature,  in  the 
establishment  of  the  Utilities  Commission  was  to  secure  to  the 
people  of  the  State  adequate  service  at  reasonable  rates,  and  the 
commission  in  all  its  acts  has  ever  kept  before  it  this  condition, 
and  has  sought  to  accomplish  and  is  accomplishing  this  great 
purpose,  for  which  it  was  created. 

While  the  operations  of  the  commission  have  been  satis- 
factory throughout  the  entire  State,  including  Chicago,  and  while 
there  seems  to  be  no  sentiment,  at  the  present  time,  in  favor  of 
local  commissions  to  regulate  intraurban  utilities  down  the  State 
outside  of  Chicago,  there  is  considerable  sentiment  in  that  great 
city  in  favor  of  a  local  ancillary  commission,  to  take  charge  of 
and  control  the  intraurban  municipal  utilities  of  that  city,  and  I, 
therefore,  favor  the  creation  of  such  an  ancillary  commission 
for  the  city  of  Chicago  to  take  charge  of  and  control  the  intraur- 
ban utilities  of  that  city. 

TRESPASSERS  UPON  RAILROAD  RIGHT-OF-WAY. 

During  the  years  1911,  1912  and  1913,  1,497  lives  were  lost 
and  1,470  persons  were  maimed  while  trespassing  upon  railroad 
right  of  way  in  the  State  of  Illinois. 

The  number  of  trespassers  on  railroad  right-of-way,  killed 
and  injured,  is  increasing  year  by  year.  In  1913  alone,  510  tres- 
passers were  killed  and  521  were  injured  in  this  State. 

In  the  interest  of  the  protection  of  human  life  and  limb 
rather  than  protection  to  railroad  interests,  I  believe  that  a  law 
should  be  enacted  making  trespassing  on  railroad  property  a  mis- 
demeanor. It  is  now  merely  an  infraction  of  civil  rights.  Such 
a  law  would  tend  to  discourage  trespassing  and  result  in  the 
saving  of  life  and  limb. 

LEGISLATIVE  REFERENCE  BUREAU. 

By  an  act,  effective  July  1,  1913,  the  Forty-eighth  General 
Assembly  created  the  Legislative  Reference  Bureau,  of  which  I 
became  ex  officio  chairman,  and  upon  which  was  imposed  the  duty 


668  DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

of  collecting,  classifying,  and  indexing  information  which  may  be 
of  value  to  the  Legislature  in  considering  and  constructing  leg- 
islation. 

You  will  find  that  this  work  has  been  diligently  prosecuted 
and  there  is  at  your  disposal,  as  a  result  of  the  work  of  eighteen 
months,  a  large  collection  of  classified  data  upon  most  of  the  sub- 
jects which  will  come  before  you. 

The  methods  of  this  bureau  have  been  modeled  after  similar 
bureaus  in  New  York,  Pennsylvania,  Connecticut,  Wisconsin,  and 
other  states. 

Perhaps  the  most  important  duty  imposed  upon  the  Legis- 
lative Reference  Bureau  is  the  preparation  of  a  detailed  budget 
of  the  appropriations  which  the  officers  of  the  several  depart- 
ments of  the  State  government  report  are  required  for  their  sev- 
eral departments  for  the  next  biennium,  together  with  a  compara- 
tive statement  of  the  funds  appropriated  by  the  preceding  Gen- 
eral Assembly  for  the  same  purpose.  This  task  has  been  care- 
fully and  most  completely  accomplished.  A  classification  of 
accounts  has  been  prepared  after  a  study  of  the  best  public  ac- 
counting practice  and,  for  the  first  time  in  the  history  of  Illinois, 
the  State  Legislature  will  be  furnished  early  in  the  session  with 
full  information  concerning  the  money  asked  to  be  appropriated, 
particularly  as  to  whether  the  amount  sought  is  an  increase  or 
decrease  over  preceding  appropriations,  and  as  to  the  definite 
purpose  for  which  the  money  is  to  be  used.  Estimates  have 
been  made  of  the  revenue  from  all  sources  which  may  be  counted 
upon  in  the  next  two  years,  so  that  an  intelligent  comparison  of 
proposed  expenditures  with  income  may  be  made  by  every  mem- 
ber of  the  General  Assembly. 

PRISON  REFORM. 

Prison  reform  in  Illinois  in  past  years  has  not  kept  pace  with 
the  progress  in  the  management  of  our  other  institutions.  In  my 
experience  as  a  judge  on  the  bench,  I  have  been  given  an  insight 
into  the  workings  of  our  criminal  laws,  \vhich  has  created  in  me 
sincere  pity  for  the  man  who  has  gone  wrong  and  an  earnest 
desire  that  the  punishment,  inflicted  by  the  State,  shall  not  need- 
lessly degrade  him  and  rob  him  of  all  ambition,  but  rather  shall 
assist  and  lend  encouragement  to  his  efforts  toward  rehabilitation. 

To  this  end  I  have  lent  my  influence,  in  the  prison  adminis- 
tration of  the  State,  to  the  introduction  of  more  humane  methods 
of  dealing  with  offenders,  and  the  establishment,  so  far  as  found 
practical,  of  the  honor  system. 


•     DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  669 

Real  progress  has  been  made  in  all  the  penal  institutions  in 
this  direction.  In  the  Illinois  State  Reformatory,  at  Pontiac, 
corporal  punishment  has  been  eliminated  and  a  policy  of  severe 
restrictions  has  been  replaced  by  the  elimination  of  the  task  sys- 
tem of  enforced  work  under  penalty  and  the  substitution  of  the 
piece  work  system  with  rewards  for  proficiency;  the  allowance 
of  one  hour's  recreation  each  day  for  all  inmates  and  the  de- 
velopment of  institution  athletic  teams,  a  drill  corps,  and  frequent 
entertainments.  In  each  of  the  penitentiaries,  recreation  periods 
have  been  instituted  and  repressive  rules  have  been  changed  to 
extend  to  inmates  privileges  which  make  for  greater  self-respect 
and  tend  to  reform  rather  than  degrade.  The  result  of  these 
changes  has  fully  met  expectations, 

The  improvement  so  far  made  should  be  continued  and  Illi- 
nois should  do  its  part  toward  assisting  in  the  scientific  research 
into  the  causes  of  crime  which  is  now  engaging  the  attention  of 
many  other  states  and  learned  societies.  It  would  be  of  great 
value  to  the  prison  wardens  and  to  the  Board  of  Pardons  to  have 
the  advice  of  trained  psychologists  as  to  the  mental  condition, 
the  trustAvorthiness,  and  the  possibilities  of  reform  ol'  the  in- 
mates, to  guide  them  in  extending  liberties  and  in  granting 
paroles.  This,  not  with  the  idea  of  extending  leniency  toward 
defectives,  but  rather  in  order  that  those  who  are  incapable  of 
living  honestly,  if  set  free,  may  be  detained  in  custody  and  those 
who  possess  the  possibilities  of  successful  careers  in  honest  occu- 
pations may  be  given  encouragement  and  another  chance. 

For  these  reasons,  I  recommend  to  your  careful  consideration 
measures,  seeking  to  provide  for  the  prisons  the  assistance  of  a 
psychological  laboratory  for  the  study  of  criminals  and  the  causes 
of  crime,  and  would  suggest  that  provisions  be  made  for  co- 
operation between  such  laboratory,  if  it  be  established,  and  the 
psychopathic  laboratory  of  the  State  hospital  service  now  main- 
tained at  Kankakee. 

PUBLIC  CHARITIES. 

Upon  the  public  charities  of  the  State  a  greater  proportion  of 
our  revenue  is  expended  than  on  any  other  single  object  except 
public  education. 

In  the  last  two  years,  the  increase  in  the  population  of  the  insti- 
tutions under  the  Board  of  Administration  has  exceeded  the  normal 
rate.  For  1913  it  was  4  per  cent,  and  for  1914,  4.2  per  cent.  The 
appropriations  for  maintenance  for  the  biemiium  1913-1915  were 
based  upon  an  estimated  increase  of  3  per  cent.  In  addition  there 
has  been  an  abnormal  increase  in  the  cost  of  food,  which  is  the  chief 


670  DUNNE— JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

item  of  expense  in  the  maintenance  of  the  institutions.  Neverthe- 
less, by  wise  economy  and  careful  management,  the  institutions  have 
been  maintained  at  the  usual  high  standard  and  a  substantial  saving 
has  been  made  in  the  maintenance  fund. 

The  Forty-eighth  General  Assembly  appropriated  $2,427,304.67 
for  the  continuation  of  the  physical  rehabilitation  of  these  institu- 
tions and  for  the  construction  •  of  the  new  State '  Hospital  at  Alton 
and  a  State  Epileptic  Colony  which  I  urged  upon  the  Legislature 
in  my  inaugural  address. 

The  $1,000,000.00  appropriated  for  these  new  institutions  has 
been  expended  or  contracted  for.  After  careful  investigation,  the 
Board  of  Administration  selected  a  site  for  the  epileptic  colony  at 
Dixon,  Illinois,  in  a  beautiful  location  on  the  Rock  River,  and  con- 
tracts have  been  let  for  the  construction  of  nine  buildings.  At  Alton 
work  is  progressing  upon  five  buildings.  You  will  be  asked  to 
appropriate  $500,000,  for  the  completion  of  each  of  these  new  insti- 
tutions and  to  provide  a  fund  for  the  maintenance  of  patients,  as 
both  will  be  ready  for  occupancy  before  long. 

Owing  to  the  large  amount  provided  for  buildings  by  the  last 
Assembly,  which  was  more  than  sixty  per  cent  of  the  amount  which 
had  been  expended  in  the  previous  eight  years,  the  total  request  of 
the  Board  of  Administration  for  all  purposes  for  the  next  two  years 
is  $397,632  less  than  two  years  ago,  and  this  in  spite  of  the  mainte- 
nance increase  made  necessary  by  the  abnormal  growth  in  popula- 
tion and  provision  for  two  new  institutions. 

It  is  with  sincere  pleasure  that  I  can  report  conditions  in  the 
eighteen  charitable  institutions  to  have  improved  in  the  last  two 
years  in  all  those  particulars  which  increase  the  comfort  and  happi- 
ness of  the  wards  of  the  State. 

In  economical  business  management,  the  Illinois  institutions 
are  not  surpassed  by  any  private  corporation.  No  private  sani- 
tarium in  this  State  can  furnish  medical  attention  to  the  mentally 
afflicted,  of  a  higher  standard  than  that  given  to  the  inmates  of  the 
State  hospitals.  No  endowed  home  or  school  gives  more  careful 
training,  supervision,  nor  more  humane  treatment  than  is  received 
by  the  wards  of  the  State  in  our  schools  for  delinquents,  while  the 
institutions  for  the  deaf  and  blind,  the  soldiers'  homes,  and  soldiers' 
orphans'  homes  are  not  surpassed  anywhere. 

Most  important  in  the  improvements  effected  in  these  institu- 
tions during  my  administration  has  been  the  abolition,  in  the  schools 
under  the  Board  of  Administration,  of  corporal  punishment.  The 
old  policy  of  repression  and  severity  has  been  replaced  by  patient, 
persevering  encouragement  of  the  better  qualities  in  inmates  and 
freedom  from  petty  restraint — that  humane  treatment,  in  fact, 
which  is  advocated  by  the  best  informed  students  of  delinquency 


DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  671 

as  being  most  effective  for  the  building  up  of  self-control  and  self- 
restraint. 

In  the  State  hospitals  all  mechanical  restraint  of  patients,  in 
eluding  seclusion,  has  been  abolished.  Patience  and  kindness  com- 
bined with  the  best  curative  treatment  known  to  medical  science, 
have  worked  wonders  in  obtaining  discipline  hitherto  thought  impos- 
sible to  maintain  without  straps,  straight-jackets,  and  close  con- 
finement. 

The  merit  system  among  the  employes  is  being  faithfully  and 
conscientiously  enforced.  The  promotional  system  is  in  vogue  in 
all  branches  of  the  hospital  service.  The  "hospital  tramp"  is  being 
weeded  out.  Experience,  fidelity,  honest  and  faithful  work,  human- 
ity, and  decency  are  recognized,  encouraged,  and  rewarded.  Stand- 
ards of  living  and  employment  are  being  elevated  with  all  who 
serve  the  State.  Wages  of  employes,  particularly  those  receiving 
the  smallest  pay,  have  been  increased  in  all  the  institutions.  The 
eight-hour  system  has  been  adopted  by  the  Board  of  Administration 
in  several  institutions  and  will  be  extended  to  others. 

In  the  adoption  of  the  eight-hour  system  for  hospital  service, 
Illinois  is  the  pioneer  in  the  United  States.  Better  living  quarters 
are  being  provided  for  the  employes  in  the  institutions.  In  return 
for  all  these  considerations  the  State  demands  the  highest  degree  of 
efficiency  and  humanity  from  its  employes. 

GAME   AND  FISH   CONSERVATION. 

Consolidation  of  "the  former  Fish  Commission  and  Game  De- 
partment, pursuant  to  my  recommendation,  in  the  bill  creating 
the  Game  and  Fish  Conservation  Commission,  effective  July  1, 
1913,  has  given  substantial  proof  of  the  wisdom  of  combining  inde- 
pendent State  agencies  which  handle  work  that  is  closely  related. 

With  an  appropriation  considerably  less  than  that  expended 
by  the  former  departments,  the  newly  created  commission  has  organ- 
ized an  efficient  warden  force  and  conducted  a  vigorous  and  effective 
conservation  campaign. 

By  strict  enforcement  of  the  law  requiring  licenses  and  the 
development  of  a  thorough  system  of  accounting  for  collection  of 
fines  and  confiscation  proceeds,  the  new  department  has  been  made 
more  than  self-sustaining,  the  cost  through  these  contributions  fall- 
ing upon  persons  directly  interested  in  the  results  of  its  work. 

The  most  important  conservation  work  in  the  care  of  this 
department  relates  to  the  fishing  industry  of  the  State.  Our  lakes 
and  streams  furnish  an  enormous  supply  of  excellent  and  cheap 
food.  Since  it  is  available  for  all  who  come  to  take  it,  free  of 
charge,  wise  and  strict  regulation  is  required  to  prevent  the  whole- 
sale destruction  by  wasteful  methods  of  this  common  property 


672  DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

The  problem  of  protecting  the  natural  supply,  and  increasing  it 
through  scientific  propagation,  has  been  undertaken  in  an  effective 
manner  by  the  commission.  Large  quantities  of  fry  and  finger- 
lings  have  been  placed  in  the  waters  of  the  State  during  the  last 
season  and  permanent  ponds  and  hatcheries  have  been  provided 
for  the  continuation  and  extension  of  this  work. 

I  commend  to  your  careful  consideration,  as  of  great  impor- 
tance to  the  public,  all  measures  submitted  for  the  purpose  of 
improving  the  present  methods  of  conserving  this  important  nat- 
ural resource. 

Preservation  of  the  game,  while  not  so  important  from  the 
standpoint  of  food  supply,  is  of  great  interest  to  the  hunters  of  this 
State,  who  take  out  more  hunting  licenses  every  year  than  in  any- 
other  State  in  the  Union.  After  years  of  experience  with  the  State 
game  farm  in  propagating  English  pheasants  in  the  hope  of  adding 
that  bird  to  the  game  birds  of  the  State,  the  commission  has  reached 
the  conclusion  that  this  expensive  effort  will  never  succeed,  and 
recommends  that  the  State  game  farm  be  abandoned. 

During  the  last  two  years,  on  an  appropriation  of  $12,000, 
only  a  fraction  of  what  had  hitherto  been  spent,  the  operations  of 
the  farm  have  been  continued  and  the  distribution  of  birds  and 
eggs  throughout  the  State  has  been  kept  up.  A  careful  canvass  has 
been  made  through  the  game  wardens,  and  the  conclusion  is  reached 
that  in  spite  of  the  large  number  of  pheasants  liberated  in  the  past, 
there  has  been  little  or  no  increase,  and  no  increase  can  be  hoped 
for  because  of  the  unfavorable  conditions  in  this  State. 

As  a  substitute  for  the  game  farm,  it  is  recommended  that  in 
each  county  reservations  be  established — tracts  of  land  rented  for 
a  nominal  sum — on  which  grain  and  cover  can  be  provided  at  a 
small  cost  where  the  native  game  birds  can  find  food  and  protection 
during  the  winter  and  the  breeding  season,  free  from  molestation 
or  destruction  by  hunters  or  others.  The  expense  of  maintaining 
such  reservations  will  be  but  a  fraction  of  the  cost  of  the  State  game 
farm,  and,  in  this  recommendation  of  the  commission,  I  concur. 

KIVERS  AND  LAKES  COMMISSION. 

In  the  work  of  conserving  the  natural  resources  of  the  State, 
the  Rivers  and  Lakes  Commission  has  an  important  part.  Public 
bodies  of  water  are  of  vital  importance  to  the  people,  and  it  is 
necessary  that  the  State  have  an  active  agency  to  protect  such 
bodies  against  encroachment,  to  prevent  the  drainage  of  valuable 
lakes,  the  obstruction  of  river  flow,  and  the  pollution  of  rivers  and 
lakes.  The  much  extended  powers,  given  to  the  Rivers  and  Lakes 
Commission  by  the  amendment  to  the  Rivers  and  Lakes  Act,  in 
force  July  1,  1913,  have  been  put  to  valuable  use  in  the  last  eighteen 


DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  673 

months.  The  report  of  that  commission  details  the  work  accom- 
plished in  the  prevention  of  stream  pollution  and  the  investigation 
of  complaints  of  encroachments  on  public  waters  of  the  State.  The 
service  of  the  commission  in  superintending  the  construction  of 
State  levees  at  Cairo,  Shawneetown,  and  Mound  City,  Illinois,  for 
which  the  Forty-eighth  General  Assembly  appropriated  $339,000, 
merits  commendation  for  businesslike  efficiency.  The  work  was 
undertaken  immediately  the  appropriation  became  available ;  it  was 
planned  and  conducted  according  to  the  best  engineering  practice, 
and  was  finished  well  within  the  authorized  cost  and  in  ample  time 
to  withstand  the  high  waters  of  the  spring  of  1914. 

FOOD  INSPECTION. 

In  the  vital  matter  of  protecting  the  public  from  the  peril  of 
impure  and  unsanitary  food,  the  State  Food  Commission  has  made 
noticeable  progress  along  the  most  profitable  line  of  endeavor  in 
this  work — the  education  of  the  public.  ' 

With  only  eighteen  inspectors  to  cover  the  entire  State,  it  is 
obvious  that  this  department  can  accomplish  its  purpose  only  with 
intelligent  cooperation  from  municipal  and  county  officers  and 
from  the  general  public. 

Realizing  this,  the  State  Food  Commissioner  has  devoted  par- 
ticular attention  to  enlisting  the  assistance  of  local  officers,  obtain- 
ing the  enactment  of  municipal  ordinances  for  the  protection  of 
the  food  and  milk  supply  of  cities,  and  to  a  campaign  of  lectures 
and  newspaper  publicity  for  the  purpose  of  instructing  the  public 
on  the  provisions  of  the  law  and  methods  of  insuring  its  enforce- 
ment. Moving  picture  exhibitions  have  been  used  with  good  results 
and  the  volunteer  assistance  of  newspapers  throughout  the  State 
has  been  of  great  value  in  this  campaign. 

The  report  of  the  State  Food  Commissioner  calls  particular 
attention  to  the  widespread  practice  of  using  fraudulent  weights 
and  measures  in  the  retail  sale  of  foods.  This  is  a  fraud  which 
merits  the  severest  condemnation  and  the  most  stringest  measures 
for  suppression. 

I  recommend  that  a  law  be  passed  permitting  adequate  pun 
ishment  of  persons  guilty  of  this  offense  and  empowering  the  State 
Food  Inspectors  to  enforce  its  provisions.  I  also  recommend  the 
careful  consideration  of  all  measures  relative  to  the  protection  of 
the  public  food  supply  from  adulteration  and  insanitary  conditions 
and  the  improvement  of  the  present  methods  of  law  enforcement. 

I  am  pleased  to  call  your  attention  to  the  fact  that  in  this 
department  for  the  year  ending  September  30,  1914,  that  there  was 
a  saving  of  expenditures  over  the  preceding  year  of  over  $17,000 ; 
while  the  collections  made  by  the  department  in  the  same  time 
were  over  $10,000  in  excess  of  the  preceding  year. 

—22 


674  DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

NATIONAL  GUARD  AND  NAVAL  RESERVE. 

During  my  administration,  our  State  Military  and  Naval 
Establishment  has  undergone  changes  in  organization  necessary  to 
conform  to  the  detail  of  organization  found,  by  the  Federal  Gov- 
ernment, to  promote  the  highest  efficiency. 

Progress  has  been  made  not  only  in  the  character  and  amount 
of  military  equipment  but  in  the  method  of  caring  and  accounting 
for  military  stores. 

Joint  camps  of  instruction,  both  within  and  without  the  State, 
participated  in  by  our  State  forces  in  conjunction  with  Federal 
troops  and  those  of  other  states,  have  combined  to  secure  greatly 
increased  efficiency. 

The  inadequate  housing,  both  of  our  troops  and  their  military 
equipment,  has  been  for  years  a  serious  handicap  to  proper  train- 
ing, and  has  been  an  almost  constant  source  of  complaint.  There 
are  at  the  present  time  authorized  and  either  being  planned  or  in 
the  course  of  construction,  nine  armories  for  the  proper  housing  of 
troops  and  equipment. 

The  funds  appropriated  for  the  National  Guard  and  Naval 
Reserve  have  been  so  advantageously  expended  that  were  our  troops 
called  into  service  within  the  State  for  State  purposes,  or  needed 
in  National  defense,  the  entire  military  force  could  be  mobilized  at 
the  State  mobilization  camp  at  Springfield  within  forty-eight  hours, 
equipped  for  field  service  and  prepared  for  active  duty. 

HIGHWAY  IMPROVEMENT. 

In  accordance  with  the  recommendation  made  in  my  inaugural 
message,  the  Forty-eighth  General  Assembly  passed  a  State  Aid 
Road  and  Bridge  Act,  which  went  into  effect  July  1,  1913,  and  has 
now  been  under  trial  for  eighteen  months. 

This  act  changed  our  entire  system  of  highway  construction 
and  maintenance,  and  the  first  duty  of  the  commissioners,  appointed 
under  it,  was  to  construct  a  new  organization  for  the  State  and  for 
every  county  desiring  to  operate  under  the  act. 

A  court  test  of  the  constitutionality  of  the  act  caused  much 
delay,  but  so  vigorously  and  successfully  has  the  work  been  carried 
on  that  one  hundred  county  %  superintendents  of  highways,  whose 
qualifications  have  been  proved  in  competitive  examinations,  are 
now  in  office.  State  aid  routes  in  ninety-four  counties  have  been 
agreed  upon  between  the  county  boards  and  the  State  commission. 
A  complete  uniform  system  of  auditing  and  accounting  for  all  road 
and  bridge  moneys  has  been  installed,  allotments  from  the  State 
aid  road  and  bridge  fund  have  been  made  to  all  counties  that  have 
qualified  therefor,  and  contracts  have  been  awarded  on  seventy- 
four  sections  of  roads  having  a  total  length  of  91.27  miles. 


DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,  GOVERNOR  675 

In  many  parts  of  the  State  work  has  been  completed  on  sections 
of  State  aid  roads  and  the  public  has  had  an  opportunity  to  inspect 
the  type  of  road  which  the  Highway  Commission  has  determined 
to  require.  This  is  a  finished  driveway  thirty  feet  wide,  divided 
into  a  pavement  proper  of  brick  or  concrete  from  ten  to  eighteen 
feet  wide,  with  earth  or  macadam  shoulders  on  each  side  to  make 
up  the  required  width.  The  contracts  which  have  been  let  for  State 
aid  roads  are  distributed  among  forty-eight  counties. 

A  complete  engineering  organization  under  the  State  Highway 
Engineer  has  been  constructed,  through  which  the  State  High- 
way Commission  is  enabled  to  provide  plans  for  all  road  and  bridge 
work  and  supervise  all  construction  with  the  assistance  of  the 
county  superintendents. 

All  the  precautions  which  engineering  science  and  modern 
business  methods  afford  have  been  taken  to  insure  that  full  value 
is  given  to  the  State  for  all  money  expended  in  highway  construc- 
tion and  that  the  specifications  of  contracts  are  met  in  every  detail. 

I  recommend  that  careful  consideration  be  given  to  the  provi- 
sion of  funds  for  the  completion,  in  a  reasonable  time,  of  the 
construction  of  the  fifteen  thousand  miles  of  State  aid  roads,  con- 
sistent with  the  annual  tax  paying  ability  of  the  taxpayers  of  the 
State. 

CIVIL  SERVICE. 

At  the  beginning  of  my  administration,  two  years  ago,  the 
State  Civil  Service  law,  so  far  as  it  applied  to  the  more  important 
positions  in  the  service,  was  eighteen  months  old.  Since  by  its 
provisions  all  the  appointees  holding  office  at  the  time  it  became 
effective  were  covered  without  examination  and  comparatively  few 
changes  in  the  personnel  had  been  made,  there  was  widespread 
unfamiliarity  with  the  provisions  of  the  law.  The  strain  of  enforc- 
ing this  law,  after  the  first  complete  change  in  party  domination 
in  sixteen  years,  has  not  been  slight ;  nevertheless,  with  determined, 
honest  and  fair  enforcement,  there  has  come  a  vigorous  and  gratify- 
ing growth  in  the  Civil  Service  work  of  the  State.  In  1911,  4,685 
applications  for  examination  were  received ;  in  1912,  6,671 ;  in  1913, 
8,839;  in  1914,  estimate  to  December  1,  11,307.  In  the  past  year, 
the  commission  has  held  144  examinations  and,  it  was  estimated, 
had  examined  7,500  applicants  up  to  December  1,  this  being 
approximately  one  hundred  per  cent  increase  over  the  number 
examined  in  1912.  There  has  been  a  marked  increase  in  the  num- 
ber of  positions  filled  by  certification  from  the  eligible  lists  and 
of  all  the  persons  occupying  positions  in  the  classified  service  of 
the  State,  it  is  estimated  there  are  now  less  than  seven  hundred 
who  have  not  proved  their  qualifications  by  passing  examinations. 


676  DUNNE — JUDGE,  MAYOR,  GOVERNOR 

It  is  with  sincere  gratification  I  report  to  you  that  the  merit 
system  in  all  State  departments  is  now  established  upon  a  firm 
basis  and  I  respectfully  urge  that  your  honorable  body  give  careful 
consideration  to  all  measures  relative  to  Civil  Service,  its  further 
extension  to  some  positions,  not  now  classified,  which  should  be 
included  within  its  scope,  and  other  amendments  which  might 
make  for  the  better  operation  or  enforcement  of  the  law.  There 
are  some  few  classes  of  employment,  where  professional  skill  and 
implicit  confidence  is  demanded,  which  might  safely  be  excluded 
from  the  Civil  Service  list. 

INDUSTRIAL  BOARD. 

Of  all  the  progressive  laws  placed  upon  the  statute  books  by 
the  Forty-eighth  General  Assembly,  perhaps  none  is  more  impor- 
tant to  the  workingmen  of  the  State  than  that  creating  the 
Industrial  Board  for  the  administration  of  the  Workingmen 's 
Compensation  Act. 

Upon  this  board  rests  the  duty  of  arbitrating,  in  speedy  hear- 
ing, disputes  over  compensation  for  injury  and  death  incurred  in 
industrial  accidents.  Successful  performance  of  this  duty  will 
eliminate  the  great  hardships,  formerly  imposed  by  the  law 's  delay, 
upon  those  disabled  in  the  performance  of  their  duty,  and  upon  the 
helpless  dependents  of  men  who  have  fallen  in  the  struggle  for 
existence. 

The  extent  of  this  work  is  proved  by  the  fact  that  the  facilities 
of  the  board  have  been  overtaxed  from  the  beginning.  There  have 
been  presented  to  and  decided  by  the  board,  by  committees  of 
arbitration  appointed  by  it,  584  cases,  involving  the  payment  of 
$155,101.11.  Lump  sum  orders  have  been  entered  in  367  cases, 
involving  the  payment  of  $335,732.91.  There  are  pending  before 
the  board  240  arbitration  matters  and  28  lump  sum  petitions. 

It  is  evident  that  the  volume  of  work  to  be  handled  will  increase 
rapidly,  and  if  the  Industrial  Board  is  to  avoid  a  congestion  already 
existing,  which  will  soon  result  in  reproducing  in  its  affairs  the 
court  delays  which  it  is  intended  to  avoid,  increased  facilities  must 
be  provided  for  its  work.' 

I,  therefore,  recommend  that  careful  consideration  be  given  to 
the  report  of  this  board  and  to  its  request  for  a  suitable  appropria- 
tion with  which  to  handle  its  most  important  work. 

I  am  informed  by  the  president  of  this  board  that  its  appro- 
priations for  rent  are  at  present  exhausted  and  that,  unless  an 
emergency  appropriation  for  rents,  and  additional  help  is  given,  it 
will  result  in  a  suspension,  in  whole  or  in  part,  of  the  duties  of  the 
board. 


DUNNE — JUDGE,  MAYOR,  GOVERNOR  677 

I,  therefore,  recommend  an  emergency  appropriation  sufficient 
to  enable  the  board  to  carry  on  its  duties  until  the  general  appro- 
priation bill  is  passed. 

SEMIMONTHLY  PAYMENT  OF  STATE  EMPLOYES. 

The  last  Legislature,  upon  my  recommendation,  passed  a  law 
compelling  corporations  and  employers  to  pay  their  employes  semi- 
monthly. I  see  no  reason  why  the  State  should  not  follow  the 
same  practice.  I  am  informed  that  the  State  can  provide  for  such 
semimonthly  payment  of  employes  by  the  employment  in  the 
Auditor's  office  and  in  the  office  of  the  Civil  Service  Commission  of 
extra  clerks  at  a  cost  of  not  to  exceed  $5,000  annually. 

I  recommend  that  provisions  be  made  for  such  semimonthly 
payment  of  State  employes. 

EFFICIENCY  AND  ECONOMY. 

Following  the  recommendation  in  my  inaugural  message  the 
Forty-eighth  General  Assembly  appointed  a  committee  composed 
of  four  members  of  each  house,  to  examine  into  different  depart- 
ments of  the  State  government  for  the  purpose  of  ascertaining 
whether  or  not,  by  cooperation  of  the  different  departments  and 
commissions  of  the  State  and  the  coordination  of  their  functions, 
greater  efficiency  and  economy  in  administration  could  not  be 
attained. 

This  committee  has  been  industriously  engaged  for  the  last 
eighteen  months  in  making  such  investigation,  and  will  make  a 
report  to  the  Legislature  embodying  the  result  of  its  labors,  which 
report,  I  earnestly  commend  to  you  for  your  careful  consideration. 

While  not  agreeing  with  all  of  the  recommendations  of  the 
committee  in  their  entirety,  it  is  in  the  main  a  very  valuable  and 
well-considered  report  of  conditions  prevalent  at  the  present  time, 
with  very  wise  recommendations  of  changes. 

I  particularly  call  your  attention  to  the  very  valuable  recom- 
mendations in  reference  to  the  consolidation  of  the  penal  and 
correctional  institutions  under  one  commission;  the  consolidation 
of  the  different  mining  boards  into  one  department;  the  consolida- 
tion of  the  various  agricultural  and  live  stock  boards  into  one 
department ;  the  consolidation  of  the  different  normal  schools  under 
one  board  of  trustees;  the  consolidation  of  the  tax  levying  boards 
and  the  revenue  collecting  departments  of  the  State  into  a  depart- 
ment of  finance  under  the  control  of  a  State  Finance  Commission, 
consisting  of  a  State  Comptroller,  a  State  Tax  Commissioner  and 
a  State  Revenue  Commissioner,  the  Auditor  of  Public  Accounts 
and  the  State  Treasurer  being  ex  officio  members,  and  involving  the 
abolition  of  the  State  Board  of  Equalization  and  the  creation  of  a 
State  Tax  Commission  in  lieu  thereof. 


678  DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

CONVICT  LABOR. 

The  last  Legislature,  upon  my  recommendation,  enacted  a  law 
permitting  the  use  of  convicts  upon  road  building  in  the  State, 
limiting  the  employment  of  such  convicts,  however,  to  those  whose 
terms  of  unexpired  imprisonment  did  not  exceed  five  years. 

Liberal  use  of  the  convicts  has  been  made  for  that  purpose, 
particularly  at  the  Joliet  penitentiary,  with  beneficial  results  both 
to  the  convicts  and  to  the  State.  A  very  small  percentage  of  the 
convicts  have  violated  their  pledge  of  honor,  and  the  work  done 
has  been  valuable  and  efficient. 

I  would  respectfully  recommend  the  amendment  of  the  law, 
so  as  to  permit  convicts  whose  unexpired  terms  exceed  the  five-year 
limitation  to  be  used  for  road  building.  The  limitation,  in  my 
judgment,  can  be  safely  extended  to  ten  or  even  fifteen  years  instead 
of  five. 

In  order  to  bring  about  a  more  extensive  use  of  the  convicts 
for  this  laudable  purpose,  it  might  be  wise  to  amend  the  Good 
Roads  Act,  so  as  to  require  the  counties,  who  are  recipients  of 
State  aid  to  avail  themselves  of  convict  labor,  charging  therefor 
the  actual  cost  of  feeding  the  men  while  so  engaged. 

During  the  last  fifteen  months,  fifty-one  convicts  were  em- 
ployed at  road  building,  from  September  3,  1913,  to  February  10, 
1914,  at  Camp  Hope,  near  Dixon,  Illinois,  doing  very  effective 
road  work.  Not  one  attempted  to  escape. 

Seventy-two  convicts  were  employed  at  Starved  Rock  from 
April  27,  1914,  to  August  20,  1914,  and  afterwards  at  Mokena,  Will 
County,  Illinois,  until  December  23,  two  of  whom  escaped,  and 
have  not  been  recaptured. 

Sixty-five  men  were  employed  at  Beecher,  Illinois,  from  June 
15,  1914,  to  November  24,  1914,  none  of  whom  attempted  to  escape. 

One  hundred  and  five  convicts  were  utilized  at  the  Joliet 
honor  farm  from  February  27,  1914,  until  recently.  Twenty-four 
have  had  their  sentences  commuted;  nine  returned  to  the  prison; 
two  paroled,  and  nine  transferred  to  road  camps,  leaving  sixty-one 
still  on  the  farm  operating  same. 

In  view  of  the  small  percentage  of  escapes,  and  the  general 
observance  of  their  pledges  by  the  convicts,  the  warden  of  the 
Joliet  penitentiary  has  recommended  that  the  convict  labor  act  be 
amended  so  as  to  permit  the  use  of  convict  labor  upon  the  public 
roads,  by  removing  the  clause  specifying  that  a  man  must  have 
less  than  five  years  to  serve  before  he  is  eligible  for  road  work. 


DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  679 

CHICAGO  PARK  COMMISSIONS  CONSOLIDATION. 

In  my  inaugural  address  to  the  General  Assembly,  I  recom- 
mended the  consolidation  of  the  Park  Commissions  of  the  city  of 
Chicago. 

At  present  there  are  three  separate  commissions:  the  Board 
of  South  Park  Commissioners,  the  Board  of  "West  Park  Com- 
missioners, and  the  Board  of  Lincoln  Park  Commissioners. 

All  of  these  quasi-municipal  bodies  are  conducted  as  wholly 
separate  institutions,  with  different  offices,  different  executives,  and 
under  different  managements. 

These  park  boards  should  be  consolidated.  At  your  last  session, 
a  bill  was  passed  consolidating  the  park  boards,  and  I  was  con- 
strained to  veto  same  on  being  advised  by  the  Attorney  General 
that  the  bill  was  unconstitutional. 

I  again  recommend  the  consolidation  of  the  different  park 
boards  of  the  city  of  Chicago  and  I  trust  constitutional  legislation 
to  that  end  will  be  enacted  at  the  coming  session. 

THE  STATE  BOARD  OF  LIVE  STOCK  COMMISSIONERS. 

FOOT-AND-MOUTH  DISEASE  IN  ILLINOIS. 

Since  November  1,  1914,  when  the  first  case  of  foot-and-mouth 
disease  was  discovered  in  Illinois,  live  stock  producers  within  the 
State  have  necessarily  been  subjected  to  great  inconvenience  and 
economic  losses  incidental  to  the  establishment  and  the  enforcement 
of  quarantine  regulations  to  prevent  one  of  the  most  highly  con- 
tagious diseases  known  from  infecting  every  farm  within  the  State. 

During  this  time  the  services  of  two  hundred  veterinarians 
constituting  the  cooperating  forces  of  State  and  Federal  Govern- 
ments have  been  constantly  engaged.  An  additional  force  of  over 
five  hundred  laborers  under  competent  supervision  has  also  been 
engaged  in  cleaning  and  disinfecting  infected  premises  after  the 
slaughter  of  affected  herds.  In  doing  this  work  the  State  and 
Federal  Governments  have  been  acting  in  complete  harmony  and 
cooperation. 

In  waging  this  fight  against  the  unrestricted  spread  of  the 
contagion  of  foot-and-mouth  disease,  much  opposition  and  failure 
to  promptly  report  infection  has  been  encountered,  and  to  this  fact 
can  be  charged  at  least  fifty  per  cent  more  outbreaks  than  would 
have  otherwise  occurred.  The  culmination  of  the  opposition  against 
effective^work  in  completely  eradicating  the  disease  previous  to  this 
date  was  reached  when  the  State  Veterinarian  was  served  with  • 
threatening  notices  by  the  owners  of  herds  infected  and  their  law- 
yers, and  finally  with  an  injunction  against  the  further  slaughter  of 
affected  herds,  thus  preventing  the  best  known  method  of  success- 


680  DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

fully  eradicating  the  disease  from  being  utilized  to  protect  the  live 
stock  interests  in  this  and  other  States.  Unless  this  injunction  is 
soon  dissolved  all  of  the  work  so  far  done  will  be  of  little  or  no 
avail  and  the  live  stock  interests  will  be  confronted  by  rigid  Federal 
quarantine  of  this  State  for  years  to  come. 

Up  to  this  time  591  herds  consisting  of  18,348  cattle,  26,613 
hogs  and  903  sheep  have  been  slaughtered,  the  total  appraised  valua- 
tion of  which  is  $1,494,528.67.  Of  the  591  infected  premises  523 
have  been  thoroughly  cleaned  and  disinfected  under  official  super- 
vision, the  remainder  being  now  in  course  of  disinfection  or  in 
preparation  for  disinfection. 

In  view  of  the  widespread  extent  of  this  very  contagious  dis- 
ease, involving  such  serious  consequences  to  the  live  stock  owners  • 
of  the  State,  and  the  large  expense  entailed  upon  the  State  of 
Illinois  in  the  effort  to  furnish  assistance  to  the  Federal  Govern- 
ment in  eradicating  the  disease,  and  in  view  of  the  great  losses 
entailed  upon  the  owners  of  the  cattle  infected  and  destroyed,  I 
recommend  the  early  attention  of  the  Legislature  'to  the  question  of 
making  an  appropriation  sufficient  to  cover  the  unusual  expenses 
entailed  upon  the  State  of  Illinois  in  the  effort  to  suppress  this 
disease,  and  that  it  should  further  take  official  action  in  the  way 
of  making  appropriations  to  reimburse  in  some  way  the  owners  of 
the  cattle  killed. 

In  my  opinion,  because  of  the  fact  that  this  disease  has  already 
infected  eighteen  states  of  the  United  States,  the  expense  and  re- 
sponsibility of  handling  this  nation-wide  calamity  ought  to  fall 
upon  the  Federal  Government.  No  one  or  more  states  can  effect- 
ively suppress  this  contagion  throughout  the  United  States.  Arbi- 
trary state  lines  are  not  effective  in  preventing  the  spread  of  the 
disease.  It  is  as  though  war  were  declared  upon  this  country  by  a 
foreign  foe.  The  National  Government  is  charged  with  the  duty  of 
defending  the  country  from  foreign  invasion. 

The  foot-and-mouth  disease  has  declared  war  not  upon  the 
State  of  Illinois,  but  upon  the  live  stock  interests  of  the  United 
States,  and  the  consumers  of  the  Nation  dependent  thereon,  and,  I 
believe,  the  Federal  Government  ought  to  shoulder  the  responsi- 
bility of  this  nation-wide  calamity,  and  compensate  those  that  are 
entitled  thereto,  but  in  the  meantime,  until  action  is  taken  by  the 
Federal  Government,  some  action  should  be  taken  by  the  State  of 
Illinois  to  relieve  its  own  citizens,  and  thereafter  the  State  should 
demand  reimbursement  from  the  Federal  Government  for  ex- 
penses entailed  thereby. 

THE  STATE  CHARITIES  COMMISSION. 

The  State  Charities  Commission,  whose  duties  are  those  of 
inspection  and  recommendation,  suggests  and  recommends : 


DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  68] 

First.  That  the  Alton  State  Hospital  and  the  Dixon  State 
School  and  Colony,  the  two  institutions  now  in  course  of  construc- 
tion, be  completed  at  the  very  earliest  date. 

Second.  The  establishment  of  a  State  home  or  school  for 
adult  feeble-minded  women  and  the  enactment  of  a  law  providing 
for  legal  commitment  of  the  feeble-minded  of  all  ages  and  for 
discharge  of  such  defectives  from  institutions  designed  for  their 
care  only  upon  order  of  the  court.  Such  law  should  give  courts 
discretion  to  commit  a  feeble-minded  person  to  a  private  institu- 
tion, as  insane  are  often  committed  to  private  hospitals,  when  the 
reasons  for  such  commitment  warrant  it. 

Third.  Attention  is  called  to  the  almost  indescribable  con- 
dition of  the  jails,  lockups,  calabooses  and  workhouses  of  this  State. 
Legislation  is  urged  which  will  vest  in  State  authority,  preferably 
the  Governor,  the  power  to  close  a  jail  or  other  local  place  of  deten- 
tion or  an  almshouse  which  does  not  comply  with  the  law  and 
conform  to  the  standards  which  the  law  prescribes. 

Fourth.  The  creation  of  a  State  Housing  Commission  to 
study  the  housing  situation  in  Illinois  and  to  report  back  to  the 
next  General  Assembly  recommendations  for  a  comprehensive 
statute  covering  this  highly  important  subject. 

Fifth.  Endorsement  of  the  recommendation  of  the  Efficiency 
and  Economy  Commission  that  the  State  Charities  Commission 
be  empowered  to  inspect  and  supervise  the  three  State  penal  insti- 
tutions of  Illinois,  in  the  same  manner  and  for  the  same  purposes, 
as  it  now  inspects  and  supervises  the  State  charitable  institutions. 

INSPECTION  OF  PEIVATE  EMPLOYMENT  AGENCIES. 

New  life  has  been  injected  into  the  supervision  and  inspection 
of  private  employment  agencies  during  the  fiscal  year  1914.  Three 
hundred  sixty-seven  licenses  were  issued  to  private  agencies,  an 
increase  of  thirty-eight  over  1913. 

The  amount  of  revenue  from  licenses  was  $17,750,  an  increase 
of  $1,775.  During  the  year,  $6,785  were  refunded  by  agents  to 
complainants,  a  gain  of  $4,832.  Inspectors  made  1,973  reports  on 
general  conditions  of  agencies,  an  increase  of  557.  One  thousand 
seven  hundred  and  sixty-seven  complaints  were  investigated,  as 
against  432  in  1913. 

The  department  has  discovered  that  it  is  a  practice  among 
"straw  bosses"  on  railroads  and  factory  foremen  to  charge  a  fee 
to  men  for  the  privilege  of  holding  their  jobs.  This  practice  is 
probably  an  outgrowth  of  the  scarcity  of  work.  It  is  being  dealt 
with  vigorously;  several  convictions  have  been  had  in  Chicago, 
one  in  East  St.  Louis,  four  in  Granite  City,  where  four  cases  are 


682  DUNNE JUDGE,  MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

pending  in  the  courts.  The  department  reports  the  necessity  of 
drastic  methods  to  regulate  the  booking  agents  who  are  sending 
young  girls  as  entertainers  to  saloons,  cafes,  etc. 

THE  PANAMA-PACIFIC  INTERNATIONAL  EXPOSITION. 

Illinois  will  be  represented  at  this  great  exposition  by  a  dis- 
play of  its  industries  and  a  State  building  where  its  people  may 
gather.  The  last  General  Assembly  made  an  appropriation  of 
$300,000  with  which  to  erect  a  building  and  to  bear  the  expenses 
of  the  commission.  At  the  time  this  message  is  written,  the  building 
is  practically  complete. 

It  is  96  feet  deep  and  has  a  frontage  of  136  feet,  with  prin- 
cipal entrances  on  its  north  and  south  sides.  The  contract  price 
was  $89,000,  exclusive  of  furnishings,  decorations,  and  lighting 
fixtures. 

The  plans  were  drawn  by  State  Architect,  J.  B.  Dibelka,  and 
the  contract  was  let  to  Lange  &  Bergstrom,  of  San  Francisco,  the 
lowest  bidder. 

The  friezes  on  the  north  and  south  fronts  are  embellished  with 
ornamental  sculpture,  designed  after  prize  competition  by  young 
Illinois  sculptors,  their  work  being  supervised  by  Lorado  Taft. 

The  building  contains  twenty-five  rooms. 

A  room  is  set  apart  as  a  memorial  to  Lincoln.  There  is  a 
ballroom,  where  dances  and  other  entertainments  may  be  held, 
a  recital  hall  for  musical  entertainments,  a  motion  picture  theater, 
reading,  writing,  and  lounging  rooms. 

Among  the  features  of  the  entertainment  program  is  a  large 
pipe  organ  which  has  been  donated  to  the  State  on  condition  that 
it  defray  the  cost  of  packing  and  shipping. 

In  the  moving  picture  theater,  the  State's  manufacturers  and 
industries,  its  parks  and  buildings,  its  public  institutions,  agri- 
cultural, live  stock,  and  dairying  resources  will  be  displayed  daily. 

The  commission  has  divided  itself  into  fifteen  standing  com- 
mittees, each  having  in  charge  a  certain  department  of  exhibits. 

Special  attention  is  to  be  given  to  the  agricultural,  live  stock, 
and  dairying  interests.  , 

The  commission  has  made  a  strong  effort  to  have  every  manu- 
facturing and  commercial  industry  of  the  State  represented  by  an 
exhibit,  and  as  a  result  every  exhibition  hall  will  house  some 
substantial  evidence  of  the  State 's  commercial  and  industrial  activi- 
ties and  supremacy. 

Illinois  Day  has  been  set  for  July  24  and  Chicago  Day  for 
October  9. 

Aside  from  the  expenditures  on  the  erection  of  the  building, 
the  total  expenses  of  the  commission  to  date  have  been  only  $3,944. 


DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,  GOVERNOR  683 

STATE  BOARD  OF  HEALTH. 

The  State  Board  of  Health,  during  the  biennial  period,  has 
been  exceedingly  alert  to  the  demands  upon  it.  During  the  two 
years,  73,786  packages  of  diphtheria  antitoxin  have  been  distrib- 
uted by  the  board  at  a  total  cost  of  $57,270.  This  antitoxin  has 
been  employed  in  23,100  cases  of  diphtheria,  and  the  mortality 
throughout  the  State  has  decreased  to  7  per  cent  as  compared 
with  40  per  cent  in  the  pre-antitoxin  days. 

In  1914  the  board  distributed,  without  charge,  vaccine  against 
typhoid  fever,  and  6,000  packages  of  this  agent  have  already  been 
used.  During  1913-1914,  one  hundred  and  thirteen  indigent  per- 
sons were  treated  for  rabies,  under  the  direction  of  the  board,  at  a 
cost  to  the  State  of  $6,161.  Recently  the  board  has  begun  the 
distribution  of  a  solution  of  nitrate  of  silver  for  use  in  the  pre- 
vention of  blindness,  occasioned  by  childbirth  infection  of  the  eyes. 

Illinois  has  never  provided  for  the  free  distribution  of  small- 
pox vaccines.  During  the  last  year  3,650  cases  were  reported  in 
the  State.  Four  thousand  cases  of  typhoid  fever  were  reported 
during  the  year,  due  to  the  ever  increasing  pollution  of  water 
supplies.  During  the  two  years  the  board's  laboratory  has  ex 
amined  1,185  specimens  of  blood  for  the  early  diagnosis  of  this 
disease. 

A  sanitary  survey  of  summer  resorts  was  made  in  1914.  The 
board  caused  the  inspection  in  1913  of  1,900  dairies,  and  in  1911 
of  3,600.  During  the  last  year  these  inspections  were  confined 
largely  to  the  Chicago  district,  to  prevent  the  milk  rejected  by 
Chicago  being  dumped  into  other  Illinois  communities. 

Nine  hundred  special  investigations  were  made  in  the  two 
years  on  account  of  insanitary  conditions  and  the  unusual  prev- 
alence of  communicable  diseases.  The  laboratory  of  the  board 
has  examined  9,000  specimens  for  the  scientific  diagnosis  of  com- 
municable diseases,  of  which  4,804  were  for  tuberculosis,  1,741 
for  diphtheria,  2,118  for  typhoid  fever. 

At  the  present  time,  the  laboratory  is  making  "Wassermann 
tests  for  indigent  persons,  and  within  a  short  period  of  time  ex- 
pects to  open  branch  laboratories  in  the  southern  and  northern 
parts  of  the  State  for  the  early  diagnosis  of  diphtheria. 

An  effort  has  been  made  to  induce  municipalities,  operating 
without  health  ordinances,  to  adopt  them,  and  in  many  instances 
the  ordinances  passed  have  been  those  recommended  by  the  board.  ' 

During  the  past  two  years,  the  board  has  examined  1,153 
physicians,  201  midwives,  260  other  practitioners,  378  embalmers. 
It  reports  that  during  this  time  the  standards  of  medical  educa- 
tion have  been  distinctly  raised,  the  period  of  instruction  being 
lengthened  from  four  to  five  years. 


684  DUNNF JUDGE,   MAYOR,  GOVERNOR 

DEPARTMENT  OF  DEPORTATION. 

This  department  makes  its  first  annual  report.  One  hundred 
and  nine  persons  were  removed  from  our  State  institutions  to 
other  states  and  governments.  Thirty  deportable  aliens  are  await- 
ing deportation.  During  the  year,  1,509  patients  committed  to 
State  hospitals  were  investigated  and  found  to  be  legal  residents 
of  the  State.  On  account  of  the  department's  close  record  of 
deportable  aliens  and  nonresident  insane  persons,  brought  'to 
the  Court  of  Cook  County  for  examination  as  to  their  sanity, 
fifty-five  aliens  and  thrity-seven  nonresidents  were  either  dis- 
missed or  paroled 'to  friends,  because  of  the  latter 's  knowledge 
of  its  existence  and  activity. 

It  is  reported  that  during  the  year  only  seven  insane  persons 
were  returned  to  Illinois  from  neighboring  states  through  this 
department. 

The  department  estimates  that  the  total  gross  savings  to  the 
State  through  the  deportation  of  these  109  persons  was  $156,960. 

BUREAU  OF  LABOR  STATISTICS. 

The  Bureau  of  Labor  Statistics  has  just  completed  its  report 
of  industrial  accidents  for  the  year  ending  December  31,  1913. 
Arrangements  have  been  made  with  the  Industrial  Board  to  com- 
pile the  reports  of  accidents,  covered  by  the  present  and  revised 
compensation  law  for  the  first  year  of  its  existence,  which  em- 
braces about  15,000  reports. 

The  1914  biennial  report  on  child  labor  is  almost  complete. 
It  covers  the  investigation  of  child  labor  in  cities  of  50,000  or 
more  and  deals  with  the  apparent  physical  and  mental  status  of 
children,  the  condition  of  employment,  the  income  of  the  child 
and  of  the  parents,  the  extent  of  education,  etc. 

The  bureau  recommends  the  consolidation  of  the  free  em- 
ployment offices  in  Chicago  into  one  bureau,  with  separate  de- 
partments for  skilled  labor,  unskilled  labor,  clerical  positions,  and 

domestic  service. 

• 

BOARD  OF  PHARMACY. 

The  State  Board  of  Pharmacy  was  created  to  protect  the  in- 
nocent public  from  unscrupulous  dealers  in  drugs,  medicines,  and 
poisons. . 

During  the  year  the  board  has  held  eight  examinations  of 
applicants  for  registration  as  pharmacists  and  assistant  pharma- 
cists. Six  hundred  and  fifty-five  applicants  for  the  first,  and  four 

I 


DUNNE — JUDGE,  MAYOR,  GOVERNOR  685 

hundred  and  forty-two  for  the  second  grade  have  been  personally 
examined,  the  greatest  number  in  one  year  since  its  organization. 

The  board  says  that,  in  no  year  since  its  organization,  has 
there  been  such  close  inspection  of  drug  stores.  Sixty-three  of- 
fenders in  the  State,  outside  of  Chicago,  have  been  prosecuted  and 
fines  amounting  to  $2,530  turned  into  the  State  treasury.  Seventy 
cases  have  been  instituted  in  Chicago,  and  in  practically  all  of 
them  judgments  have  been  obtained. 

From  January  1,  1914,  to  November  18,  1914,  fees  and  fines 
collected  by  the  board,  amounted  to  $21,200,  an  increase  of  more 
than  ten  per  cent  over  any  like  period  of  time. 

STATE  FACTORY  INSPECTOR. 

The  Chief  Factory  Inspector  has  made  a  notable  record  dur- 
ing the  last  year.  A  total  of  60,198  inspections  were  made,  com- 
pared with  40,103  of  the  year  before.  Under  the  child  labor  law, 
32,981  inspections  were  made,  against  26,495  during  the  preceding 
year.  In  the  enforcement  of  the  law  regulating  the  hours  of 
employment  of  women,  17,969  inspections  were  made  as  against 
8,079  during  the  preceding  year;  under  the  "health,  safety  and 
comfort"  law,  5,785  inspections  contrast  with  3,845;  917  inspec- 
tions were  made  under  the  "structural  iron"  law,  as  against  590 
the  year  before.  The  "metal  polishers"  law  required  1,362  in- 
spections, against  701;  the  "ice  cream  and  butterine"  law  re- 
quired 485  inspections  and  260  licenses,  against  205  inspections 
and  165  licenses. 

Under  the  "occupational  disease"  law,  721  inspections  were 
made,  against  187.  A  total  of  252  firms  are  now  reporting  month- 
ly under  the  provision  of  the  "occupational  disease"  law,  as 
against  166  firms  in  the  preceding  year. 

During  the  past  year,  795  cases  were  brought  before  the 
courts,  69  of  which  were  discharged  and  726  convicted ;  fines  and 
costs  amounted  to  $10,679.  This  record  is  contrasted  with  434 
prosecutions  and  396  convictions,  with  fines  and  costs  amounting 
to  $6,240  in  1913. 

GRAIN  INSPECTION  DEPARTMENT. 

Due  to  an  unjustifiable  reduction  of  fees  for  the  inspection  of 
grain  from  50  cents  to  35  cents  per  car,  made  by  the  Railway  and 
x  Warehouse  Commission  in  December,  1912,  earnings  of  this  de- 
partment, in  the  Chicago  district,  during  the  last  fiscal  year  were 
about  $40,000  less  than  during  the  preceding  year,  with  result 
that  the  disbursements  exceeded  the  receipts  by  about  $46,000. 


686  DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

The  Public  Utilities  Commission,  on  viewing  the  situation, 
has  increased  the  fees  to  50  cents  per  car  for  "in"  inspection  and 
50  cents  per  1,000  bushel  for  "out"  inspection. 

Under  these  new  fees,  receipts  of  the  department  for  the 
quarter  ending  September  30,  1914,  exceeded  disbursements  by 
nearly  $20,000,  so  that  it  is  expected  receipts  hereafter  will  meet 
the  expenses. 

That  the  department  is  being  operated  in  an  efficient  man- 
ner is  being  demonstrated  by  the  almost  entire  absence  of  com- 
plaints either  from  shippers  or  receivers,  this  obviously  being 
the  most  accurate  barometer  of  the  high  standard  of  inspection 
attained  by  the  department. 

The  chief  grain  inspector  recommends  that  the  grading  of 
all  grain  in  the  State  shall  be  by  duly  classified  inspectors.  The 
present  conditions  whereby  any  locality  may  operate,  independent 
of  the  State,  does  not,  in  his  opinion,  tend  to  give  all  shippers  of 
grain  that  wholly  impartial  grading  which  they  should  have. 

COMMITTEE    TO    INVESTIGATE    VOLUNTARY    CHARIT- 
ABLE SOCIETIES  SOLICITING  CHARITABLE 
CONTRIBUTIONS  AND  CHILD  HOME- 
FINDING  ORGANIZATIONS. 

The  Forty-eighth  General  Assembly,  by  House  Joint  Resolu- 
tion No.  36,  created  a  joint  committee  of  five  Representatives  and 
five  Senators  to  investigate  into  the  methods  and  actions  of  cer- 
tain charitable  institutions  and  organizations  licensed  by  the 
State,  and  all  societies  and  organizations  licensed  by  the  State  to 
handle  children  under  the  juvenile  law,  and  to  investigate  the 
accounts,  receipts  and  expenditures  of  said  institutions  and  organ- 
izations for  the  purpose  of  determining  where  all  such  moneys  go, 
and  whether  or  not  they  go  to  such  institutions,  etc.,  etc. 

Said  committee  has  a  report  ready  to  present  to  the  Forty- 
ninth  General  Assembly.  In  this  report  they  state  that  they  have 
not  completed  their  work  of  investigation ;  that  they  have  in  the 
course  of  their  investigations  unearthed  a  very  scandalous  state 
of  affairs  in  relation  to  the  disposal  of  children  in  this  State; 
that  they  have  discovered  cases  in  which  children  have  been 
bought  and  sold  as  merchandise;  that,  with  the  little  time  and 
money  at  their  disposal,  they  have  been  unable  to  make  a  thor- 
ough investigation  of  all  the  maternity  hospitals  and  other  in- 
stitutions of  like  character,  and  request  that  their  existence  be 
continued  to  enable  them  to  complete  their  investigation. 


DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  687 

I,  therefore,  recommend  that  the  committee  appointed  by  the 
Forty-eighth  General  Assembly  be  continued  for  further  investi- 
gation under  the  same  powers  heretofore  given  them,  and  that  a 
reasonable  appropriation  be  made  to  them  to  carry  on  their 
work. 

STATE  FINANCES. 

In  relation  to  the  finances  of  the  State,  they  are  in  a  most 
excellent  condition,  the  cash  balance  on  hand  in  the  State  treas- 
ury on  January  1,  1915,  being  $10,310,015.95. 

For  full  information  and  figures  concerning  said  State  finan- 
ces, I  refer  you  to  the  reports  of  the  Auditor  of  Public  Accounts 
and  State  Treasurer. 

The  Constitution  requires  the  Governor  at  the  commencement 
of  each  regular  session  to  present  estimates  of  the  amount  of 
money  required  to  be  raised  by  taxation  for  all  purposes. 

In  this  connection,  I  would  direct  your  attention  to  the  budget 
which  will  be  presented  to  you  by  the  Legislative  Reference 
Bureau,  which  contains  estimates  by  the  various  department  heads 
as  to  their  needs  for  the  coming  two  years.  I  earnestly  request 
your  cooperation  in  pruning  and  cutting  down  the  same,  where 
possible,  to  the  actual  needs  and  necessities  of  efficient  adminis- 
tration. 

EXECUTIVE  EXPENDITURES. 

For  a  statement  of  expenditures,  made  by  me  for  this  depart- 
ment from  funds  subject  to  my  order,  your  attention  is  directed 
to  the  biennial  report  of  the  Auditor  of  Public  Accounts. 
Vouchers  for  all  such  expenditures  have  been  filed  in  the  Audi- 
tor's office. 

E.  F.  DUNNE,  Governor. 


688  DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 


THE  CORRUPT  LOBBYIST. 

MESSAGE  TO  FORTY-NINTH  GENERAL  ASSEMBLY,  MARCH  2,  1915. 

Gentlemen  of  the  Forty-ninth  General  Assembly: 

One  great  embarrassment  attendant  upon  the  honest  effort  of 
a  State  Legislature  to  give  to  the  people  remedial  legislation  has 
been  the  insidious  influence  of  the  corrupt  lobbyist. 

Always  the  servile  hireling  of  the  concealed  master,  he  sits 
near  the  seats  of  the  members  and  in  the  committee  rooms  during 
the  sessions  of  the  committees  and  endeavors  to  poison  at  its  source 
what  would  otherwise  be  the  honestly  expressed  will  of  the  people's 
representatives. 

It  has  been  said  in  the  past  that  Illinois  was  not  free  from  this 
scourge. 

I  have  proposed  several  remedial  measures  to  the  present  Legis- 
lature and  many  other  meritorious  measures  will  be  considered  dur- 
ing the  session.  We  should  not  sit  quietly  by  and  permit  bills, 
designed  to  give  relief  to  the  people,  to  be  changed,  modified,  ren- 
dered impotent  or  nullified  by  the  machinations  of  undisclosed 
persons  and  influence,  if  it  is  in  our  power  to  prevent  it. 

Such  persons  and  influences  should  come  out  in  the  open  and 
show  their  colors,  where  all  men  can  see  them  and  know  for  what 
they  stand.  Honest  men  and  measures  will  announce  themselves 
and  be  welcome,  but  the  subsidized  and  professional  lobbyist,  intent 
on  defeating  the  will  of  the  people  by  endeavoring  to  corrupt  the 
weak  and  to  circumvent  the  strong,  should  be  driven  from  the  State- 
house. 

In  my  judgment,  no  one,  not  a  member  of  this  General  Assem- 
bly, should  be  admitted  to  the  floor  of  either  House  or  the  committee 
rooms  thereof,  the  cloak  rooms,  the  corridors  or  any  other  part  of 
the  Statehouse  adjacent  to  the  legislative  chambers,  for  the  pur- 
pose of  advocating,  amending  or  opposing  any  bill,  resolution  or 
measure,  pending  in  either  House  of  the  General  Assembly,  unless 
such  person  shall  first  register  his  name  and  address  with  the  Secre- 
tary of  State  and  the  secretary  and  clerk  of  each  House  of  the 
General  Assembly. 

Such  person,  in  addition  to  his  name  and  address,  should  be 
required  to  certify  in  writing  if  he  is  employed  by  any  person,  firm 
or  corporation ;  and  if  so,  the  name  and  address  of  each  employer, 


DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVEKNOP  689 

and  what  compensation  he  has  received  or  is  to  receive,  if  any.  He 
should  further  be  required  to  state  in  writing  the  bills,  acts,  meas- 
ures or  resolutions  he  is  interested  in  and  what  the  nature  of  his 
interest  may  be.  Such  registration  and  other  information  should  be 
spread  upon  the  records  of  the  House  or  Senate  and  published  in 
the  Journal  of  its  proceedings,  and  no  person,  not  a  member  of 
either  House  of  the  General  Assembly  and  not  so  registered,  should 
be  permitted  to  discuss  any  measure,  bill,  act  or  resolution  so  pend- 
ing before  any  committee  or  with  any  members  of  either  House. 
In  any  resolution  covering  this  matter  that  is  adopted  by  either 
House,  however,  nothing  therein  contained  should  apply  to  any 
person  or  persons  invited  by  either  House  or  any  committee  thereof 
to  appear  before  such  House  or  any  of  its  committees  for  the  pur- 
pose of  furnishing  information  or  data  desired  by  either  House  or 
any  such  committees,  on  any  matters  pending  before  either  House 
or  any  of  its  committees,  provided  the  name  and  address  of  any  such 
person,  so  invited  and  appearing  before  any  committee  of  either 
House,  shall  be  reported  to  the  clerk  (or  secretary)  of  either  House 
by  the  chairman  of  such  committees  and  published  in  the  daily 
Journal  of  its  proceedings. 

Neither  should  any  resolution  adopted  by  either  House  concern- 
ing this  matter  apply  to  any  State  officer  or  department  head  ap- 
pearing before  the  various  committees,  relative  to  the  work  of  their 
departments. 

Very  respectfully, 

E.  F.  DUNNE,  Governor. 


690  DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 


THE  PARDONING  OF  NEWTON  C. 
DOUGHERTY. 

STATEMENT  TO  THE  PUBLIC,  MARCH  3,  1915. 

Governor  Dunne  announced  today  that  he  will  pardon  New- 
ton C.  Dougherty  of  Peoria,  upon  the  recommendation  of  the  State 
Board  of  Pardons,  but  that  he  will  not  act  upon  the  case  until 
Dougherty  actually  begins  the  serving  of  his  sentence  in  the  Joliet 
penitentiary. 

Attorneys  Clarence  S.  Darrow  and  Joseph  "Weil,  representing 
Dougherty,  and  State's  Attorney  McNemar  of  Peoria  County, 
representing  the  State,  appeared  before  the  Governor  today,  pre- 
senting arguments  for  and  against  the  granting  of  a  pardon  to 
Dougherty. 

In  announcing  his  decision,  Governor  Dunne  said:  "Justices 
Craig,  Cooke,  Farmer,  Dunn  and  Carter  of  the  Supreme  Court  of 
this  State  have  either  written  or  called  upon  the  Governor  or 
the  Board  of  Pardons  in  the  interest  of  Dougherty.  They  state 
that  they  represent  the  view  of  all  of  the  Justices  who  partici- 
pated in  the  hearing  of  the  case  in  the  Supreme  Court.  They 
believe  that  inasmuch  as  Dougherty  has  served  seven  years  in  the 
penitentiary  for  the  offense  which  he  committed  whilp  Superin- 
tendent of  Schools  of  Peoria  County,  that  the  punishment  was 
adequate  and  sufficient  to  vindicate  the  law;  that  to  insist  upon 
further  punishment  would  be  an  act  of  injustice  by  the  State. 
This  view  is  also  concurred  in  by  Judge  W.  C.  Worthington,  in 
writing,  before  whom  Dougherty  was  tried  upon  the  original  in- 
dictments, and  is  also  the  view  expressed  in  writing  by  Hon. 
Robert  Scholes,  ex-State's  Attorney  of  Peoria  County,  who  prose- 
cuted Dougherty  upon  the  original  indictments. 

"Dougherty  was  originally  sent  to  the  penitentiary  upon  a 
plea  of  guilty  to  five  indictments  selected  by  the  State's  Attorney 
out  of  a  total  of  140  indictments  returned  against  him.  The  five 
indictments  to  which  Dougherty  plead  guilty  carried  a  total 
forgery  of  $750.00. 

"If  the  former  Board  of  Pardons  had  not  taken  into  con- 
sideration the  whole  subject  of  Dougherty's  wrongdoings  it  would 
not  have  kept  him  in  the  penitentiary  seven  years  for  forgeries 


DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  691 

amounting  to  only  $750.00.  Consequently,  the  investigation  which 
the  Board  of  Pardons  has  just  concluded  makes  it  certain  that 
Dougherty  already  has  been  punished  for  the  crime  of  which  he 
is  now  convicted,  and  that  to  punish  him  further  would  be  a 
violation  of  the  agreement  made  by  ex-State's  Attorney  Scholes 
and  would  be  an  act  of  injustice  on  the  part  of  the  State." 


692  DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 


STATE  HOSPITALS  TO  TREAT  DRUG 
VICTIMS. 

STATEMENT  TO  THE  PUBLIC,  MARCH  6,  1915. 

Governor  Dunne  issued  the  following  statement  today : 
1  am  reliably  informed  that  many  persons  addicted  to  the 
cocaine,  morphine  and  other  drug  habits,  whose  supply  has  been 
cut  off  because  of  the  going  into  effect  of  the  Federal  Law  pro- 
hibiting the  sales  of  such  drugs,  are  financially  unable  to  procure 
scientific  treatment  for  the  cure  of  such  habits,  and  inasmuch 
as  the  State  authorities  are  anxious  to  give  relief  in  such  critical 
cases,  I  now  advise  all  such  unfortunate  persons  addicted  to  the 
use  of  such  drugs  that  if  they  will  apply  to  the  county  courts 
of  their  respective  counties  and  enter  into  a  consent  agreement 
to  be  treated  at  once  of  the  State  institutions,  that  the  authorities 
in  the  different  institutions  of  the  State  at  Kankakee,  Elgin, 
Anna,  Watertown,  Peoria,  Jacksonville  and  Dunning  will  receive 
and  give  such  applicants  medical  treatment  having  for  its  object 
the  reformation  of  such  drug  habitues. 

The  Board  of  Administration  advises  me  that  they  will  read- 
ily receive  such  applicants  and  are  prepared  to  take  care  of  them. 
Even  if  the  applicants  are  suspected  of  giving  fictitious  names,  I 
have  advised  the  Board  of  Administration  not  to  cross-examine 
them  with  the  purpose  of  compelling  them  to  disclose  their  true 
names. 


DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  693 


ON  THE  KILLING  OF  LUMPY  JAW 
CATTLE. 

To  STATE  BOARD  OF  LIVE  STOCK  COMMISSIONERS  AND  TO  THE  CHI- 
CAGO LIVE  STOCK  EXCHANGE,  MARCH  6,  1915. 

Gentlemen : 

Some  time  in  December,  1914,  a  serious  controversy  arose 
between  the  State  Board  of  Live  Stock  Commissioners  of  Illinois, 
and  the  Chicago  Live  Stock  Exchange,  in  reference  to  the  methods 
prevailing  in  relation  to  the  killing  of  lumpy  jaw  and  diseased 
cattle  tagged  as  suspected  in  the  Union  Stock  Yards,  Chicago. 

The  immediate  incidents  giving  rise  to  the  controversy  arose 
out  of  the  cancellation  by  the  Live  Stock  Exchange  of  a  contract 
it  had  entered  into  with  the  Bismarck  Packing  Company  for  the 
slaughter  of  such  cattle  and  the  attempt  by  the  Live  Stock  Ex- 
change to  let  a  new  contract  for  the  killing  of  such  suspected 
cattle. 

In  the  discussion  of  this  controversy  I  will  refer  hereafter 
to  the  Board  of  Live  Stock  Commissioners  as  the  Commissioners, 
and  to  the  Live  Stock  Exchange  as  the  Exchange. 

Pursuant  to  an  arrangement  entered  into  many  years  ago 
between  the  Commissioners  and  the  Exchange,  the  Exchange  had 
been  awarding  such  contracts  to  different  slaughtering  companies 
situated  in  or  near  the  Union  Stock  Yards,  Chicago.  When  the 
controversy  between  the  Commissioners  and  the  Exchange  arose 
much  dissatisfaction  was  expressed  by  the  members  of  the  Com- 
mission in  relation  to  the  methods  followed  in  the  slaughtering  of 
such  cattle,  and  in  the  making  of  returns  of  the  proceeds  thereof 
to  the  Exchange.  It  was  contended  by  the  Commissioners  that 
the  owners  of  these  suspected  cattle  were  not  receiving  the  full 
returns  that  they  were  entitled  to  from  the  concerns  which  did  the 
slaughtering  under  the  contracts  for  the  Exchange. 

Being  exceedingly  anxious  to  harmonize  the  differences  be- 
tween the  Commissioners  and  the  Exchange,  I  invited  both  of 
them  to  appear  in  my  office  for  the  purpose  of  discussing  their 
differences  and  vigorously  and  insistently  urged  upon  them  the 
propriety  of  harmonizing  their  differences  and  agreeing  upon  a 
slaughter  house  and  upon  a  contract  and  specifications  covering 


694  DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

the  slaughtering  which  would  secure  to  the  owners  of  the  slaugh- 
tered cattle  full  and  complete  returns.  I  had  hoped  that  as  the 
result  of  these  interviews  and  my  insistent  admonition,  they 
would  harmonize  their  differences  and  agree  upon  a  plan  where- 
by the  slaughtering  of  such  cattle  would  be  conducted  in  a  man- 
ner satisfactory  to  both  parties  to  the  controversy  and  the  gen- 
eral public. 

My  efforts  to  produce  a  harmonious  agreement  between  the 
Commissioners  and  the  Exchange  failed,  and  I  was  compelled  to 
give  a  great  deal  of  personal  attention  to  the  matter  which  should 
not  have  been  entailed  upon  me. 

As  the  principal  controversy  seemed  to  be  over  the.  slaugh- 
tering house  that  was  to  conduct  the  slaughtering,  I  ordered  the 
Commissioners  to  advertise  for  bids,  and  to  notify  all  slaughtering 
houses  in  and  near  the  Union  Stock  Yards,  Chicago,  requesting 
them  to  bid,  fixing  upon  the  time  and  place  for  the  opening  of 
all  sealed  bids.  I  also  required  the  Commissioners  to  notify  the 
Exchange  when  such  bids  would  be  submitted,  giving  the  time 
and  place.  This  time  and  place  was  fixed  upon  as  January  5, 
1915,  at  my  office  in  the  Statehouse,  Springfield.  On  January 
5,  the  Commissioners  brought  to  me  at  my  office  certain  sealed 
bids.  As  no  one  representing  the  Exchange  was  present,  I  tele- 
graphed the  president  of  the  Exchange,  under  date  of  January  5, 
1915,  notifying  him  that  sealed  bids  for  the  slaughter  of  lumpy 
jaw  and  diseased  cattle  were  presented  to  me  by  the  Commis- 
sioners; that  no  one  representing  them  was  present,  and  that  I 
would  defer  opening  the  bids  until  10  o'clock  on  the  following 
morning,  January  6.  On  that  day  the  bids  were  opened  and 
tabulated ;  whereupon  I  wrote  a  letter  to  the  Exchange,  enclosing 
copies  of  these  bids,  and  requested  said  Exchange  to  examine 
said  bids  and  if  they  had  any  views  to  express  thereon  to  pre- 
sent same. 

Shortly  afterward  Messrs.  Stafford  and  Martin  of  the  Ex- 
change and  the  attorney  for  the  Exchange,  Mr.  Edward  Everett, 
called  at  my  office  and  requested  me  not  to  award  any  bids  until 
the  whole  matter  of  the  controversy  could  be  examined  by  a 
committee  to  be  appointed  by  myself.  I  thereupon  sent  for  Dr. 
0.  E.  Dyson,  State  Veterinarian,  representing  the  Commissioners, 
and,  after  a  long  and  painstaking  discussion,  it  was  suggested  by 
Mr.  Everett  and  agreed  to  by  the  representatives  of  the  Ex- 
change and  Dr.  Dyson,  representing  the  Commissioners,  that  I 
should  select  a  disinterested  referee  or  umpire  and  that  such  dis- 
interested referee  or  umpire  should  be  an  expert  in  the  methods 
of  slaughtering  cattle  and  that  he  and  Mr.  Garrett,  Assistant 


DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,  GOVERNOB  695 

Attorney  General,  and  Mr.  Everett  should  act  as  a  committee  to 
go  to  Chicago,  visit  the  slaughtering  houses,  thoroughly  investi- 
gate the  methods  pursued  in  the  past,  and  advise  me  as  to  the 
course  to  be  pursued  in  the  future. 

I  thereupon,  in  the  presence  of  these  same  gentlemen,  sug- 
gested to  them  that  such  referee  should  be  selected  by  one  of  the 
large  packing  companies  in  the  City  of  Chicago,  as  I  myself  was 
not  acquainted  with  anyone  who  was  an  expert  in  the  methods  of 
slaughtering  cattle.  I  suggested  the  firm  of  Cudahy  &  Co.  as 
being  a  firm  who  could  probably  give  me  the  name  of  an  im- 
partial expert  in  that  line.  Mr.  Everett,  Mr.  Garrett,  the  repre- 
sentatives of  the  Exchange,  and  Dr.  Dyson,  representing  the  Com- 
missioners, all  agreed  to  this  suggestion,  whereupon,  in  their  pres- 
ence, I  dictated  and  afterwards  sent  a  letter  to  Cudahy  &  Co., 
requesting  them  to  give  me  the  name  of  an  impartial  and  skilled 
expert  along  these  lines. 

At  the  same  time  and  in  the  presence  of  these  gentlemen,  I 
dictated  the  following  memorandum,  dated  January  7,  1915,  and 
they  all  expressed  themselves  in  entire  accord  therewith: 

"At  a  conference  between  the  Governor,  Dr.  0.  E.  Dyson, 
State  Veterinarian,  Messrs.  Stafford,  Martin  and  Everett,  mem- 
bers of  the  Chicago  Live  Stock  Exchange,  and  Mr.  Garrett  of  the 
Attorney  General's  office,  it  was  agreed,  informally,  that  a  special 
commissioner  should  be  selected  by  the  Governor  to  sit  in  con- 
ference with  representatives  of  the  State  and  the  Chicago  Live- 
stock Exchange,  to  pass  upon  the  character  of  the  specifications 
that  should  be  agreed  upon  in  any  contract  let  for  the  slaughter 
of  lumpy  jawed  cattle,  and  all  cattle  held  by  the  order  of  the 
State  for  slaughtering  in  the  Union  Stock  Yards,  Chicago,  and 
advise  the  Governor  and  the  Live  Stock  Commissioners  of  the 
State  in  relation  thereto. 

"Also  to  advise  them  in  reference  to  the  method  of  securing 
to  the  owners  of  diseased  cattle  just  and  proper  returns  for  the 
carcasses  and  offal  after  slaughter. 

"It  was  further  informally  agreed,  pending  this  hearing,  that 
the  slaughtering  of  diseased  cattle  should  be  carried  on  at  the 
Western  Packing  Co.,  under  a  temporary  arrangement  now  exist- 
ing between  the  Live  Stock  Commissioners  and  the  said  packing 
company,  and  that  the  moneys  now  in  the  hands  of  the  Live  Stock 
Commissioners  of  the  State  of  Illinois,  as  the  proceeds  of  car- 
casses and  offal  of  cattle  that  have  been  killed  during  the  last 
two  or  three  weeks,  should  be  paid  over  to  the  Chicago  Live 
Stock  Exchange  upon  this  exchange  giving  a  receipt  in  which 
they  bind  themselves  to  pay  said  moneys  over  to  the  persons 


696  DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

legally  entitled  thereto,  under  the  laws  of  this  State,  and  to 
indemnify  the  Live  Stock  Commissioners  from  any  and  all  liability 
thereof,  and  that  until  a  final  report  is  made  and  a  slaughter 
house  selected,  that  the  proceeds  of  the  slaughtering  of  diseased 
cattle  in  the  Western  Packing  Co.  be  paid  over  to  the  Chicago 
Live  Stock  Exchange  upon  their  giving  like  receipts  therefor. 

''This  commission  so  composed  shall  have  che  absolute  right 
to  investigate  all  the  books  and  accounts  of  the  Chicago  Live 
Stock  Exchange  and  make  a  report  thereon;  it  being  the  spirit 
and  intention  of  the  Live  Stock  Commission  of  the  State,  the 
Chicago  Live  Stock  Exchange,  and  the  State  Veterinarian  to 
facilitate  the  handling  of  this  cattle  to  the  satisfaction  of  the 
public." 

On  January  8  the  Cudahy  Packing  Co.  notified  me  that  they 
would  select  the  expert  requested. 

On  January  9  the  Cudahy  Packing  Co.  notified  me  that  they 
had  selected  Mr.  "Wm.  Diesing  (a  gentleman  whom  I  have  never 
before  had  the  pleasure  of  meeting),  manager  of  their  beef  de- 
partment, to  serve  on  the  commission. 

On  January  16  Mr.  Diesing  accepted  the  appointment  and  so 
notified  both  the  Commissioners  and  the  Exchange. 

Thereafter  Mr.  Diesing,  Mr.  Garrett  and  Mr.  Everett  met  and 
conducted  their  investigations. 

On  February  15  Mr.  Diesing,  on  behalf  of  himself  and  Mr. 
Garrett,  presented  me  with  a  report  of  the  Board  of  Referees 
or  Examiners.  Accompanying  the  same  was  a  letter  from  Mr. 
Diesing  ia  which  he  states  "All  three  members  of  this  committee 
agreed  to  this  report  paragraph  by  paragraph  as  we  made  it  up, 
the  purpose  being  to  make  an  unanimous  report.  However,  after 
the  report  was  written  and  ready  for  signature,  the  representa- 
tive of  the  Chicago  Live  Stock  Exchange  refused  to  sign.  Mr. 
Garrett  and  the  writer  did  sign."  In  a  separate  written  report 
signed  by  Mr.  Everett,  he  (Everett)  states  "I  approve  of  the  form 
of  contract  submitted  by  the  majority  of  the  committee  in  their 
report,  and  of  the  suggestions  they  made  the-rein  for  the  future 
conduct  of  the  business."  He,  however,  in  another  part  of  his 
separate  report  recommends  that  the  selection  of  the  slaughter 
house  l>e  left  in  the  hands  of  the  Exchange. 

This  report,  signed  by  Mr.  Diesing  and  Mr.  Garrett,  declares : 
"We  interviewed  persons  who  have  been  identified  with  the  con- 
duct of  this  business  in  the  past  and  others  who  are  identified 
with  it  at  the  present  time. 

"We  examined  plants  where  the  slaughtering  had  been  done 
under  previous  contracts  and  is  being  done  now  under  present 
arrangements.  We  investigated  the  methods  of  conducting  this 


DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  697 

business  throughout;  we  examined  the  contracts  covering  same 
during  the  last  ten  years  and  ascertained  some  of  the  results 
secured  under  each  contract  by  an  examination  of  the  actual 
records." 

The  report  further  states: 

"That  as  a  result  of  our  investigation,  which  is  substan- 
tiated by  the  records  of  the  Chicago  Live  Stock  Exchange,  we 
believe  that  the  said  exchange,  through  its  supervising  committee, 
have  acted  in  good  faith  and  honestly  and  have  returned  to  the 
commission  firms  for  the  account  of  the  owners  of  the  animals 
slaughtered  full  proceeds  received  by  the  exchange  for  the  prod- 
ucts from  the  animals,  less  incidental  charges,  which  we  find  are 
reasonable  and  usual. 

''But,  however,  there  seems  to  have  been  a  shortage  in  the 
returns  made  by  the  various  slaughterers  to  the  Live  Stock 
Exchange.  The  returns  were  not  in  accord  with  the  terms  of  the 
contracts  in  force.  There  appeared  to  be  a  shortage  in  certain 
items  of  offal.  The  supervision  of  the  work  done  and  the  hand- 
ling of  the  business  by  the  Live  Stock  Exchange  under  the  differ- 
ent contracts  in  force  from  time  to  time  appears  to  have  been 
insufficient  to  get  full  returns  from  the  slaughterer  under  his 
contract. 

"Statements  made  that  the  slaughterers  retained  part  of  the 
product  from  the  slaughter  of  State  animals  and  to  which  they 
were  not  entitled  under  contract,  seem  to  be  substantiated  by 
figures  taken  from  the  records  on  file  in  the  Live  Stock  Exchange 
office." 

The  report  further  states:  "From  1905  to  the  date  of  this 
report  three  contracts  with  the  Chicago  Live  Stock  Exchange 
and  one  with  the  State  Board  of  Live  Stock  Commissioners  have 
been  in  force  pertaining  to  the  slaughter  of  State  retained 
animals,  as  follows: 

"No.  1.  Standard  Slaughtering  Co.— From  July  1,  1905, 
to  March  17,  1914. 

"No.  2.  Chicago  Packing  Co.— From  March  17,  1914,  to 
July  7,  1914. 

"No.  3.  Bismarck  Packing  Co. — From  July  7,  1914,  to  Decem- 
ber 24,  1914. 

"No.  4.  "Western  Packing  Co. — From  December  24,  1914,  to 
date. 

"The  first  three  were  under  the  supervision  of  the  Chicago 
Live  Stock  Exchange  and  the  fourth  under  the  supervision  of  the 
State  Board  of  Live  Stock  Commissioners." 

In  demonstration  of  the  results  secured  under  operation  of 
these  various  contracts,  the  committee  had  drawn  from  the  rec- 


698  DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

ords  and  submitted  to  it,  with,  the  original  records  for  verifica- 
tion, figures  covering  cattle  killed  and  handled  under  these  four 
forms  of  contracts  for  the  following  periods : 

"I.  Five  weeks  about  October,  1913 — With  Standard 
Slaughtering  Co. 

"2.  Five  weeks  about  October,  1914 — With  Bismarck  Pack- 
ing Co. 

"  3.  Five  weeks  about  January,  1914 — With  Standard 
Slaughtering  Co. 

"4.  Five  weeks  during  April  and  May,  1914 — With  Chicago 
Packing  Co. 

"We  also  secured  from  the  office  of  the  State  Board  of  Live 
Stock  Commissioners,  now  in  control  of  the  slaughtering  work, 
figures  demonstrating  the  four  week  period  ending  January  15, 
1915,  under  an  arrangement  in  force  during  that  period  with  the 
Western  Packing  Co.  These  figures  can  readily  be  verified.  We 
consider  them  substantially  correct.  A  detailed  analysis  of  these 
figures  is  hereto  attached,  made  a  part  of  this  report,  and  marked 
'Exhibit  5.' 

"Among  the  important  points  developed  by  the  analysis  of 
these  figures  are  the  following : 

HIDES. 

"From  animals  passed  for  food. 

"All  contracts  specified  green  weight  of  hide  to  be  returned 
by  slaughterer. 

"The  class  of  cattle  covered  by  these  demonstrations,  as  in- 
dicated by  average  live  weight,  should  yield  conservatively  6.75 
per  cent  green  weight. 

"The  Western  is  the  only  one  in  the  figures  approximating 
this  yield. 

"The  others  indicated  a  shortage  of  about  seven  pounds  to 
the  hide,  worth  about  $1.00  per  head  to  the  owner." 

The  report  of  the  committee  further  states:  "That  the  yield 
of  offal,  including  butter  fat  in  the  Standard  is  short  on  this 
item  24.2  cents  in  one  demonstration  and  25.6  cents  under  the 
other  demonstration,  for  every  100  pounds  of  live  animals  handled 
which  were  passed  for  food.  .  Under  this  contract  all  parts  were 
to  be  returned  by  the  slaughterer,"  and  that  the  "demonstrations 
show  a  shortage  of  offal  under  the  terms  of  the  contract  as 
follows : 

Per  cwt., 
live  weight.     Per  head 

"  Standard— 1913  34.1  $315 

' '  Bismarck— 1 914 _ :..         22.5  1.95 

"Chicago— 1914  12.i/2  1-28 

"Western— 1915  ... 


DUNNE JUDGE,  MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  699 

The  report  further  states :  ' '  That  the  Standard,  which,  under 
the  terms  of  its  contract,  was  to  return  all  parts  of  passed  and 
condemned  animals  and  retain  nothing,  yielded  the  poorest  re- 
turns to  the  owner  in  this  demonstration  under  this  heading,  and 
that  the  returns  from  the  Standard  Slaughtering  Co.  under  its 
contract  were  entirely  insufficient." 

The  report  recommends  on  the  subject  of  contracting  for  the 
slaughter:  "That  such  contract  be  made  with  the  slaughterer 
who  will  make  the  best  terms,  on  a  competitive  basis.  The  bids, 
for  the  purpose  of  securing  this  business  under  contract,  should 
be  considered  from  all  firms  that  can  qualify,  by  showing  suf- 
ficient facilities  to  do  the  work  as  required,  and  whose  plant  is 
under  full  United  States  Government  inspection,  and  who  can 
meet  the  requirements  of  the  contract  as  to  bond  for  the  faithful 
performance  of  the  same,  and  give  satisfactory  assurance  of  finan- 
cial responsibility." 

The  report  further  recommends:  "That  persons  of  expe- 
rience be  employed  to  observe  the  killing  and  dressing,  and  the 
sale  and  delivery  of  products,  for  the  purpose  of  determining 
whether  or  not  the  slaughterer  is  strictly  complying  with  the 
terms  of  the  contract." 

The  report  further  recommends:  "That  in  addition  to  the 
present  method  of  keeping  accounts  of  all  cattle  covered  by  State 
inspection,  there  be  added  to  the  present  method  of  acounting 
a  system  of  keeping  figures  of  each  week's  killing,  so  that  there 
may  be  established  a  standard  basis  for  returns.  This  record 
should  show  the  percentage  of  live  weight  yielded  in  dressed 
beef,  hides  and  butter  fat  separately  for  each  week,  as  illus- 
trated by  the  figures  shown  in  other  parts  of  this  report.  This 
system  will  establish  a  standard  yield  for  each  item,  which  will  be 
useful  for  comparative  purposes  in  determining  whether  or  not 
full  returns  are  received  from  each  week's  killing  on  each  item. 
From  this  standard  the  results  obtained  from  the  slaughter  undor 
the  contract  may  be  checked  against  the  established  percentages. 
This,  used  in  connection  with  the  inspection  in  the  slaughtering 
house,  should  insure  a  full  return  from  the  products  of  the 
animals." 

The  committee  further  reported:  "That  it  could  not  agree 
as  to  who  should  let  the  contract,"  but  recommends,  "Whether 
the  State  Board  of  Live  Stock  Commissioners  controls  the  letting 
of  contracts  or  the  Chicago  Live  Stock  Exchange,  the  party  not 
letting  the  contract  should  have  the  right  to  insist  upon  the 
slaughterer  strictly  complying  with  the  terms  of  the  contract,  and 
should  also  have  the  right  to  investigate  and  inspect  the  detec- 
tion, detention,  inspection,  slaughter  and  disposition  of  the  prod- 


700  DUNNE — JUDGE,  MAYOR,  GOVERNOR 

ucts  of  animals  slaughtered,  and  should  have  access  to  all  of  the 
transactions  and  to  all  books  and  records  pertaining  thereto." 

The  committee  further  reports  a  form  of  contract  and  specifi- 
cations for  slaughtering. 

From  the  foregoing  report  it  would  appear  that  the  Live 
Stock  Exchange  has  had  the  contract  of  the  letting  of  the  con- 
tracts for  many  years  last  past,  and  that  up  to  March  17,  1914, 
it  had  been  letting  these  contracts  to  the  Standard  Slaughtering 
Co.,  year  after  year  without  interruption. 

I  have  been  presented  with  a  certified  copy  of  the  records  in 
the  Criminal  Court  in  Cook  County,  showing  that  at  the  January 
term,  1902,  one  Frederick  Hess,  who,  I  am  informed,  was  at  that 
time  in  the  employ  of  the  Standard  Slaughtering  Co.,  was  indicted 
for  keeping  for  sale  a  large  amount  of  diseased  animals,  to-wit, 
steers,  the  flesh  of  which  was  then  and  there  corrupt  and  un- 
wholesome, and  that  said  Hess  was  found  guilty  in  the  Criminal 
Court  under  said  indictment  and  fined  therefor. 

I  am  also  informed  that  at  that  time  the  Standard  Packing 
Co.  was  slaughtering  cattle  for  the  Exchange  and  that  the  said 
company  has  continued  from  the  time  of  the  date  of  this  con- 
viction down  to  March  17,  1914,  to  slaughter  these  suspected 
cattle  for  the  Live  Stock  Exchange. 

In  view  of  this  indictment,  and  in  view  of  the  report  of  the 
committee  as  to  the  shortage  in  hides  of  $1.00  per  animal,  and  of 
the  shortages  in  return  of  offal,  butter  fat,  etc.,  amounting  to 
$3.15  per  head,  and  in  view  of  the  fact  that  the  committee  fur- 
ther reports :  ' '  The  Standard,  which  under  the  terms  of  its  con- 
tract, was  to  return  all  parts  of  passed  and  condemned  animals 
and  retain  nothing,  yielded  the  poorest  returns  to  the  owner  in 
this  demonstration,"  and  that  ''The  returns  from  the  Standard 
Slaughtering  Co.  under  its  contract  were  entirely  insufficient." 
I  cannot  understand  how  the  Exchange  could  have  continued  to 
do  business  with  this  company  during  all  these  years  and  still 
claim  that  it  was  vigilant  of  the  rights  of  the  owners  of  the 
slaughtered  cattle. 

As  there  was  a  shortage  of  $1.00  per  animal  per  hide  and 
$3.15  per  head  on  account  of 'this  insufficient  return  of  offal,  etc., 
while  the  Standard  Packing  Company  was  doing  this  slaughtering, 
it  must  in  the  aggregate,  have  amounted  to  an  enormous  sum  of 
money  between  the  years  1902  and  1914.  I  am  informed  that  on 
an  average  the  number  of  cattle  slaughtered  each  week  is  250, 
and  if  this  be  true,  the  shortage  of  $4.15  per  head  would  amount 
to  the  enormous  sum  of  $54,000  annually. 

I  am  satisfied  from  the  report  that  the  Exchange  has  ac- 
counted for  all  moneys  received  by  it  from  the  slaughtering  com- 


DUNNE — JUDGE,  MAYOR,  GOVERNOR  701 

pany,  less  reasonable  and  proper  deductions  for  handling  these 
moneys,  but  I  am  also  clearly  of  the  opinion  that  the  Live  Stock 
Exchange  did  not  exercise  that  vigilance  and  care  in  inspecting, 
slaughtering,  and  securing  the  full  returns  from  the  slaughtered 
animals  that  it  should  have  exercised,  and  that  great  losses  have 
resulted  therefrom  to  the  owners  of  lumpy  jaw  cattle  who  have 
consigned  the  same  for  sale  in  the  Union  Stock  Yards. 

In  my  judgment,  the  recommendations  of  the  committee, ' '  That 
a  contract  be  made  with  the  slaughterer  who  will  make  the  best 
terms,  on  a  competitive  basis ;  the  bids,  for  the  purpose  of  securing 
this  business  under  contract  should  be  considered  from  all  firms 
that  can  qualify  by  showing  sufficient  facilities  to  do  the  work  as 
required  and  whose  plant  is  under  full  United  States  Government 
inspection,  and  who  can  meet  the  requirements  of  the  contract,  as 
to  bond  for  the  faithful  performance  of  the  same,  and  give  satis- 
factory assurance  of  financial  responsibility, ' '  should  be  carried  out. 

I  am  further  clearly  of  the  opinion,  in  view  of  the  statements 
made  in  this  report  that  the  Live  Stock  Commission  of  this  State 
must  take  the  responsibility  of  letting  the  contracts  for  the  slaugh- 
tering of  such  animals  under  the  terms  and  conditions  recommended 
in  the  report  signed  by  Mr.  Diesing  and  Mr.  Garrett,  giving  the 
right  at  all  times  to  the  Live  Stock  Exchange  to  be  heard  at  the 
opening  of  the  bids  as  to  any  objections  that  they  may  have  to  urge 
against  the  bidders,  the  Commissioners  to  finally  let  the  contract, 
with  the  approval  of  the  Governor. 

I  am  further  of  the  opinion  that  the  Live  Stock  Exchange 
should  be  permitted  at  all  times  to  inspect  the  slaughter  house  and 
the  methods  of  slaughtering  and  disposition  of  the  carcasses  and 
offal,  and  that  the  proceeds  of  these  carcasses  and  offal  should  be 
turned  over  to  the  Live  Stock  Exchange  for  distribution  to  the 
owners  or  persons  lawfully  entitled  thereto. 

I  am  further  of  the  opinion  that  the  practice  of  selling  options 
upon  condemned  cattle  before  slaughter  should  be  discountenanced 
and  discouraged,  as  I  believe  the  practice  has  been  used  to  the  great 
financial  loss  of  the  owners  of  the  cattle,  who  are  frequently  fright- 
ened into  the  disposal  of  their  cattle  when  they  are  tagged  as 
suspects. 

Mr.  Everett  in  his  separate  report  declares :  ' '  That  more  than 
ninety  per  cent  of  the  lumpy  jaw  pattle  are  passed  as  fit  for  food 
on  post  mortem  examination."  If  this  be  true,  the  owner  of  the 
suspected  animal  has  nine  chances  out  of  ten  of  being  able  to  sell 
the  carcass  of  the  suspected  animal  for  food  fit  for  human  consump- 
tion, and  he  should  not  be  frightened  into  selling  the  suspected 
animal  because  it  has  been  tagged. 


702  DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 


THE  ABOLITION  OF  CAPITAL 
PUNISHMENT. 

MESSAGE  TO  THE  FORTY-NINTH  GENERAL  ASSEMBLY,  MARCH  10,  1915. 

Gentlemen  of  the  Forty-ninth  General  Assembly: 

I  respectfully  recommend  the  passage  of  a  law  abolishing 
capital  punishment  in  the  State  of  Illinois. 

The  strongest,  if  not  the  sole  logical  argument  in  favor  of  its 
retention  is  that  it  acts  as  a  deterrent  upon  the  criminal  and  is 
therefore  a  protection  to  society  against  the  commission  of  murder. 
If  it  proved  to  be  such  a  deterrent,  I  would  not  urge  its  abolition. 
Experience  in  the  United  States  does  not  sustain  the  contention. 
Capital  punishment  by  law  has  been  placed  upon  and  has  remained 
upon  the  statute  books  of  nearly  all  of  the  states  of  this  Nation 
since  the  inception  of  their  governments.  Up  to  the  year  1913, 
only  six  states  of  the  United  States  had  abolished  the  death  penalty. 
In  1913,  the  state  of  Washington  abolished  capital  punishment. 

United  States  statistics  of  1910  show  that  five  of  these  states 
rank  among  the  twenty  states  having  the  lowest  per  capita  of  homi- 
cides, all  of  these  five  states  having  a  percentage  of  less  than  .08  in 
each  10,000  inhabitants.  The  other  noncapital  punishment  state, 
Kansas,  has  the  same  percentage  of  homicides,  1.01  in  10,000,  as 
have  the  states  of  Illinois  and  Maryland,  in  both  of  which  capital 
punishment  has  been  enforced. 

The  twenty-one  states  of  the  Union  having  the  highest  per- 
centage of  homicides,  all  of  which  have  a  greater  percentage  per 
capita  than  Illinois,  Kansas  and  Maryland,  have  capital  punish- 
ment in  their  criminal  codes,  and  such  punishment  has  been  duly 
enforced. 

From  the  foregoing  statement  of  statistics,  it  will  be  seen  that 
the  states  having  a  capital  punishment  law,  rank  as  a  rule  among 
the  states  having  the  greatest  percentage  of  homicides,  while  those 
which  have  abolished  capital  punishment  as  a  rule  rank  among 
those  which  have  the  lowest  percentage  of  homicides. 

Such  condign  and  repulsive  punishment  has  therefore  failed  to 
have  a  more  deterrent  effect  than  imprisonment,  in  the  United 
States. 

Why,  then,  should  capital  punishment  be  longer  retained  in 
Illinois  ? 


DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  703 

In  this  State  of  ours,  651  homicides  were  committed  in  1910, 
after  nearly  a  century's  enforcement  of  this  law,  while  in  our 
neighboring  state  of  Wisconsin,  where  capital  punishment  has  been 
abolished,  the  percentage  of  homicides  has  not  been  much  over  50 
per  cent  per  capita  of  those  committed  in  Illinois. 

The  cold-blooded  enforcement  of  this  awful  penalty  under  the 
forms  of  law  is  brutal  and  abhorrent  and  wrenches  the  decent  sensi- 
bilities of  every  public  official  who,  by  any  act  or  omission,  is  re- 
quired by  law  to  participate  in  its  enforcement,  including  the  jury- 
men who  impose  the  penalty,  the  judge  who  sentences,  the  Governor 
who  refrains  from  pardoning,  the  sheriff  who  superintends  the  hang- 
ing and  the  miserable  unknown  human  tool  who  cuts  the  rope. 

Taking  human  life  is  only  justifiable  in  self-defence.  Under 
the  pretence  of  self-defence,  the  People  of  the  State  of  Illinois  have 
been  for  years-  taking  human  life  under  the  forms  of  law.  As  a 
defence  of  society  against  murder,  judicial  taking  of  human  life 
has  proved  a  failure.  It  has  proved  to  be  no  defence. 

Imprisonment  is  equally  effective,  with  less  opportunity  of 
irrevocable  mistake,  ' '  Thou  shalt  not  kill ' '  is  the  law  of  Christianity 
and  should  be  the  law  of  twentieth  century  humanity. 

Let  us,  then,  in  the  name  of  humanity,  replace  the  punishment 
of  death  with  the  punishment  of  imprisonment,  following  the  prece- 
dent of  more  humane  communities  that  have  not  suffered  thereby. 

Let  us  put  to  death,  not  the  wretched  convict,  but  the  law 
which  has  heretofore  taken  his  life  without  real  advantage  to  society 
or  the  State. 

Respectfully  submitted, 

E.  F.  DUNNE,  Governor. 


704  DUNNE JUDGE,  MAYOR,  GOVERNOR 


THE  IRISH-AMERICAN  CITIZEN. 

ADDRESS  OP  GOVERNOR  EDWARD  F.  DUNNE  OF  ILLINOIS  ON  SAINT 
PATRICK'S  DAY,  CINCINNATI,  OHIO,  MARCH  17,  1915. 

Mr.  Toastmaster,  Ladies  and  Gentlemen: 

At  the  present  time,  more  than  ever  in  the  history  of  this  Na- 
tion, should  the  citizen  of  Irish  birth  or  lineage  be  careful  to  place 
his  loyalty  to  the  United  States  above  his  sympathies  with  any  of  the 
European  countries,  now  unfortunately  embroiled  in  war. 

It  is  now  the  supreme  duty  of  the  American  statesmen  in  Wash- 
ington to  preserve  the  strictest  and  most  impartial  neutrality 
between  the  warring  nations  and  keep  this  country  from  being 
embroiled  in  the  awful  conflict  now  raging  in  Europe.  Day  by  day 
the  belligerents  in  the  blind  fury  of  the  struggle  are  trampling 
upon  the  rights  of  neutrals  and  making  it  almost  impossible  to  keep 
our  country  from  entanglement. 

In  this  critical  situation  it  is  the  duty  of  every  citizen  of  this 
country,  no  matter  what  his  birth  or  lineage,  to  uphold  the  hands 
of  our  President  and  Secretary  of  State  in  their  efforts  to  preserve 
the  peace  between  America  and  the  warring  nations  of  Europe  and 
in  the  laudable  efforts  they  have  been  making  to  bring  about  media- 
tion between  the  belligerents.  Never  in  recent  history  was  there 
greater  need  in  this  country  of  moderation,  tact,  and  statesman- 
like diplomacy  by  American  statesmen,  and  of  loyalty  and  patriot- 
ism by  all  American  citizens. 

To  allow  this  Nation  to  become  engulfed  in  the  European  cata- 
clysm would  be  a  stupendous  political  blunder,  if  not  a  political 
crime,  which  the  patriotic  President  and  Secretary  of  State  will  not 
commit.  Let  not  then  American  citizens  of  any  race,  no  matter 
how  they  may  inwardly  sympathize  with  one  or  more  of  the  bel- 
ligerents, embarrass  our  public  officials  at  this  critical  time  by  the 
public  expression  of  such  sympathies  or  by  participating  in  meet- 
ings or  organized  efforts  to  give  contraband  assistance  to  any  of 
the  belligerents. 

This  great,  generous,  liberty-loving  and  peace-preserving  Na- 
tion has  opened  wide  its  doors  to  all  the  races  of  Europe,  and 
placed  the  children  of  these  races  upon  a  political  equality  with 
her  own.  Hundreds  of  thousands,  aye,  even  millions  of  the  children 


DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  705 

of  all  these  warring  countries  are  within  our  gates,  enjoying  the 
rights  of  native-born  Americans  under  the  pledge  made  in  their 
oaths  of  naturalization  that  they  would  forever  forswear  allegiance 
to  the  land  of  their  birth  and  this  oath  they  should  and  will  keep 
both  in  letter  and  spirit. 

Hands  off  for  Europe,  hands  up  for  America,  should  be  our 
watchword.  Neutral  nations  in  Europe  now  stand  armed  cap-a-pie 
not  knowing  what  moment  they  may  be  engulfed  in  the  maelstrom. 

Separated  from  them  by  three  thousand  miles  of  ocean  this 
favored  land  of  ours,  under  the  guidance  of  such  devoted  apostles 
of  peace  as  President  Wilson  and  Secretary  of  State  Bryan,  will 
not  become  involved  if  they  are  not  embarrassed  by  the  acts  of  mis- 
guided sympathizers  with  the  belligerents,  who  are  citizens  or  resi- 
dents of  this  Kepublic. 

Let  us  then  in  this  crisis  suppress  our  racial  sympathies,  place 
American  patriotism  and  love  of  country  above  all  other  considera- 
tions, and  confine  our  energies  during  this  European  war  to  work- 
ing and  praying  for  a  speedy  cessation  of  this  awful  conflict  and 
the  restoration  of  peace  among  the  harrassed  and  war-smitten 
nations  of  Europe. 

Let  us  pledge  to  our  country  in  the  words  of  Oliver  Wendell 
Holmes : 

"One  flag,  one  land,  one  heart,  one  hand, 
One  Nation,  evermore." 

To  thee,  America,  is  our  first  and  last  allegiance. 

"Our  hearts,  our  hopes  are  all  with  thee. 
Our  hearts,  our  hopes,  our  prayers,  our  tears, 
Our  faith  triumphant  o'er  our  fears, 
Are  all  with  thee,  are  all  with  thee." 


706  DUNNE — JUDGE,  MAYOR,  GOVERNOR 


ON  THE  MANAGEMENT  OF  THE  BIO- 
LOGICAL LABORATORY. 

STATEMENT  TO  THE  PUBLIC,  APRIL  9,  1915. 

In  the  matter  of  the  management  of  the  State  Biological 
Laboratory  in  connection  with  the  operating  methods  and  the 
free  distribution  of  anti-hog-cholera  serum  to  farmers  within 
the  State,  I  have  upon  investigation  arrived  at  the  following 
conclusions : 

First.  That  the  present  method  of  free  distribution  of  anti- 
hog-cholera  serum  is  highly  unsatisfactory  and  should  be  dis- 
continued. 

Second.  That  the  State  Biological  Laboratory  should  be  placed 
upon  a  self-sustaining  basis.  This  could  easily  be  done  by  the 
expenditure  of  $25,000  for  additional  buildings  and  equipment 
which  would  enable  the  director  of  the  laboratory  to  turn  out 
five  times  more  serum  per  annum  than  has  heretofore  been 
possible. 

Third.  By  appropriating  not  less  than  50,000  to  be  used  as  a 
permanent  operating  fund  for  the  production  of  serum  to  be  sold 
directly  to  farmers  or  farmers'  clubs  at  approximately  the  cost 
of  production,  with  a  slight  additional  charge  to  cover  deprecia- 
tion and  upkeep  of  the  plant,  satisfactory  results  could  be  ob- 
tained and  much  needed  service  rendered  to  swine  breeders  with- 
in the  State,  practically  without  expense  to  the  State.  Under 
present  conditions  the  State  has  annually  appropriated  from 
$30,000  to  $40,000  for  the  benefit  of  a  comparative  few  who  have 
been  supplied  with  serum  gratis  at  the  expense  of  the  State. 

Fourth.  Under  the  proposed  plan  of  operation  the  laboratory 
can  be  made  self-supporting  and  at  the  same  time  render  a  useful 
and  satisfactory  service  to  a  large  per  cent  of  swine  breeders 
throughout  the  State.  In  the  event  that  the  General  Assembly 
sees  fit  to  effect  the  proposed  change,  farmers'  clubs  should  be 
organized  for  the  purpose  of  combating  the  ravages  of  hog 
cholera.  Serum  should  be  purchased  in  advance  of  inevitable  out- 
breaks and  placed  in  cold  storage  in  their  respective  localities, 
in  order  that  it  may  become  available  for  use  immediately  when 
cholera  is  first  discovered  in  a  herd.  By  this  means  I  am  au- 


DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  707 

thoritatively  advised  that  losses  resulting  from  hog  cholera,  even 
in  infected  herds,  can  be  reduced  fully  fifty  per  cent,  and  inas- 
much as  the  annual  losses  resulting  from  hog  cholera  within  the 
State  are  conservatively  estimated  at  approximately  $3,000,000, 
every  possible  effort  should  be  made  to  utilize  to  the  utmost, 
modern  means  of  preventing  such  losses  through  the  early  treat- 
ment of  infected  herds  with  serum  and  by  the  adoption  of  sani- 
tary means  of  preventing  the  spread  of  the  contagion  of  hog 
cholera  broadcast  through  the  State. 

I  am  satisfied  that  the  proposed  plan  of  operation  would 
receive  the  full  approval  of  the  agricultural  press  and  practically 
all  who  are  personally  interested  in  the  suppression  of  hog  cholera 
in  Illinois. 

In  substantiation  of  the  foregoing  remarks  and  for  the  pur- 
pose of  proving  untrue  charges  that  the  cost  of  producing  serum 
during  the  past  year  was  greatly  in  excess  of  that  of  the  preced- 
ing period,  the  following  comparative  itemized  statements,  com- 
piled and  presented  to  me  by  Dr.  0.  E.  Dyson,  State  Veterinarian, 
should  be  carefully  noted : 

STATEMENT. 

» 

Serum  produced  at  the  Biological  Laboratory,  and  cost  of 
same,  March  15,  1914,  to  March  1,  1915. 

Serum  produced  during  year  ending  March  1,  1915 5,039,860  cc 

Expenditures  covering  purchase  of  hogs,  feed,  labor 

etc $     32,101.95 

Salary  Bacteriologist  and  Assistant 5,575.00 

Salary  Messenger  _ 745.00 


Total  cost  of  serum  production $      38,411.95 

Cash  reverting  to  State  Treasurer  from  sale  of  hog 

carcasses 9,642.79 


Total  cost  of  5,039,860  cc  serum $     28,769.16 

Cost  of  serum  per  cc _ 005.71 

Cost  of  serum  per  quart _ 5.71 

Note — During  the  above  period  the  plant  was  operated  for  the  pro- 
duction of  serum  for  nine  months  only,  while  overhead  charges  are  in- 
cluded for  the  period  of  eleven  and  one-half  months.  All  serum  produced 
was  tested  for  potency.  All  virus  used  was  produced  upon  the  premises. 


708  DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,  GOVERNOR 


CAPITAL  PUNISHMENT. 

ADDRESS  TO  FORTY-NINTH  GENERAL  ASSEMBLY,  APRIL  27,  1915. 

Gentlemen  of  the  House: 

I  appreciate  very  much  the  courtesy  that  you  have  extended 
to  me  in  inviting  me  to  be  present  and  express  my  views  upon  a 
subject  thajt  I  think  very  nearly  concerns  not  only  the  Governor  of 
this  State  but  every  citizen  in  the  State  of  Illinois,  and,  indeed,  I 
think  not  only  the  citizens  of  Illinois,  but  the  citizens  of  every  civil- 
ized country  on  the  face  of  the  globe. 

We  have  today  in  this  State,  and  in  most  of  the  states  of  the 
Union,  have  had  for  a  number  of  years  a  law  fixing  the  penalty  of 
death  for  certain  crimes  in  this  State. 

Some  years  ago,  when  I  was  judge  of  the  Circuit  Court  of  Cook 
County,  and  ex  officio  judge  of  the  Criminal  Court  of  Cook  County, 
I  became  a  convert  to  the  view  that  that  punishment  ought  not  to 
be  insisted  upon  in  any  civilized  community. 

While  sitting  on  the  bench  in  the  Criminal  Court  a  man  was 
tried  before  me  for  murder.  Prior  to  his  being  placed  on  trial 
before  me  as  a  judge  of  the  Criminal  Court,  this  same  man  had  been 
placed  upon  trial  in  the  same  court  before  another  judge  and  another 
jury,  and  after  a  trial  given  to  him  under  the  forms  of  law,  and  a 
fair  trial  so  far  as  I  could  see,  this  man  was  condemned  by  his 
fellow  men  sitting  upon  the  jury,  to  death,  and  sentenced  by  the 
judge  of  that  court  to  death,  and  were  it  not  for  the  fact  that  his 
friends  were  able  to  take  an  appeal  and  present  it,  with  the  record, 
to  the  Supreme  Court  of  this  State,  that  man  would  have  been 
executed,  and  any  mistakes  that  might  have  been  made  by  the  judge 
or  jury  could  never  have  been  rectified.  That  man,  subsequently 
was  placed  on  trial  before  another  jury  and  before  myself,  and  was 
acquitted  after  fair  trial,  and  I  believe,  after  a  careful  consideration 
of  that  report,  that  the  probabilities  were  very  strong  that  that  man 
was  absolutely  innocent.  I  refer  you  to  the  case  in  the  188  Illinois 
— Michael  J.  Synon  v.  State  of  Illinois,  opinion  filed  in  the  Supreme 
Court  February  20,  1901. 

The  case  was  reversed,  not  because  of  the  admission  of  evidence 
contrary  to  law;  not  because  of  the  exclusion  of  evidence  contrary 
to  the  law ;  not  because  of  faulty  instructions,  but  reversed  because 


DUNNE — JUDGE,  MAYOR,  GOVERNOR  709 

of  certain  statements  made  by  the  judge  on  the  bench  to  the  pris- 
oner while  the  prisoner  was  a  witness  upon  the  witness-stand.  That 
was  the  only  thing  that  prevented  his  execution;  and  a  fair  jury 
afterwards  acquitted  that  man,  and  I  believe  to  this  day  that  he 
was  innocent — Michael  J.  Synon.  That  is  my  personal  experience 
in  one  case. 

Last  year  in  this  State  a  young  man  named  Pf anschmidt,  was 
tried  for  the  murder  of  one  of  three  persons,  whom  it  was  claimed 
he  killed  for  the  purpose  of  getting  possession  of  their  property.  I 
believe  one  was  his  father,  one  was  his  mother  and  the  other  was 
his  sweetheart.  That  man  was  tried  under  the  forms  of  law  and  I 
believe  that  both  the  judge  and  jury  were  conscientious  in  giving 
him  that  trial.  He  was  found  guilty  by  a  jury  and  sentenced  by  a 
court  to  be  hung.  Fortunately  for  him  he  had  means  enough  to 
appeal  that  case  to  the  Supreme  Court.  The  court  reversed  the 
finding.  That  man  within  the  last  six  months,  I  believe  in  two 
trials,  has  been  acquitted  by  a  jury  of  his  fellow  men,  the  opinion 
of  these  jurors  being  that  this  man  was  innocent. 

This  illustrates  to  you  the  terrible  danger  that  society  runs  into 
in  convicting  men  and  sentencing  them  to  death. 

Cases  have  been  cited  by  English  judges  of  standing  and  integ- 
rity, of  known  cases  where  innocent  men  have  been  strangled  under 
the  form  of  law,  and  this,  in  my  judgment,  is  one  of  the  reasons  why 
capital  punishment  ought  to  be  abolished. 

The  advocates  of  capital  punishment  point  to  the  cases  of  the 
assassination  of  Abraham  Lincoln  and  of  James  A.  Garfield,  and 
say,  Would  you  abolish  capital  punishment  in  cases  like  that  ?  There 
may  be  some  room  for  argument  there.  I  believe  it  should  never  be 
inflicted.  But  even  in  those  cases,  my  friends,  it  was  more  than 
murder.  That  was  treason  against  the  State,  and  there  may  be 
some  possible  justification  for  taking  the  life  of  a  citizen  who  is  a 
traitor  to  his  country  and  attempting  to  subvert  the  law  of  man  by 
murdering  its  Executive. 

The  only  logical  argument  in  favor  of  the  retention  of  this 
awful  penalty  is  that  it  is  a  protection  to  society  and  acts  as  a 
deterrent  against  the  commission  of  murder.  If  that  were  true, 
there  might  be  some  fqrce  in  the  position  that  the  penalty  ought 
to  be  retained,  but  I  have  carefully  had  the  statistics  of  the  Federal 
Government,  which  are  known  to  be  reliable,  examined  within  the 
last  few  months  and  I  have  had  them  verified  from  different  sources 
and  know  that  they  are  correct,  and  here  is  the  result,  my  friends : 
Does  it  act  as  a  deterrent  ?  Statistics  care'f ully  preserved  show  that 
it  does  not. 


710  DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

The  21  states  of  the  Uni-ted  States  that  have  the  greatest  per- 
centage of  capital  punishment  have  laws  upon  the  statute  books 
that  have  been  rigidly  enforced  for  over  a  century  in  most  of  them, 
and  they  have  the  greatest  number  of  homicides  per  capita  in  those 
states  where  that  penalty  has  been  retained. 

On  the  contrary,  these  same  statistics  show  that  among  the  20 
states  having  the  lowest  percentage  of  capital  punishment  in  the 
United  States,  that  five  of  the  six  states  that  have  abolished  capital 
punishment  are  in  the  number  of  those  having  the  lowest  number 
of  homicides  per  capita,  and  that  the  one  state  where  they  have 
abolished  capital  punishment,  has  exactly  the  same  percentage  of 
homicides  per  capita  as  the  State  of  Illinois  that  has  had  that  pen- 
alty upon  its  statute  books  for  over  a  century.  Capital  punishment' 
was  enforced  .in  the  Territory  of  Illinois  before  she  became  a  state, 
and  has  been  on  the  statute  books  ever  since  Illinois  was  admitted 
to  the  Union,  in  1818  down  to  the  present  time. 

It  is  because  of  the  recognition  of  these  facts  by  civilized  com- 
munities throughout  the  world  that  legislation  is  gradually  tending 
towards  the  abolition  of  capital  punishment. 

There  was  a  time  in  the  history  of  England  when  160  offenses 
were  punishable  by  capital  punishment,  and  during  the  reign  of 
Henry  VIII,  72,000  people  lost  their  lives  judicially  as  the  result 
of  violation  of  the  law.  In  recent  times  the  tendency  has  been  away 
from  this  capital  punishment. 

Jijam  reading  from  a  pamphlet  issued  by  Brand  Whitlock,  a 
former  mayor  of  Toledo,  Ohio,  and  now  consul  for  the  United  States 
in  Belgium — a  man  whose  integrity,  whose  humanity  and  whose 
veracity  will  not  be  questioned  by  any  man  in  this  House : 

"Capital  punishment  was  abolished  in  Egypt  for  50  years  dur- 
ing the  reign  of  Sebacon;  in  Rome  for  250  years;  in  Tuscany  for 
more  than  25  years ;  in  Russia  for  20  years  of  the  reign  of  Elizabeth, 
and  substantially  during  the  reign  of  her  successor,  Catherine,  and 
has  been  abolished  at  the  present  time  in  Russia  for  everything  ex- 
cepting violation  of  the  military  code.  There  is  no  capital  punish- 
ment today  in  Russia  for  murder. 

' '  Again :  Under  Sir  James  Mackintosh  it  was  prohibited  in 
India  for  seven  years ;  the  state  of  Rhode  Island  has  done  without  it 
since  1852 ;  Michigan  since  1847 ;  Maine  since  1835 ;  Holland  since 
1860 ;  Saxony  since  1868  ;  Belgium  since  18^1 ;  it  has  been  abolished 
in  Italy,  Switzerland,  Sweden,  Norway,  Denmark,  Portugal  and 
elsewhere.  Its  abolition  has  not  produced  lynchings  in  those 
places. 

"Within  the  last  two  months  capital  punishment  has  been 
abolished  in  the  states  of  Tennessee  and  one  of  the  Dakotas.  It  is 
also  now  in  force  in  Washington,  having  been  adopted  in  the  last 
year  or  two." 


DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  711 

In  other  places  in  his  pamphlet  he  goes  on  to  say  that  those 
states  in  which  there  are  the  greatest  number  of  lynchings  in  the 
United  States,  are  the  states  that  have  retained  capital  punish- 
ment. 

Six  states  of  the  United  States,  up  to  the  present  year,  have 
abolished  the  capital  punishment.  Of  these  six  states,  five  of  them 
are  among  the  states  that  have  the  least  number  of  homicides. 
Minnesota  recently  abolished  capital  punishment.  Governor  Eber- 
hart,  on  February  llth  of  this  year — 1915 —  stated : 

"The  death  penalty  in  this  State  was  abolished  four  years 
ago,  with  the  result  that  there  has  been  no  increase  of  crime,  but 
on  the  other  hand,  there  has  been  an  increase  of  about  50  per  cent 
in  the  number  of  convictions." 

We  refer  to  lynchings  as  the  result  of  the  abolition  of  cap- 
ital punishment.  Let  me  read  from  statistics  compiled  by  another 
authority.  Legalized  murder  has  been  proven  wanting,  in  that 
it  is  an  incentive  to  more  violence.  Those  states  in  which  there 
are  the  greatest  number  of  legal  executions  are  the  states  which 
also  have  the  greatest  number  of  lynchings.  Thus,  Georgia,  in 
the  last  21  years,  has  had  216  hangings  and  314  lynchings ;  Texas, 
with  171  hangings,  also  had  235  cases  of  mob  violence. 

This  ratio  is  continued  in  the  North,  so  there  can  be  no  claim 
that  it  is  the  result  of  the  negro  danger. 

Colorado,  in  the  same  time,  has  had  16  judicial  hangings  and 
23  lynchings ;  Indiana  has  had  18  lynchings,  showing  a  direct 
connection  with  its  14  judicial  hangings.  On  the  other  hand, 
Michigan  has  not  had  a  single  legal  hanging  and  has  had  but  two 
cases  of  mob  murder.  "Wisconsin,  also,  without  any  legal  hang- 
ings, has  had  but  two  lynchings.  These  two  northern  states  both 
have  a  rough  population  in  their  mine  and  lumber  camps  and 
have  had  but  four  cases  of  lynching.  Ohio,  Indiana  and  Colorado, 
with  a  total  of  83  legal  hangings,  have  had  65  lynchings.  Cali- 
fornia and  Wisconsin  have  about  the  same  population  and  both 
have  a  peculiarly  agricultural  community.  California  uses  the 
noose;  Wisconsin  the  life  sentence.  In  the  year  1910,  as  well  as 
in  the  years  1908,  1909,  1911  and  1912,  there  were  six  times  as 
many  murders  in  California,  where  they  hang  people,  as  there 
were  in  Wisconsin,  where  they  imprison  them  for  life. 

These  statistics  show,  gentlemen,  that  the  abolishment  of 
capital  punishment  does  not  provoke  mob  violence. 

Let  me  read  a  little  further:  Let  us  go  back  to  our  closely 
related  states — Ohio,  Wisconsin  and  Michigan,  our  neighbor 
states.  Ohio  has  twice  as  many  murders  in  proportion  to  the 
population  as  these  other  states  without  the  death  penalty.  Ohio 


712  DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,  GOVERNOR 

in  the  last  12  years  has  aver.aged  one  murder  conviction  in  every 
56,000  people,  while  Wisconsin  only  one  to  every  127,000,  and 
Michigan  one  to  every  206,000. 

Gentlemen,  while  this  awful  penalty  has  been  on  the  statute 
books,  it  must  wrench  and  distort  the  sensibilities  of  every  jury- 
man who  is  called  to  sit  upon  a  capital  case,  and  every  judge  who 
sits  as  the  presiding  judicial  officer,  and  to  every  governor  to 
whom  appeals  are  made  for  commutation  of  the  sentences,  and  to 
every  sheriff  who  executes  the  penalty,  while  it  wrenches  the 
decent  sensibilities  of  that  unknown  human  tool  who  cuts  the 
rope.  While,  I  say,  that  sort  of  penalty  has  been  upon  the  statute 
books,  it  has  been  enforced  by  juries,  judges  and  Governors  of 
this  State,  and  yet  the  result  in  the  State  of  Illinois  is  that,  as' 
compared  with  Wisconsin,  just  across  the  line,  where  they  have 
abolished  capital  punishment,  we  have  nearly  twice  as  many  homi- 
cides or  murders  per  capita,  as  they  have  in  that  state.  This  fails 
to  prove  that  it  is  a  deterrent  and  that  is  the  only  logical  reason 
for  retaining  it  upon  the  statute  books. 

Because  of  the  fact  that  we  hav.e  this  law,  many  men  are 
acquitted  or  escape  being  found  guilty,  because  of  the  natural 
aversion  in  the  natural  human  being  to  the  taking  of  the  life  of  a 
fellow  man. 

It  is  because  of  these  facts  that  I  have  reached  the  conclusion 
that  it  has  ceased  to  be  a  deterrent  in  civilized  society,  and  that 
it  should  be  abolished,  and  in  reaching  this  conclusion,  I  am  glad 
to  say  that  I  do  not  find  myself  alone.  I  find  in  my  company  such 
men  as  Dr.  Hirsch,  Bishop  Samuel  Fallows — and  let  me  read  you 
a  list  of  a  few  of  the  men  in  the  present  day  and  in  the  past,  who 
have  advocated  the  abolition  of  this  awful  penalty.  Sir  Edward 
Coke,  Lord  Bacon,  John  Bright,  Sr.,  Samuel  Romilly,  the  Marquis 
Becarris  of  Milan,  Sir  William  Meredith,  Sir  James  Mclntosh, 
Basil  Montag,  Jeremy  Bentham,  Edward  Livingston,  Robert  Ran- 
toul,  Jr.,  Sir  Thomas  More,  Rev.  William  Turner,  Lord  Byron, 
the  Duke  of  Sussex,  Earl  Gray,  Dymond,  Chief  Justice  Denman, 
Thomas  Barret  Lennard,  M.  P.,  Joseph  Hume,  M.  P.,  Daniel 
O'Connell,  M.  P.,  J.  Sidney>  Taylor,  Lord  Brougham,  Lord  Gran- 
ville,  Lord  Hobart,  Earl  Russell,  Thomas  Jevons,  Pastoret,  La- 
fayette, Montaige,  Victor  Hugo,  Vattel,  Oscar  of  Sweden,  Benja- 
min Franklin,  William  Bradford,  John  Quincy  Adams,  Governor 
Edward  Everett,  Vice  President  Richard  M.  Johnson,  Elisha  Wil- 
liams, Vice  President  Dallis,  Father  Mathews,  Voltaire,  Bishop 
Matthew  B.  Sampson,  Robert  G.  Ingersoll,  Rev.  James  Murphy, 
Professor  T.  C.  Upham,  Governor  George  Clinton,  Governor  Sew- 
ard,  Cassius  M.  Clay,  Theodore  Parker,  Judge  Benjamin  F.  Porter, 


DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  713 

Charles  Sumner,  John  A.  Andrew,  Thomas  B.  Reed,  William  Dean 
Howells,  and  a  host  of  other  broad-minded  men,  humanitarians 
and  believers  in  the  preservation  of  society,  and  it  is  because  of 
these  objections  to  the  law  that  I  felt  it  my  duty,  as  I  have  done, 
to  advise  this  Legislature  to  abolish  that  dread  penalty  and 
replace  it  with  imprisonment. 

1  thank  you,  gentlemen,  for  the  opportunity  of  presenting  my 
views. 


714  DUNNE JUDGE,  MAYOR,  GOVERNOR 


ON  THE  SINKING  OF  THE  LUSITANIA. 

STATEMENT  TO  THE  PUBLIC,  MAY  8,  1915. 

In  the  matter  of  sinking  of  the  Lusitania,  1  am  of  the  opinion 
that  American  citizens  generally,  and  particularly  those  in  public 
office,  outside  of  the  office  of  the  Secretary  of  State,  should  not 
in  this  grave  crisis  forestall  or  embarrass  the  President  and  the 
Department  of  State  by  giving  utterance  to  their  personal  view? 
in  relation  to  this  grave  calamity. 

I  have  implicit  confidence  in  the  wisdom,  patriotism,  diplo- 
macy, and  tact  of  the  responsible  authorities  at  Washington,  and 
believe  that  the  action  that  will  finally  be  taken  in  Washington 
will  meet  with  the  approval  of  the  American  public  and  avert 
the  awful  calamity  of  war,  with  honor  and  credit,  to  the^  American 
Republic. 


DUNNE— JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  715 


THE  EFFECT  OF  THE  OPENING  OF  THE 
PANAMA  CANAL. 

STATEMENT  TO  THE  PUBLIC,  MAY  11,  1915. 

To  show  how  the  opening  of  the  Panama  Canal  has  disturbed 
manufacturing  and  producing  interests  of  the  State  of  Illinois, 
and  of  the  Mississippi  valley,  to  the  advantage  of  the  manufac- 
turers and  producers  on  the  eastern  seaboard,  Governor  Dunne 
today  called  attention  to  a  circular  issued  May  3,  1915,  by  the 
Upper  Mississippi  River  Improvement  Association,  calling  a  con- 
vention to  discuss  the  subject  on  June  9th,  at  Dubuque,  Iowa, 
vention  to  discuss  the  subject  on  June  9,  at  Dubuque,  Iowa. 

"Owing  to  the  disturbed  transportation  conditions  arising 
from  the  new  rates  via  the  Panama  Canal,  whereby  nearly  all 
benefits  of  the  canal  are  accruing  to  seaboard,  or  near  seaboard 
points,  to  the  detriment  of  interior  sections  of  the  country,  the 
dangers  menacing  its  commercial  and  manufacturing  interests 
thereby,  are  so  grave  as  to  demand  immediate  and  serious  con- 
sideration by  the  shipping  public  of  the  Mississippi  valley. 

"As  the  only  available  and  the  obvious  protection  against  these 
dangers  is  the  use  of  the  Mississippi  River  and  its  tributaries  for 
freight  transportation,  in  through  bills  of  lading,  without  break 
of  bulk,  we  feel  fully  justified  in  calling  a  conference  of  shippers 
to  consider  this  important  matter." 


716  DUNNE JUDGE,  MAYOR,  GOVERNOR 


U.  S.  DIPLOMATIC  COMMUNICATION 
TO  GERMANY. 

STATEMENT  TO  THE  PUBLIC,  MAY  14,  1915. 

The  diplomatic  communication  forwarded  by  Secretary  of 
State  Bryan  after  a  conference  with  President  Wilson  and  his 
cabinet  has  been  formulated  with  the  utmost  caution,  circum- 
spection and  deliberation.  Before  forwarding  this  official  docu- 
ment to  the  German  Empire,  the  President  and  his  cabinet  per- 
mitted sufficient  time  to  elapse  after  the  shock  occasioned  by  the 
destruction  of  so  many  American  noncombatant  lives  on  the 
Lusitania  to  let  reason,  law  and  justice  control  their  official 
deliberations. 

Now  the  Nation  has  spoken  through  its  President  and  Secre- 
tarjr  of  State,  and  the  patriotic  citizens  of  the  Republic  will  stand 
loyally  behind  the  President  and  his  advisers  and  continue  to  give 
their  loyal  support  to  the  President  to  the  end  of  the  chapter. 


DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  717 


ON  THE  OPPRESSION  OF  THE  POLES. 

ADDRESS  TO  CHICAGO  POLISH  SOCIETY,  MAY  20,  1915. 

Mr.  Chairman  and  Gentlemen: 

Most  of  the  great  nations  of  the  earth  have  had  their  tragedies 
as  well  as  their  triumphs. 

Borne,  once  ruler  of  the  world,  lived  to  see  the  day  when 
Attila  and  his  Huns  ravaged  her  temples  and  desecrated  her 
sanctuaries.  Carthage,  proud  mistress  of  the  Mediterranean, 
had  her  palaces  razed  and  her  peoples  destroyed  by  the  Roman 
legions.  France,  after  dictating  terms  of  submission  to  most  of 
the  nations  of  Europe,  was  compelled  to  sign  humiliating  terms  of 
surrender  in  her  own  capital. 

So  Poland  has  had  her  days  of  triumph  and  her  days  of 
disaster.  She  triumphed  at  Tannenberg  over  the  Teutonic  knights- 
and  again  at  Vienna  when  brave  John  Sobieski  saved  Europe 
and  western  civilization  from  destruction  at  the  hands  of  the 
Ottoman  horde.  But  she  has  also  had  her  days  of  tragedy  when 
the  glorious  kingdom  which  stretched  from  the  Baltic  almost  to 
the  Black  Sea,  and  from  the  Oder  to  the  Dnieper,  was  blotted  from 
the  face  of  the  earth  by  the  Austro-Prussian-Russian  coalition. 

Since  that  awful  tragedy,  when  over  twelve  million  of  the 
bravest  people  of  Europe  lost  their  right  of  nationhood,  the  story 
of  Poland  has  been  one  of  sorrow,  tribulation  and  disaster.  In 
nearly  every  war  that  has  convulsed  central  Europe,  the  com- 
batants have  made  the  soil  of  Poland  the  chosen  battlefield.  The 
tide  of  battle  has  surged  to  and  fro  across  her  ravaged  field  and 
plundered  cities.  She  has  become  the  Niobe  among  the  nations, 
helpless,  almost  hopeless,  in  her  sorrows,  but  commanding  the 
sympathy  of  the  world. 

We  are  here  today  not  to  right  her  political  wrongs,  not  to 
restore  her  independence,  not  to  place  her  again  among  the 
nations  of  the  earth,  but  to  sympathize  with  her  in  her  agony  and 
to  devise  means  to  relieve  the  terrible  distress  of  her  noncom- 
batant  women  and  children. 

Much  as  her  heroic  past  and  distressful  present  may  appeal 
to  our  sense  of  chivalry,  we  cannot  at  this  critical  time,  when 
most  of  the  civilized  nations  of  Europe  are  engaged  in  the  most 
widespread  and  disastrous  war  in  all  history,  do  aught  but  pre- 


718  DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

serve  the  strictest  neutrality  in  word  and  action.  We  must,  as 
loyal  sons  of  this  great  Republic,  remember  this  country  must  not 
by  any  act  or  speech  of  its  sons,  either  in  public  or  private  life, 
in  any  way  involve  this  Nation  in  the  war  madness  of  Europe. 

That  men  and  women  in  America,  of  German,  French,  British, 
Eussian,  Polish,  Belgian  and  Italian  blood  should  sympathize  with 
men  and  women  of  the  same  races  in  Europe  is  natural  and  in- 
evitable, but  the  impropriety  of  expressing  such  sympathies  at 
this  time  in  this  great  cosmopolitan  country,  is  manifest. 

No  matter  to  what  race  we  belong,  no  matter  whether  we  our- 
selves or  our  fathers  or  grandsires  came  from  one  of  these 
warring  countries,  we,  all  of  us,  are  and  must  now  and  hereafter, 
first,  last,  and  at  all  times  be  American  citizens.  We  owe  alle- 
giance to  but  one  country,  we  salute  but  one  flag,  we  uncover 
to  but  one  anthem*  and  we  must  live  and  die  but  for  one  land, 
the  land  we  love  and  live  in,  the  greatest  and  freest  republic  on 
the  face  of  the  earth,  America. 

This  land,  this  Nation,  must  be  kept  out  of  this  awful  conflict. 
In  the  mad  fury  of  the  conflict  the  warring  nations  of  Europe  are 
on  both  sides  trampling  upon  the  rights  of  neutrals  and  may— 
though  God  forbid — drag  us  into  the  maelstrom  of  war.  Let 
every  citizen  of  the  Republic,  then — native  and  foreign-born — 
be  circumspect  in  every  act  and  deed  during  the  continuance  of 
this  awful  conflict.  Deep  down  in  your  hearts  you  may  have  your 
racial  sympathies  burning  hot  and  constant,  but  as  loyal  Ameri- 
cans, bank  the  fires  within  you  and  by  neither  word  nor  act 
provoke  racial  discussion  or  controversy. 

As  there  was  but  one  God,  Jehovah,  in  the  Jewish  testament, 
let  there  be  but  one  Goddess  in  American  political  testament, 
Columbia. 

We  cannot  and  will  not  participate  in  any  way  in  the  politi- 
cal struggles  of  Europe  at  this  critical  time,  but  we  can  and  will 
sympathize  with  the  distressed  and  starving  women  and  children 
noncombatants  in  the  terrible  conflict  and  make  every  possible 
effort  to  give  them  succor  and  relief.  The  cry  of  the  women  and 
children  of  Poland  should  be,  heard  and  answered  throughout  the 
land.  Some  method  must  be  devised  of  getting  to  them  and 
saving  them  from  the  most  awful  of  deaths,  starvation. 

Poland  in  her  agony  calls  to  the  world  for  succor.  That  cry 
will  not  fall  on  deaf  ears  in  this  great  and  prosperous  land.  I 
sympathize  with  the  mothers,  wives  and  children  of  the  brave 
German,  French,  British,  Russian,  Italian,  Austrian,  Servian  and 
Belgian  soldiers  who  are  risking  and  giving  their  blood  and  lives 
in  their  countries'  cause,  but  above  all  I  sympathize  with  the 


DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  719 

starving  women  and  children  of  Poland,  because  I  believe  from 
all  I  hear,  that  their  pitiable  plight  is  the  most  terrible  of  all 
in  Europe. 

May  God  pity  and  relieve  these  helpless  people  in  their  ex- 
tremity and  may  the  charity  of  the  world  make  speedy  answer  to 
her  wail  of  anguish  and  despair. 


720  DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 


GRATIFIED  AT  VOTE  ON  THE  WATER- 
WAY BILL. 

STATEMENT  BY  GOVERNOR  TO  CHICAGO  TRIBUNE,  MAY  25,  1915. 

I  am  naturally  much  gratified  over  the  splendid  vote  that  the 
waterway  bill  received  in  the  lower  House  today.  I  am  particularly 
gratified  to  know  that  so  many  Republicans  placed  the  interest  of 
their  State  above  partisan  politics.  The  proposition  from  the  start 
was  a  pure,  clean  business  proposition  without  an  element  of  poli- 
tics in  it. 

Since  the  opening  of  the  Panama  Canal,  I,  in  common  with 
many  of  the  citizens  of  the  State  of  Illinois,  have  been  of  the  opinion 
that  unless  this  waterway  were  opened  the  opening  of  the  Panama 
Canal  would  prove  a  disaster  rather  than  a  benefit  to  the  State  of 
Illinois.  The  members  of  the  Legislature  acted  in  accordance  with 
their  honest  convictions,  and  I  believe  even  those  who  opposed  the 
bill  will  be  of  the  opinion  before  many  months  have  passed  that 
the  measure  just  passed  by  the  lower  House  is  for  the  best  interests 
of  the  State  of  Illinois. 

I  feel  grateful  to  all  who  have  supported  this  measure.  The 
business  interests  of  the  State  showed  splendid  vigor  and  intelli- 
gence in  favoring  its  passage.  In  the  great  number  of  persons  who 
have  given  valuable  assistance  to  the  passage  of  this  bill  it  would 
be  invidious  to  single  out  the  names  of  any  individuals. 


DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  721 


UPON  THE  PASSAGE  OF  THE  WATER- 
WAY BILL. 

STATEMENT  TO  THE  PUBLIC,  MAY  27,  1915. 

In  the  passage  of  the  waterway  bill  by  both  Houses  of  the  Legis- 
lature this  week,  the  State  of  Illinois  is  to  be  congratulated  upon 
the  fact  that  the  members  of  those  bodies,  irrespective  of  politics, 
put  the  interest  of  the  State  of  Illinois  ahead  of  political  considera- 
tions, and  looked  to  the  interest  of  the  State  rather  than  to  political 
advantage. 

A  navigable  waterway  from  the  Lakes  to  the  Gulf  has  been  the 
prophecy  and  recommendation  of  the  statesmen  of  Illinois  since 
before  its  admission  to  the  Union  of  States.  That  prophecy  and 
recommendation  has  finally  blossomed  into  a  reality  in  so  far  as  the 
Legislature  is  concerned. 

The  law  just  passed  will  enable  the  State  of  Illinois,  unless 
some  unforeseen  and  unrecognized  legal  difficulties  intervene,  to 
open  up  to  the  commerce  of  the  Lakes  an  unobstructed  passage  from 
the  Great  Lakes  to  the  Gulf  and  thus  take  advantage  of  the  revolu- 
tion in  commerce  which  has  resulted  from  the  opening  of  the 
P.anama  Canal. 

The  law  will  go  into  effect  on  July  1,  this  year,  and  I  hope 
to  have  the  commission  provided  by  law  organized  for  effective 
work  at  that  time.  The  work  should  be  constructed  promptly,  effi- 
ciently and  economically,  and  devoid  of  all  selfish  interest  of  any 
character. 

When  this  waterway  is  opened  to  public  navigation  I  predict 
that  it  will  be  recognized  of  as  State-wide  importance  and  not  in 
the  interest  of  any  particular  locality  or  class  of  citizens  and  that 
a  tremendous  commerce  will  develop  between  the  Great  Lakes  and 
the  Gulf. 


722  DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 


ILLINOIS  WATERWAYS. 

ADDRESS  BEFORE  WESTERN  ECONOMIC  SOCIETY,  CHICAGO,  JUNE  1, 

1915. 

Mr.  Chairman  and  Gentlemen: 

The  bill  just  passed  by  the  Legislature  known  as  the  Illinois 
Waterway  Bill,  and  which  is  now  pending  before  the  Governor  for 
his  approval,  provides  for  the  issuance  of  not  to  exceed  $5,000,000 
worth  of  bonds  for  the  construction  of  a  waterway  at  least  eight 
feet  in  depth  between  Lockport  and  Utica. 

For  a  proper  understanding  of  the  merits  of  the  project  the 
public  should  be  informed  of  the  physical  surroundings  of  the  same, 
which  are  as  follows : 

From  the  Chicago  River  southerly  to  Lockport  in  the  Sanitary 
District  canal  there  is  a  channel  about  twenty  miles  long,  twenty- 
four  feet  in  depth,  and  160  feet  wide  in  rock  sections.  From  Lock- 
port  southerly  to  Joliet  for  about  three  miles  there  is  a  channel  of 
from  ten  to  twenty  feet  in  depth.  From  Joliet  to  Starved  Rock 
Park,  which  is  located  just  above  Utica,  there  is  a  stretch  of  water- 
way for  sixty-five  miles,  in  which  there  is  no  navigable  channel, 
alongside  of  which  lies  the  old  Illinois  and  Michigan  canal,  origin- 
ally constructed  thirty  feet  wide  at  bottom  and  six  feet  deep,  now 
scarcely  four  feet  in  depth. 

Over  this  stretch  of  sixty-five  miles  the  Des  Plaines  River  and 
its  continuation,  the  Illinois  River,  flows  over  a  ledge  of  rocks  with 
a  declivity  of  about  100  feet  in  the  sixty -five  miles.  About  nineteen 
miles  southeasterly  from  Joliet,  across  the  Des  Plaines  River,  is  the 
projected  dam  of  the  Economy  Light  &  Power  Company,  now  under 
suspended  construction.  The  rights  of  that  company  to  this  dam 
were  acquired  under  a  questionable  lease  obtained  by  that  company 
about  ten .  years  ago  from  the  then  trustees  of  the  Illinois  and 
Michigan  Canal. 

Both  Governor  Deneen  and  myself  have  been  endeavoring  for 
years  in  the  courts  to  invalidate  this  lease,  but  so  far  the  State  has 
been  unsuccessful  in  every  decision  rendered.  Southeasterly  from 
Utica  to  Graf  ton,  where  the  Illinois  River  empties  into  the  Missis- 
sippi River,  there  is  a  God-created  channel  in  the  Illinois  River  seven 
feet  in  depth,  which  by  dredging  can  be  increased  to  a  depth  of 
eight  feet  at  small  cost.  Thence  from  Grafton  in  the  Mississippi 


DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  723 

River  to  Cairo  we  have  a  channel  of  eight  feet  in  depth  without  any 
prospect  in  a  generation  at  least  of  securing  a  greater  depth. 
United  States  engineers  have  advised  the  Federal  War  Department 
that  the  expense  of  securing  a  greater  depth  in  the  Mississippi  River 
between  Graf  ton  and  Cairo  would  be  so  costly  as  to  make  it  a  com- 
mercial absurdity  at  this  time,  and  these  engineers  have  in  the  past 
recommended  an  eight  to  nine-foot  channel  from  Joliet  to  Utica. 

With  this  statement  of  the  physical  situation,  let  us  now  con- 
sider what  is  proposed  in  the  bill  just  passed  by  the  Legislature.  It 
provides  in  the  law  for  the  deepening  and  using  of  the  old  Illinois 
and  Michigan  canal  for  twenty  miles  between  Joliet  and  Dresden 
Heights,  Dresden  Heights  being  just  south  of  the  Economy  Light 
&  Power  Company 's  dam  hereinbefore  mentioned,  thence  deepening 
the  channel  to  at  least  an^eight-foot  depth,  and  150-foot  width  in  the 
Illinois  River  and  its  use  as  a  waterway  for  forty-five  miles  from 
Dresden  Heights  to  Starved  Rock,  which  is  located  just  above  Utica, 
except  for  about  two  miles  at  Marseilles,  where  the  waterway  chan- 
nel is  diverted  from  the  river  to  a  by-pass  along  the  south  side  of 
the  river  and  thence  back  to  the  river  after  passing  the  private  dam 
and  water  power  of  the  Marseilles  Water  and  Power  Company,  this 
diversion  being  made  for  the  purpose  of  avoiding  any  legal  delays 
or  complications  with  that  company,  which  now  maintains  a  dam 
and  electric  light  plant  at  Marseilles.  If  this  project,  as  above  out- 
lined, be  carried  out  it  will  be  seen  that  it  would  afford  the  people 
of  Illinois  a  continued  waterway  eight  feet  in  depth  from  Lake 
Michigan  to  Cairo,  and  thence  by  the  Mississippi  River  to  New 
Orleans  and  the  Gulf  of  Mexico. 

Heretofore  there  has  been  a  wide  divergence  of  opinion  be- 
tween engineers  as  to  the  depth  of  the  proposed  waterway.  Some 
have  advocated  twenty-four  feet,  some  fourteen  feet,  some  eight 
feet  and  some  even  the  rehabilitation  of  the  old  canal  at  a  depth 
of  six  feet.  In  view  of  the  fact  that  the  Federal  Government 
maintains  a  channel  of  only  eight  feet  in  the  Mississippi  River 
between  Grafton  and  Cairo,  and  in  view  of  the  further  fact  that 
there  is  no  probability  of  a  greater  depth  being  attained  in  the 
Mississippi  River  between  the  said  points  for  a  generation  at  least, 
it  occurred  to  me  after  reading  the  report  of  the  Federal 
engineers  as  to  the  condition  of  the  Mississippi  River  and  its  depth 
of  eight  feet  that  it  would  be  a  great  mistake,  now  that  the  Pan- 
ama canal  is  open  to  commerce,  to  attempt  the  construction  of  any 
waterway  at  present  in  the  Illinois  and  Des  Plaines  Rivers  be- 
tween Lockport  and  Utica  at  a  greater  depth  than  the  channel 
in  the  Mississippi  River. 

I  have  been  and  am  still  of  the  opinion  that  it  will  not  do  for 
the  State  of  Illinois  to  delay  the  construction  of  an  eight-foot 


724  DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

channel  if  such  a  depth  can  be  secured  at  the  present  time  with- 
out jeoparding  the  future  depth  of  the  Illinois  River  in  the  event 
that  a  greater  depth  could  hereafter  be  obtained  in  the  Missis- 
sippi River.  I,  therefore,  conferred  with  civil  engineers,  Cooley, 
Kelly,  Shaw  and  Sherman,  and  asked  them  if  they  could  not  de- 
vise some  engineering  plan  under  which  we  could  acquire,  at 
once,  the  same  depth  in  the  Illinois  River  that  we  now  have  in  the 
Mississippi  River,  and  thus  open  the  Illinois  River  to  commerce 
without  prejudicing  the  further  depth  of  the  river  in  the  event 
that  at  some  time  in  the  future  engineering  science  could  bring 
about  a  greater  depth  in  the  Mississippi.  These  engineers  after 
carefully  examining  the  subject  matter  made  a  unanimous  report, 
in  which  report  was  developed  a  scheme  for  the  construction  of 
an  eight-foot  waterway  between  Lockport  and  Utica.  That 
scheme  with  some  amendments  demanded  by  local  conditions  at 
Dresden  Heights,  Marseilles  and  Ottawa,  has  after  the  fullest  dis- 
cussion in  the  press  and  before  committees  of  the  Legislature, 
been  tinally  adopted  and  crystallized  into  the  law. 

The  project  will  cost  the  State  of  Illinois  not  to  exceed 
$5,000,QOO,  which  is  to  be  paid  for  by  the  issuance  of  bonds  not  to 
exceed  that  amount.  The  waterway  power  to  be  developed  at 
Starved  Rock  and  at  Joliet  at  the  present  time  will,  it  is  estimated 
by  these  engineers,  not  only  pay  the  interest  upon  those  bonds  but 
will  pay  a  large  amount  every  year  into  the  sinking  fund  to  retire 
these  bonds  at  maturity.  Further  water  power  to  be  developed 
hereafter  at  Brandon  road  in  the  Des  Plaines  River  a  few  miles 
south  of  Joliet,  will  develop  much  greater  water  power,  suffi- 
cient in  c mount  to  retire  all  bonds  which  may  be  issued  for  the 
construction  of  the  same,  before  maturity. 

The  plan  contemplates  the  using  of  the  Illinois  and  Des 
Plaines  rivers  for  forty-five  miles  at  the  present  time,  and  the  use 
temporarily  of  about  twenty  miles  of  the  old  Illinois  and  Michi- 
gan canal  between  Joliet  and  Dresden  Heights.  The  temporary 
use  of  the  canal  for  this  twenty  miles  at  the  present  time  is  neces- 
sitated by  the  fact  that  the  Economy  Light  and  Power  Com- 
pany's lease  prevents  our  utilization  of  the  river  at  the  present 
time  between  Dresden  Heights  and  Joliet  without  paying  this 
company  a  very  large  amount  of  money  to  cancel  their  lease.  It 
is  our  intention  to  proceed  promptly  with  the  construction  of  the 
waterway  between  Dresden  Heights  and  Starved  Rock  over  the 
forty-five  miles  in  which  the  river  channel  is  used,  and  to  en- 
deavor in  some  way  to  procure  a  surrender,  or  cancellation,  or 
make  some  arrangement  with  the  Economy  Light  and  Power  Com- 
pany under  which  we  can  utilize  the  river  between  Dresden 


DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,  GOVERNOR  725 

Heights  and  Joliet.  Failing  so  to  do,  we  will  use  temporarily  the 
old  canal  between  these  points,  enlarging  the  locks  and  deepening 
the  old  canal  to  an  eight-foot  depth.  A  very  valuable  water 
power  plant  exists  at  Brandon  Road  a  few  miles  south  of  Joliet 
in  the  Des  Plaines  River,  which  if  developed  will  produce  an  enor- 
mous water  power  for  the  benefit  of  the  State. 

A  navigable  commercial  waterway  between  the  Great  Lakes 
and  the  Mississippi  River  has  been  the  prophecy  and  recommenda- 
tion of  every  great  statesman  in  Illinois  from  the  day  of  Pere 
Marquette  in  1763,  when  he  crossed  the  portage  between  the 
Des  Plaines  and  Chicago  Rivers,  down  to  the  present  day.  That 
prophecy  and  recommendation  seems  to  be  realized  so  far  as  leg- 
islative action  is  concerned,  by  the  law  just  passed.  I  believe 
a  tremendous  commerce  will  be  developed  over  this  waterway  as 
soon  as  it  is  opened  to  the  public. 

The  city  of  New  Orleans  has  already  spent  $9,000,000  in 
the  construction  of  its  municipal  docks  .and  wharves,  preparing 
for  a  trade  that  must  inevitably  come  down  the  Mississippi  valley 
en  route  to  the  Pacific  coast.  New  Orleans  is  900  miles  nearer 
the  Panama  canal  than  the  ports  of  New  York,  Boston  and  Phil- 
adelphia. By  reason  of  the  revolution  in  commerce  resulting  from 
the  opening  of  the  Panama  canal,  Illinois  manufacturers  have 
found  it  cheaper  to  ship  by  rail  to  New  York  and  thence  by  ocean 
steamer  to  the  Pacific  coast,  than  to  ship  direct  to  the  Pacific 
coast  by  rail,  thus  entailing  a  great  handicap  on  Illinois  pro- 
ducers in  competition  with  producers  on  the  eastern  seaboard. 
This  handicap  will  be  removed  as  soon  as  the  waterway  is  opened 
between  the  Great  Lakes  and  the  Gulf. 

This  project  is  of  enormous  value  to  the  whole  State  of  Illi- 
nois. It  will  cheapen  freight  rates  between  the  Gulf  of  Mexico, 
which  must  redound  to  the  benefit  of  this  great  manufacturing 
and  agricultural  State. 

To  let  the  waterway  proposition  linger  along  as  it  has  done 
for  the  last  quarter  of  a  century  with  nothing  done  in  the  way 
of  opening  up  a  practical  channel  would  be  a  commercial,  finan- 
cial and  political  blunder.  The  State  has  awakened  to  the  neces- 
sity of  a  commercial  waterway,  and  has  provided  for  the  opening 
of  an  eight-foot  waterway,  and  I  believe  the  results  will  be  of 
enormous  value  to  the  whole  State  of  Illinois. 


726  DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,  GOVERNOR 


NATURALIZED  CITIZENS. 

ADDRESS  AT  SPRINGFIELD,  ILLINOIS,  JULY  4,  1915. 

Mr.  Chairman,  Ladies  and  Gentlemen: 

It  is  appropriate  that  on  the  anniversary  of  the  birthday  of 
the  Nation  that  this  meeting  should  have  been  arranged  for  the 
purpose  of  enabling  the  native  born  citizenship  of  the  community 
to  extend  the  right  hand  of  fellowship  to  the  newly  naturalized 
citizens  who  have  within  recent  years  taken  the  oath  of  allegiance 
to  this  Republic  and  severed  the  ties  which  bound  them  politically 
to  the  land  of  their  nativity.  The  native  born  citizen  has  become 
by  this  voluntary  act  of  the  naturalized  citizen  a  brother  to  the 
foreign  born,  who  has  become  entitled  to  all  of  the  rights  and  privi- 
leges of  the  native  born  citizen  save  and  except  eligibility  for  two 
offices,  namely,  the  Presidency  and  the  Vice  Presidency. 

In  every  other  respect  he  stands  under  the  law  of  this  Republic 
on  equal  terms  with  the  native  born  citizen.  In  return  for  these 
tremendous  advantages,  given  so  generously  by  the  fundamental 
law  of  this  Republic,  he  should  and  will  give  to  this  country,  as  he 
has  always  done  in  the  past,  his  full  loyalty  and  devotion.  It  is  not 
in  the  nature  of  things  that  he  can  forget  the  land  of  his  nativity ; 
its  history,  its  traditions,  its  language,  its  folklore,  its  music  or  its 
pastimes.  Such  is  not  demanded  of  him  by  the  law  of  this  land. 
But  while  he  cannot  in  the  nature  of  things  forget,  nor  should  he 
forget,  his  old  associations  in  his  native  land,  he  must  remember 
at  all  times  that  his  first  loyalty  and  love  is  to  the  country  of  his 
adoption. 

At  the  present  time  when  most  of  the  great  nations  of  Europe 
are  embroiled  in  a  tremendous  and  deplorable  war  it  is  possible  that 
the  naturalized  citizen,  whose  kjth  and  kin  may  be  found  on  the  red 
line  of  battle,  will  sympathize  with  his  kindred  and  in  his  inner  soul, 
may  wish  and  hope  for  the  success  of  his  native  land,  but  expression 
of  these  sympathies  at  the  present  time  where  men  of  different 
strains  may  be  congregated  is  apt  to  lead  to  controversies  and  dis- 
agreements and  might  tend  to  involve  this  peace  loving  Republic 
in  this  awful  warfare.  It  is  the  part,  therefore,  of  wisdom  and  dis- 
cretion, no  matter  how  we  may  feel  or  how  strongly  we  may  sympa- 
thize in  secret  with  one  or  other  of  the  contending  nations,  to  avoid 


DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  727 

as  American  citizens,  the  utterance  of  any  views  which  might 
embarrass  this  country  in  maintaining  the  strict  neutrality  which 
must  and  should  be  preserved  during  the  whole  of  this  warfare. 

The  paramount  duty  of  this  Nation  at  the  present  time  is  to 
observe  and  enforce  the  strictest  neutrality,  and  every  citizen  of 
this  country,  whether  he  be  native  born  or  naturalized,  should  do 
everything  in  his  power  to  uphold  our  officials  in  Washington  in 
carrying  out  such  neutrality. 

In  the  War  of  the  Rebellion,  the  naturalized  citizen  proved 
his  devotion  to  this  country,  whether  he  came  from  the  banks  of 
the  Elbe,  the  Rhine,  the  Loire  or  the  Shannon.  They  shed  their 
blood  and  gave  up  their  lives  to  maintain  the  integrity  of  this 
country,  and  if  a  juncture  should  ever  arise  in  the  future  when 
this  Nation  would  become  embroiled  with  any  other  nation,  I  know 
that  the  same  reliance  can  be  placed  upon  the  naturalized  citizen 
to  do  his  full  duty  towards  his  adopted  country. 

The  naturalized  citizen  should  know  but  one  flag,  and  but  one 
Nation,  and  give  his  unquestioned  loyalty  to  that  flag  and  that 
Nation,  the  Nation  in  which  he  lives  and  to  which  his  first  and  last 
devotion  is  due.  In  return  for  this  allegiance  and  loyalty  the 
American  Nation  has  given  and  will  give  to  the  naturalized  citizen 
the  full  panoply  of  its  protection  both  from  oppression  abroad  and 
violence  within. 

America  welcomes  you  with  open  arms  and  generous  heart  and 
in  return  for  that  welcome  I  am  confident  that  the  naturalized  citi- 
zen will  give  to  his  adopted  country  loyalty,  even  unto  death.  In 
peace  and  in  war  you  should  participate  in  all  that  concerns  the 
well-being  of  your  adopted  land.  Every  right  of  citizen  is  at  your 
disposal.  In  times  of  peace  by  your  ballot  exercise  your  franchise 
for  the  enactment  of  good  laws  and  the  selection  of  good  men,  and 
in  time  of  war,  if  called  upon,  ally  yourselves  under  your  country's 
flag  no  matter  what  flag  may  fly  above  its  enemies. 


728  DUNNE JUDGE,  MAYOR,  GOVERNOR 


ON  RAISING  LEGISLATORS'  SALARIES. 

STATEMENT  TO  THE  PUBLIC,  JULY  4,  1915. 

I  have  approved  House  bill,  No.  386,  being  an  act  which. raises 
the  compensation  of  the  members  of  the  General  Assembly  to  be 
elected  in  the  year  1916  and  thereafter,  from  $2,000  to  $3,500  for 
the  term  for  which  they  are  elected,  to-wit:  for  the  term  of  two 
years. 

In  signing  this  bill  I  believe  that  I  am  actuated  solely  in  so 
doing  by  the  public  interest,  and  that  the  law  will  redound  to  the 
public  benefit.  At  the  present  time  the  salary  of  the  members  of 
the  Legislature  is  $2,000  for  the  term  for  which  they  were  elected, 
or  $1,000  per  year. 

I  am  reliably  informed  that  since  the  enactment  of  the  direct 
primary  it  costs  members  of  the  Legislature  from  $500  to  $1,500 
and  sometimes  more,  in  all  contested  candidacies.  Most  of  these 
expenses  are  incurred  for  advertising,  printing,  lithographs,  hiring 
of  halls,  music,  etc.,  which  are  entirely  legitimate  expenses  in 
exploiting  the  candidate's  claim  for  popular  support. 

In  some  few  cases  where  candidates  are  unopposed  the  expenses 
of  election  may  not  be  to  exceed  $500,  but  these  cases  are  the  excep- 
tions. I  think  that  I  am  safe  in  declaring  that  the  average  legiti- 
mate expenses  of  a  candidate  for  member  of  the  Legislature  is 
$750.  After  the  election  he  is  compelled  to  attend  at  least  one 
session  of  the  Legislature,  which,  judging  by  the  last  three  sessions 
of  the  Legislature,  lasts  close  on  to  six  months.  The  member  is  also 
compelled  at  times  to  attend  special  sessions  of  the  Legislature  out- 
side of  the  regular  session. 

In  attendance  at  these  sessions  of  the  Legislature  the  member 
is  compelled  to  live  in  Springfield  at  least  fqur  days  out  of  every 
week.  Five  days  a  week  he  mus,t  spend  away  from  home,  either  in 
Springfield,  or  in  going  from  or  coming  to  Springfield.  The  cost 
of  living  in  Springfield  to  the  ordinary  legislator  must  average  at 
least  five  dollars  a  day.  His  living  expenses  in  Springfield,  and  his 
railroad  fare  to  Springfield  and  return  must  cost  him  on  the  average 
about  $30.00  a  week.  An  attendance  of  twenty-four  weeks  such  as 
occurred  during  the  sessions  of  1913  and  1915,  at  $30.00  a  week 
would  amount  to  $720.00.  Adding  this  $720.00  to  $750.00  average 
expense  of  election,  would  make  each  member  of  the  Legislature 
expend  legitimately  and  fairly  in  securing  his  election  and  living 


DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  729 

in  Springfield,  in  the  neighborhood  of  $1,500,  leaving  to  the  legis- 
lator as  his  compensation  for  the  two-year  term  a  bare  $500  or  $250 
a  year.  This  is  the  situation  at  the  present  time. 

It  leaves  the  legislator  with  such  spare  compensation  a  prey 
to  the  wiles  and  artifices  of  the  professional  lobbyist,  ever  at  hand 
to  cajole  and  corrupt  the  weak  and  unwary  representative  of  the 
people.  Such  inadequate  compensation  in  the  past  has  been  con- 
ducive to  weakness  on  the  part  of  the  legislator,  if  not  to  corruption. 
Men  in-  public  life  should  not  be  exposed  to  the  temptations  pro- 
duced by  such  a  situation. 

The  member  of  the  Legislature  is  charged  with  the  performance 
of  one  of  the  most  responsible  duties  of  public  life,  to-wit:  the 
making  of  the  laws  of  a  great  State,  which  affect  the  lives,  liberty, 
welfare  and  happiness  of  the  whole  community. 

The  compensation  paid  to  the  men  who  are  called  upon  to 
perform  these  tremendous  duties  should  be  commensurate  with  the 
importance  of  these  duties.  The  raising  of  the  compensation  of  the 
members  of  the  General  Assembly  to  a  decent  figure,  in  my  judg- 
ment, will  inevitably  result  in  enabling  the  members  of  the  Legis- 
lature to  resist  the  wiles  of  the  tempter  and  to  induce  men  of 
character,  who  must  and  can  live  upon  a  decent  wage,  to  become 
candidates  for  these  important  offices. 

Years  ago  the  members  of  the  city  council  of  Chicago  were  paid 
grossly  inadequate  salaries  with  the  result  that  franchises  of  enor- 
mous value  to  the  city  were  handed  over  to  corporations  under 
ordinances  which  manifested  a  reckless  disregard  of  the  rights  of 
the  community.  In  recent  years  that  city  has  changed  its  policy 
and  now  pays  its  aldermen  $3,000  a  year,  with  the  result  that  the 
character  of  the  council  and  its  personnel  has  been  elevated  and 
strengthened  to  a  remarkable  degree.  A  Chicago  alderman  attends 
one  meeting  a  week  for  ten  months  in  the  year  or  not  to  exceed 
forty-four  meetings.  In  two  years  his  duties  require  his  attendance 
at  eighty-eight  meetings,  for  which  he  is  paid  $6,000.  It  is  true 
that  he  frequently  attends  committee  meetings  during  the  week. 

A  member  of  the  Legislature  during  the  twenty-four  weeks  of 
the  session  that  he  spends  in  Springfield  is  also  expected  to  attend 
committee  meetings,  some  of  which  meetings  last  far  into  the  night. 
Some  of  the  legislators  remain  over  and  spend  seven  days  a  week 
in  Springfield.  On  the  whole  a  member  of  the  Legislature  spends 
more  time  in  Springfield  during  the  two  years  he  is  a  member  than 
does  the  Chicago  alderman  in  the  city  council.  Moreover  the  Chi- 
cago alderman  is  not  compelled  to  leave  his  home  or  neglect  his 
private  business  as  is  the  legislator.  His  expenses  of  living  are, 
therefore,  much  less  than  the  expenses  of  the  legislator  and  his 
private  business  does  not  suffer  by  his  absence  from  home. 


730  DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

I  am  convinced  that  the  raising  of  the  salaries  of  the  members 
of  the  Legislature  will  be  conducive  towards  the  selection  of  good 
legislators  and  the  enactment  of  good  laws. 

The  laborer  is  worthy  of  his  hire.  The  labor  of  a  legislator  is 
of  tremendous  importance  and  if  decent  legislation  is  expected  of 
decent  men  these  decent  men  should  be  paid  a  decent  wage.  I  am 
glad  to  know  the  views  hereinabove  expressed  are  entertained  by 
the  Legislative  Voters'  League,  which  has  concerned  itself  for 
years  with  the  character  of  the  men  in  the  General  Assembly  and 
the  character  of  the  laws  of  the  State  of  Illinois.  That  organization 
has  lately  publicly  announced  that  in  the  opinion  of  the  League  a 
salary  of  $3,500  for  a  member  of  the  Legislature  is  reasonable  and 
that  the  members  of  the  Legislature  were  justified  in  voting  therefor. 


DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  731 


GOVERNOR  VETOES  MOTION  PICTURE 
CENSORSHIP. 

To  the  Hon.  Lewis  G.  Stevenson,  Secretary  of  State. 

I  hereby  veto  and  return  without  my  approval  S.  B.  382. 

If  this  bill  became  a  law,  it  would  mean  double  taxation  upon 
those  engaged  in  the  motion  picture  business  in  the  city  of 
Chicago. 

Further,  I  can  find  no  genuine  demand  for  such  a  law  in  the 
State. 

In  my  opinion  such  a  law  is  unwise  and  unnecessary  and  I 
accordingly  veto  same. 

Respectfully  submitted, 

E.  F.  DUNNE,  Governor. 

July  12,  1915. 


732  DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,  GOVERNOR 


EMANCIPATION  EXPOSITION. 

ADDRESS  ON  ITS  OPENING,  CHICAGO,  AUGUST  22, 1915. 

Mr,  Chairman,  Ladies  and  Gentlemen: 

We  meet  today  to  demonstrate  in  the  most  conclusive  manner 
the  effect  of  freedom  on  the  human  race.  We  meet  to  prove  the 
worthiness  of  the  black  man  for  equality  under  the  law.  Fifty 
years  ago,  within  the  personal  memory  of  many  of  us  here  today, 
the  black  man,  before  the  law,  was  a  thing  and  not  a  man ;  a  chattel 
and  not  a  human  being.  That  such  could  have  been  the  law  in  any 
civilized  country  within  the  last  half  century  seems  incredible,  yet 
it  took  a  mighty  war  and  the  sacrifice  of  millions  of  human  beings 
to  wipe  out  this  awful  anomaly.  What  has  been  the  result  ?  Four 
million  human  chattels  as  the  result  of  that  war  and  the  declaration 
of  emancipation  that  resulted  therefrom  have  developed  into  ten 
millions  intelligent  and  peaceful,  productive  citizens  of  this  Eepub- 
lic;  four  million  illiterate,  uneducated,  propertyless  human  beings 
have  developed  into  ten  millions  fairly  well  educated,  property- 
owning  citizens.  I  doubt  if,  in  the  history  of  the  world,  such 
tremendous  progress  has  been  made  in  so  short  a  time. 

"De  profundis  ad  astra. "  From  the  depths  of  poverty  and 
slavery,  a  race  has  arisen  into  the  starlit  heaven  of  prosperity  and 
liberty. 

In  1865,  90  per  cent  of  the  black  race  qf  America  was  wholly 
illiterate;  today  70  per  cent  of  the  same  race  can  read  and  write, 
and  possess  the  education  given  by  the  grammar  schools.  The 
aggregate  wealth  of  the  four  million  black  slaves  in  1865  did  not 
exceed  a  million  and  a  quarter  of  dollars;  today  these  black  men 
and  their  descendants  own  a  billion  dollars  worth  of  property.  In 
1863  there  was  but  one  college  open  to  the  black  man  in  the  United 
States ;  today  he  maintains  successfully  four  hundred.  In  '63  there 
was  not  a  black  physician,  lawyer  or  banker  in  the  United  States ; 
today  there  are  over  five  thousand.  In  '63  the  black  man  had  but 
one  newspaper ;  today  he  has  four  hundred.  In  '63  he  had  but  four 
hundred  churches ;  today  he  worships  God  in  over  thirty  thousand. 

Within  fifty  years  the  black  man  has  been  developing  skilled 
and  scholarly  men  in  all  the  professions.  He  has  enriched  literature 
by  nearly  six  thousand  books  and  periodicals,  and  given  seven  thou- 
sand compositions  to  the  music  of  the  world.  Above  all,  and  beyond 


DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  733 

all,  in  so  far  as  the  rank  and  file  of  the  colored  race  is  concerned,  he 
has  been  developing  an  aptitude  for  the  tilling  of  the  soil  and  the 
acquisition  of  the  same.  There,  in  the  cultivation  of  his  own  soil, 
he  becomes,  in  truth,  his  own  master.  The  percentage  of  black  farm 
owners  and  farm  workers  within  the  last  decade  has  been  enor- 
mously increased.  The  percentage  of  increase  among  the  black  men, 
strange  to  say,  is  nearly  double  the  increase  among  the  white  men 
in  the  acquisition  and  development  of  the  farm.  All  this  develop- 
ment has  gone  on  in  spite  of  race  prejudice,  race  hatred  and,  in 
many  cases,  in  spite  of  unjust  laws. 

Let  us  then  do  honor  where  honor  is  due;  let  us  congratulate 
our  black  fellow  citizen  upon  the  splendid  progress  he  has  made 
politically,  religiously  and  economically.  Let  us  extend  to  him  the 
hand  of  encouragement  and  sympathy,  and  let  us  hope  that  the 
progress  that  he  has  made  within  the  last  half  century,  wonderful 
as  it  is,  will  be  but  the  forerunner  of  the  greater  progress  yet  to  be 
made  in  the  years  to  come. 

The  wisdom,  justice  and  humanity  of  the  Great  Emancipator, 
the  martyred  Lincoln,  has  been  amply  vindicated  by  the  history 
of  the  black  man  during  the  last  half  century  and  will  continue  to 
be  vindicated  by  the  further  progress  of  the  race  in  the  ages  yet  to 
come. 


734  DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,  GOVERNOR 


THE  ABOLITION  OF  CAPITAL 
PUNISHMENT. 

ADDRESS  TO  GOVERNORS'  CONFERENCE,  BOSTON,  AUGUST  25, 1915. 

Mr.  Chairman  and  Gentlemen: 

In  1901,  there  was  convicted  of  murder,  in  the  city  of  Chicago, 
one  Synon;  he  was  condemned  to  die. 

His  case  was  appealed  to  the  Supreme  Court  which  reversed 
the  lower  court,  because  of  objectionable  remarks  by  the  trial  judge 
while  the  accused  was  on  the  witness  stand. 

Synon 's  second  trial  was  held  in  the  court  over  which  I  had, 
at  that  time,  the  honor  to  preside.  He  was  acquitted  after  many 
reputable  men  had  testified  that  he  was  four  miles  from  the  scene 
of  the  crime  when  it  was  commmitted. 

This  man  was  saved  by  a  few  harsh  and  prejudicial  words  of 
the  judge,  before  whom  he  was  first  tried ;  and  thus  the  errors,  upon 
which  he  was  able  to  appeal,  became  the  means  through  which  it  was 
possible  for  him  to  establish  his  innocence.  Only  those  words,  which 
the  court  had  committed  an  error  in  uttering,  stood  between  him 
and  the  death  penalty,  between  justice  and  the  cruel  tragedy  of 
which  my  State  would  have  been  guilty. 

Only  a  year  or  two  ago,  Ray  Pfanschmidt,  a  young  man  living 
near  Quincy,  in  my  State,  was  accused  of  murdering  his  father, 
mother,  and  sister  and  of  burning  the  house  over  their  dead 
bodies.  He  was  convicted  of  the  murder  of  his  father  and  sentenced 
to  the  gallows.  Fortunately,  he  was  able  to  appeal  to  the  Supreme 
Court  where  a  new  trial  was  granted.  A  change  of  venue  was  taken 
and  in  another  county  he  was  acquitted. 

A  few  days  ago  one  of  our  most  honored  judges,  a  man  who 
has  served  our  judiciary  wi,th  splendid  efficiency,  resigned  and 
retired,  I  am  told,  a  disappointed  and  broken-hearted  man.  For 
nearly  twenty  years  he  has  carried  a  growing  burden  of  suspicion 
that  two  men  he  had  sentenced  to  State  prison  for  life  were  inno- 
cent. Twenty-two  of  the  judges  of  Cook  County,  including  this 
judge,  have  stated  to  me,  in  writing  and  by  word  of  mouth,  their 
opinion  that  these  two  men  were  not  guilty.  The  records  of  the 
case,  viewed  in  the  dispassionate  light  of  today,  reveal  strikingly 
flimsy  evidence  on  which  to  convict  of  murder. 


DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,  GOVERNOR  735 

Our  Legislature  this  year  enacted  a  law  making  it  possible 
to  parole  life  men  after  they  have  served  twenty  years;  and  the 
first  act  under  this  new  law  was  the  release  of  these  two  men. 

What  a  tragedy !  What  a  stain  upon  Illinois '  name  would 
have  been  the  execution  of  these  two  men  if  they  had  been  sentenced 
to  death.  Even  the  ages  could  not  have  removed  it. 

It  was  such  cases  as  these  that  have  set  me  to  thinking  and 
investigating  and  my  conscience,  reinforced  by  the  results  of  my 
inquiries,  has  made  me  a  firm  believer  that  capital  punishment  is 
wrong  in  theory  and  in  act. 

Before  our  last  General  Assembly  I  urged  repeatedly  the  repeal 
of  our  capital  punishment  code,  recommending  it  in  my  messages, 
and  pleading  for  it  in  person  before  both  houses  of  the  Legislature. 

The  repeal  bills  failed,  but  I  am  quite  sure  the  agitation  they 
stirred  up  has  had  a  marked  and  beneficial  effect  upon  the  State's 
conscience  and  has  aroused  and  formulated  a  new  public  opinion. 
The  press  and  the  leaders  among  men  and  women  engaged  in  the 
great  humanitarian  enterprises  of  our  State  rallied  to  the  measure 
with  a  wonderfully  inspiring  spirit. 

The  principal  argument  advanced  in  support  of  capital  pun- 
ishment is  that  it  acts  as  a  deterrent.  If  I  could  convince  myself 
that  this  were  true,  my  views  might  be  different.  If  society 
needed  this  awful  penalty  to  protect  itself,  on  the  theory  of  self- 
defense,  there  might  be  some  force  and  logic  in  the  argument 
of  those  who  favor  its  retention,  because  society  collectively  has 
the  same  right  that  a  man  individually  has  to  protect  its  life. 

I  doubt  if  it  ever  did  deter.  I  am  certain  that  it  does  not 
now  deter.  On  the  contrary,  all  the  evidences  of  history  and  of 
statistics  are  that  it  never  did  deter.  We  find  on  consulting 
our  history  that,  in  the  days  when  the  penalties  for  crime  were 
the  most  severe,  crimes  themselves  were  the  most  numerous. 

In  England,  in  1699,  there  was  an  agitation  for  penal  reforms. 
At  the  beginning  of  the  eighteenth  century,  Pope  Clement  XI 
established  a  juvenile  prison.  Over  its  doors  appeared  these 
words:  "Clement,  XI,  Supreme  Pontiff,  reared  this  prison  for 
the  reformation  and  education  of  criminal  youths  and  to  the  end 
that  those  who,  wheu  idle,  had  been  injurious  to  the  State,  might, 
when  better  instructed  and  trained,  become  useful  to  society." 
Inside  the  prison,  printed  on  a  slab,  were  these  words:  "It  is 
little  use  to  restrain  criminals  by  punishment  unless  you  reform 
them  by  education." 

Reforms  lagged  until  1728,  when  they  were  again  urged  with 
force.  Chancellor  Blackstone,  in  1765,  published  his  commen- 


736  DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,  GOVERNOR 

taries  and  laid  before  the  English  people  the  utter  folly  of  awful 
and  extreme  penalties.  Penal  reform  in  our  English  system  may 
be  said  to  have  begun  then. 

But  even  at  the  opening  of  the  nineteenth  century,  the  Eng- 
lish criminal  code  was  excessively  rigid  and  bloody. 

Parliament,  in  March,  1816,  repealed  the  death  penalty  for 
larceny.  At  that  time  George  Barnett,  a  boy  of  ten  years,  under 
conviction  of  larceny,  was  in  Newgate  prison  awaiting  execution. 

Punishment  by  death  at  one  time  in  England  could  legally 
be  inflicted  for  more  than  two  hundred  different  offenses.  It 
was  a  capital  offense  to  pick  a  man 's  pocket,  to  steal  five  shillings 
from  a  shop,  to  catch  and  steal  a  fish,  to  cut  down  a  tree,  to  harbor 
an  offender  against  the  excise  laws,  to  steal  a  sheep,  or  an  ox  or 
a  horse,  to  commit  larceny  of  almost  any  kind.  Seventy-two 
thousand  thieves  were  hanged  at  the  average  rate  of  2,000  a  year 
during  the  reign  of  Henry  VIII.  Some  offenses  at  that  time  were 
punishable  by  boiling  to  death.  One  morning  during  the  reign  of 
George  III,  before  the  rising  of  the  sun,  in  the  city  of  London, 
twenty  persons  were  executed  for  stealing  from  the  person.  In  the 
year  1785,  ninety-seven  persons  were  executed  in  London  for  steal- 
ing from  a  shop  to  the  value  of  five  shillings. 

Often  the  prisons  were  full  of  children,  many  under  the  age 
of  ten,  who  had  been  informed  upon  for  theft. 

Neither  the  old  Mosaic  theory  of  retribution  and  revenge — 
an  eye  for  an  eye  and  a  tooth  for  a  tooth — neither  that,  nor 
degradation,  whipping,  branding,  hanging,  maiming,  chambers  of 
torture,  broken  bodies  on  the  wheel,  bones  fractured  on  the  rack, 
arms  and  legs  suspended  with  heavy  weights  attached,  the  burn- 
ing of  the  flesh  and  the  searing  of  the  skin  with  white  hot  iron, 
roasting  the  human  bodies  on  slow  fires,  burial  alive,  tossing  of 
the  culprit  into  a  den  of  wild  beasts,  pouring  molten  lead  into  the 
ears,  placing  men's  faces  upward  to  the  flaming  sun,  tying  by 
the  seaside,  so  that  drowning  would  follow  the  rising  tide — all 
these  have  been  tried  and  victims  to  these  indescribable  horrors 
have  given  up  their  lives  by  the  thousands,  and  yet  criminals  did 
not  become  extinct,  and  I  believe  history  will  demonstrate  that  crime 
increased  rather  than  decreased  under  these  frightful  penaltias. 

I  am  not  going  to  attempt  to  support  my  arguments  by  elab- 
orate quotations  from  statistics.  There  are  certain  figures,  how- 
ever, which  are  rather  significant,  if  not  conclusive.  I  refer  to 
the  statistics  of  the  Federal  Census  Bureau  of  1910,  with  reference 
to  the  effect  of  the  death  penalty  upon  the  commission  of  murder. 
These  statistics  show  that  in  twenty-one  of  the  states  having  the 
highest  number  of  homicides  per  capita  in  the  population,  there 
is  not  a  single  state  that  has  abolished  capital  punishment.  These 


DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  737 

twenty-one  are  those  which  have  enforced  the  death  penalty  from 
the  time  of  their  organization.  Following  these  twenty-one  states 
come  three  states,  Illinois,  Maryland  and  Kansas,  all  having  the 
same  number  per  capita  of  homicides.  Of  these  states,  Kansas 
has  abolished  the  death  penalty ;  Illinois  and  Maryland  have 
T'etained  it. 

Let  us  now  consider  the  twenty  states  which  these  statistics 
show  to  have  the  lowest  number  of  homicides  per  capita.  Among 
these  twenty  are  all  the  states  but  one  (Kansas)  that  have  abolished 
capital  punishment.  The  Federal  statistics,  to  my  mind,  show  that 
capital  punishment  has  failed  to  act  as  a  deterrent,  and  that  in  the 
states  where  it  has  been  abolished,  there  is  a  less  per  capita  of 
homicides  than  in  the  states  where  it  has  been  retained.  Go  into 
Wisconsin,  a  state  which  borders  upon  ours.  We,  in  Illinois,  have 
had  capital  punishment  since  we  were  admitted  to  the  Union,  and, 
even  while  it  was  a  territory,  capital  punishment  was  inflicted  for 
murder.  Wisconsin  abolished  this  penalty  years  ago.  Yet  homi- 
cides per  capita  are  almost  twice  as  many  in  Illinois  as  in  Wisconsin. 

Up  to  1913,  six  states  had  abolished  capital  punishment, 
Washington  followed  in  that  year.  The  United  States  statistics 
of  1910  show  that  five  of  these  are  among  the  twenty  with  the 
lowest  per  capita  of  homicides,  each  with  a  percentage  less  than 
.08  in  each  10,000  of  population.  The  other  noncapital  punish- 
ment state — Kansas — had  the  same  per  capita  of  homicides  as 
Illinois  and  Maryland,  both  capital  punishment  states. 

Illinois  was  disgraced  by  651  homicides  in  1910,  after  a  cen- 
tury of  enforcement  of  capital  punishment,  while  in  Wisconsin, 
where  it  had  been  abolished,  the  homicides  have  not  been  much 
over  fifty  per  cent  per  capita,  of  those  committed  in  Illinois. 

If  protection  of  society,  if  reformation  of  the  criminal,  if 
segregation  of  an  antisocial  element  of  our  population,  if  either 
of  these  is  the  end  or  all  of  them  are  desired,  then  the  separation 
from  society  of  our  criminals  in  decent,  humane,  wholesome,  and 
Christian  surroundings  will  accomplish  all  that  we,  as  children 
of  one  Father,  have  a  right  to  accomplish.  He  has  not  delegated 
to  us  further  power  or  right  over  our  fellows.  The  Holy  Scrip- 
tures, so  often  quoted  in  support  of  retribution,  commands  the 
human  race  not  to  kill. 

If  it  is  wrong  for  one  man  to  kill  another,  if  it  is  a  crime  for 
three  men  to  kill  one  man,  or  for  a  dozen  men  to  kill  one  man, 
if  it  is  a  crime  for  one  man  to  rape,  is  it  not  equally  criminal  for 
twenty  men  to  kill  one  man  or  to  commit  this  other  unmention- 
able crime.  The  increase  in  number  of  participants  and  their 
organized  embodiment,  do  not  make  it  right  or  a  virtue  for  them 
to  kill  or  to  rape. 

—24 


738  DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

Christianity  long  ago  revoked  the  doctrine  of  a  tooth  for  a 
tooth,  and  an  eye  for  an  eye.  Christ  prayed  the  Father  as  He 
saw  the  thief  hanging  by  His  side:  "Father,  forgive  them,  for 
they  know  not  what  they  do."  Christ  Himself  was  suffering  the 
lingering  tortures  of  death  at  the  hands  of  passion  and  fury. 
He  did  not  seek  the  destruction  of  those  who  were  murdering 
Him  and  the  thief  by  His  side,  but  He  prayed  that  they  should 
see  and  know  God's  truth. 

Verily,  God  Himself  has  reserved  to  Himself  the  final  pen- 
alty for  the  sins  of  His  children. 

Criminals  have  been  divided  into  three  classes:  first,  the  in- 
stinctive criminal;  second,  the  habitual  criminal;  third,  the  oc- 
casional or  single  offender. 

The  instinctive  criminal  cannot  adjust  himself  to  orderly  and 
regulated  environment.  He  is  antisocial  and  alien  in  all  his  at- 
tributes, and  is  incapable,  by  reason  of  physical,  mental,  or  moral 
deficiencies,  the  nature  of  which  we  do  not  fully  understand,  of 
getting  out  of  a  bad  into  a  good  environment  or  of  improvement 
by  training  or  education.  Such  men  we  have  no  more  right  to 
murder  than  we  have  to  kill  off  the  insane,  the  feeble-minded, 
the  tuberculous,  and  others  whose  presence  among  us  entails  upon 
us  responsibilities  and  financial  burden. 

The  habitual  criminal — the  criminal  by  acquired  habit — has 
developed  out  of  environment  and  the  social  status  in  which  he 
finds  himself.  Many  of  our  crimes  against  both  the  person  and 
property  are  the  results  of  social  mal-adjustments  and  conditions 
for  whose  existence  society  itself  is  solely  to  blame.  Society  has 
no  right  to  the  exercise  of  retribution — to  the  life  of  the  offender 
— when  it  has  denied  him  his  natural  and  inalienable  rights  and, 
in  fact,  has  compelled  him  to  exist  and  develop  in  the  midst  of 
pinching  poverty,  degrading  squalor  and  degenerating  contam- 
inations. 

Some  of  the  most  frightful  of  the  crimes  by  juveniles  in  our 
great  cities  may  be  traced  directly  to  an  environment  which 
could  not  be  expected  to  produce  anything  but  the  very  worst. 

Society  itself  becomes  criminal  when  it  seeks,  by  violence  and 
the  blood  of  its  victims,  to  right  a  wrong  committed  against  it  by 
such  product  of  its  own  neglect.  For  this  class  we  cannot  con- 
ceive of  execution  performing  any  function.  The  hanging  of 
hundreds  or  thousands  of  them,  even  the  massacre  of  their  young, 
would  not  decrease  the  crime  that  springs  from  the  slums  and  the 
tenements,  so  long  as  the  slums  remain  under  the  tolerance  of  an 
intelligent  society. 


DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  739 

The  third  class  includes  the  occasional  or  single  offender — 
the  normal  individual,  who,  through  stress  of  circumstances  or 
force  of  temptation,  or  the  unreasoning  and  unthinking  pressure 
of  passion,  commits  an  evil  deed.  For  him  reformation  is  prob- 
able. He  may  be  made  a  useful  citizen,  and  society  benefited 
by  sparing  his  life. 

Among  the  first  and  third  classes  there  is  no  serious  pre- 
meditation on  the  outcome  of  their  acts.  The  first  class  commit 
crime  because  they  cannot  help  it.  Frequently  they  make  little 
or  no  effort  to  conceal  their  tracks.  They  exhibit  a  certain  form 
of  precaution  which  is  inherent  in  the  instinct  of  self-preservation 
and  not  the  intelligent  mental  systemizatioii  of  concealment  or 
alibi.  The  third  class  commit  crime  during  stress  or  in  passion; 
consequently  they  are  not  in  a  frame  of  mind  to  apprehend  the 
effects  of  their  conduct.  The  penalty,  no  matter  how  great  or  how 
severe,  would  deter  neither  of  these  types. 

The  other  class — the  habitual  criminal,  has  probably  tasted 
punishment,  but  notwithstanding  how  much  has  been  inflicted 
upon  him,  he  continues  to  return  to  his  old  ways,  because  society 
affords  him  no  other.  Consequently,  the  penalty  has  not  de- 
terred him.  Punishment  will  not  cure  him,  nor  will  it  prevent, 
nor  even  retard  others  of  his  type  from  entering  upon  a  like 
career. 

So  we  are  thrown  back  upon  our  only  right  and  duty — that* 
of  protecting  ourselves  and  society  by  a  process  of  segregation, 
both  of  those  who  commit  crime  and  of  those  who,  under  our 
modern  scientific  light,  we  are  able  to  predict  almost  to  a  cer- 
tainty will  commit  crime. 

Another  evidence  that  execution  is  not  effective  is  afforded 
in  the  records  of  lynchings  and  mob  violence.  Whether  these 
have  occurred  in  the  North  or  in  the  South,  they  have  not  had  any 
appreciable  influence  in  reducing  crime  of  the  character  which 
aroused  public  fury.  Lynchings  and  burnings  at  the  stake  are 
but  too  common  today. 

What  community  has  profited  by 'a  reduction  in  crime  fol- 
lowing a  lynching? 

Punishment  for  political  or  religious  belief  has  never  hin- 
dered its  progress.  Christianity  did  not  cease  its  remarkable 
strides  because  its  early  believers  were  thrown  to  the  lions  or 
were  made  torches  to  illuminate  a  Nero's  festival;  nor  has  po- 
litical liberty  been  throttled  by  the  execution  of  reformers.  Fear 
of  death  has  not  halted  the  plans  or  dimmed  the  faith  of  good 
men  who  understood  the  consequences  of  their  course.  Why, 
then,  should  it  affect  men  of  evil  minds  who  know  nothing  but 
evil  and  do  it  as  naturally  as  good  men  do  good? 


740  DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

• 

My  point  is  simply  this,,  that  in  no  age  and  among  no  people 
does  history  record  that  threat  or  danger  of  death  have  stopped 
men  or  .women,  bent  on  the  accomplishment  of  some  purpose ; 
whether  it  has  been  good  or  bad,  the  conservation  of  human  hap- 
piness and  life  or  its  wanton  destruction.  They  have  assumed 
all  the  chances  and  when  they  have  failed,  they  have  gone  to 
their  execution  unflinching.  This  has  been  as  true  of  the  mur- 
derer as  of  the  martyr. 

Psychologists  are  trying  to  unfold  to  us  the  mysteries  of 
what  they  call  the  subconseiousness.  The  operations  of  our 
imitative  and  imaginative  spheres,  we  now  fall  back  upon  to  ex- 
plain, in  a  way,  many  things  which  heretofore  have  baffled  solu- 
tion. We  frequently  remark  that  crime  goes  in  waves  and  suicides 
by  epidemics.  Even  epilepsy  is  said  to  contain  an  element  of  imita- 
tion and  habit ;  for  in  a  class  of  these  unfortunates,  seizure,  in  one, 
will  often  be  followed  by  seizures  in  many  or  all  of  them.  There 
is  a  contagion  of  noise,  of  restlessness  and  disturbance,  just  as  there 
is  contagion  of  disease.  It  sweeps  from  individual  to  individual 
and  soon  sways  a  mob. 

Who  can  say  that  an  exhibition  of  mob  passion  and  violence, 
in  which  property  has  been  destroyed  and  life  has  been  taken, 
has  not  irreparably  damaged  the  whole  community.  Those  of 
us  who  have  studied  a  mob  have  been  struck  by  its  personal  ap- 
peal, and  we  have  seen  one  after  another  drawn  into  the  vortex 
and  taking  part  in  the  destruction  without  cause  or  reason.  We 
have  seen  the  mob  spirit  intensified  and  inflamed  beyond  expec- 
tation of  control  by  the  first  deed  of  murder.  Like  the  animal 
who  becomes  ferocious  when  he  tastes  blood,  so  the  human,  when 
aroused,  becomes  an  unrestrained  brute  at  the  sight  of  blood. 
Men  who  watched  the  riots  of  a  few  years  ago  in  the  capital  of 
our  State  have  told  me  that  not  until  the  first  life  had  been  sacri- 
ficed, did  the  mob  lose  all  restraint  and  enter  upon  a  wholesale, 
extended  and  unreasoning  debauch  of  fire  and  murder,  which 
could  not  be  stopped,  except  by  great  show  of  military  power. 

Of  a  similar  type — perhaps  invisible — are  the  effects  of  a 
legal  execution  upon  the  community.  Its  first  and  most  debas- 
ing influence  is  upon  those  who  witness  it.  The  crowd  about  the 
scaffold  is  more  fearful  to  contemplate  than  the  struggles  of  the 
human  wretch  dangling  to  the  rope.  The  morbid  crowds,  that 
stand  without,  compensate  the  absence  of  vision  bv  stimulated 
mental  pictures  and  imaginings  which  are  equally  degrading1.  The 
whole  city  for  weeks  feels  a  depression  that  is,  in  the  last  analysis, 
humiliation  and  remorse. 

Too  much  importance  cannot  be  attached  to  the  argument 
that  the  capital  punishment  law  operates  against  justice.  How 


DUNNE — JUDGE,  MAYOR,  GOVERNOR  741 

many  murderers  go  free  because  juries  will  not  inflict  the  death 
penalty,  though  they  have  sworn  to  follow  the  evidence  and  the 
law  and  have  declared  themselves  not  to  be  opposed  to  it. 

While  it  is  true  that  the  accused  is  entitled  to  his  liberty,  if 
there  is  doubt  as  to  his  guilt,  it  is  equally  true  that  many  a  jury  is 
certain  of  his  guilt,  but  lacks  that  degree  of  conviction  which 
will  support  a  decree  of  death. 

Thus  the  tendency  is  always  towards  leniency  and  the  num- 
ber of  judgments  of  deaths  falls  to  an  almost  negligible  quantity. 
What  better  evidence  could  we  have  of  the  presence  of  a  wide- 
spread and  deeply  rooted  conviction  that  the  death  penalty  is 
wrong.  Men  say  they  believe  in  it,  but  they  are  exceedingly  slow 
to  apply  it  when  they  have  the  opportunity.  Conscience — that 
still  small  voice  that  controls  the  human  mainspring— rebels  and 
they  refuse  to  go  counter  to  its  admonitions. 

Here  occurs  another  argument  against  this  penalty.  After 
a  period  of  leniency,  in  a  community,  some  atrocious  deed  is 
done  or  there  is  a  wave  of  crime,  so-called.  The  populace  be- 
comes excited  and  demands  the  rigid  enforcement  of  the  law  to 
the  very  letter;  for  recent  events  it  calls  for  blood.  The  news- 
papers and  the  demagogue  grow  vociferous  and  mass  meetings 
pass  resolutions.  The  wheels  of  the  law  are  speeded  up  and  the 
first  one  or  two  accused  of  murder  are  sacrificed,  after  which 
affairs  assume  their  old  ways.  Such  instances  are  of  common 
knowledge.  They  demonstrate  very  clearly  that  jurors  trying 
men  for  their  liberties  and  lives  are  not  always  dominated  solely 
by  their  own  conscience,  the  testimony  and  the  law,  but  are  in- 
fluenced by  extraneous  forces,  however  unconscious  they  may  be 
of  it  or  careful  they  may  be  to  act  honestly. 

Concluding,  I  want  to  call  your  attention  to  the  attitude  of 
those  great  spirits  and  hearts  of  our  American  leaders  of  human- 
ity. Our  literature,  our  science,  our  art,  our  religion,  teem  with 
righteous  protest  against  the  so-called  legal  execution  of  our 
fellow  men.  Those  who  have  led  us  into  the  clearer  lights  of 
duty  and  responsibility  have,  without  exception,  plead  for  the 
abolition  of  this  hideous  disgrace  and  bloody  inheritance  from  a 
brutal  age. 

Lincoln  wrote  :  "God  helping  me,  I  will  never  sign  the  death 
warrant  of  any  man  so  long  as  I  live";  Bryant,  "I  am  heartily 
with  you  in  your  warfare  against  the  barbarous  practice  of  pun- 
ishment by  death";  Whittier,  "I  do  not  regard  the  death  penalty 
essential  to  the  security  and  well  being  of  society.  Its  total 
abolition  and  the  greater  certainty  of  conviction  which  would 
follow  would  tend  to  diminish  rather  than  increase  the  crimes 
it  is  intended  to  prevent";  Longfellow,  "I  am  and  have  been  for 


742  DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

many  years  an  opponent  of  capital  punishment";  Horatio  Sey- 
mour, "I  am  decidely  in  favor  of  the  softening  of  the  criminal 
code";  Dr.  Benjamin  Rush,  "The  power  over  human  life  is  the 
sole  prerogative  of  Him  who  gave  it.  Human  laws,  therefore, 
are  in  rebellion  against  this  prerogative  when  they  transmit  it  to 
human  hands";  Father  MatthewT,  "I  have  been  thirty  years  in  the 
ministry  and  I  have  never  yet  discovered  that  the  founder  of 
Christianity  has  delegated  to  man  any  right  to  take  away  the 
life  of  his  fellow  man";  Henry  Ward  Beecher,  "In  our  age  there 
is  no  need  of  a  death  penalty,  and  every  consideration  of  reason 
and  humanity  pleads  for  its  abolition";  Wendell  Phillips,  "The 
gallows  should  be  abolished  altogether." 

I  might  continue  to  quote  for  a  day,  but  leave  these  thoughts 
with  you  as  examples  of  the  aspirations  of  the  leaders  of 
humanity. 

The  cold-blooded  enforcement  of  this  awful  penalty,  under 
the  forms  of  law,  is  brutal  and  abhorrent  and  wrenches  the  decent 
sensibilities  of  every  public  official  who,  by  an  act  or  omission, 
is  required  to  participate  in  it,  including  the  jurymen  who  im- 
posed the  penalty,  the  judge  who  directs  its  execution,  the  Gov- 
ernor who  refrains  from  clemency,  the  sheriff  who  superintends 
the  hanging,  and  the  miserable  unknown  human  tool  who  cuts 
the  rope.  It  degrades  and  demoralizes,  depresses  with  remorse 
and  humiliation  the  community  in  which  it  takes  place.  It  lowers 
the  level  of  the  finer  instincts  and  is  fraught  with  the  ever  present 
danger  that  a  life  is  being  sacrificed  to  the  fallibilities  of  the 
human  mind  and  conscience. 

As  the  Executive  of  a  great  commonwealth,  I  come  before 
you  today,  the  governors  of  sister  states,  to  plead  with  you  to 
give  this  subject  your  honest  thought  and  faithful  consideration. 

The  tendency  of  modern  government  in  highly  civilized  com- 
munities is  slowly  and  surely  toward  the  abolition  of  capital 
punishment.  Italy,  Holland,  Switzerland,  Belgium,  Portugal  and 
Roumania  have  abolished  it.  In  the  United  States  it  has  been 
abolished  in  Kansas,  Maine,  Michigan,  Minnesota,  Oregon,  Rhode 
Island,  South  Dakota,  Washington  and  Wisconsin. 

Ought  we  have  still  upon  our  statute  books  the  penalty  that 
takes  human  life  under  the  forms  of  law,  or  keep  pace  with  the 
progress  of  events,  particularly  as  the  records  show  that  it  has 
ceased  to  act,  if  it  ever  did,  as  a  deterrent  of  grievous  offenses  ? 


DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  743 


ON  PREPAREDNESS  FOR  WAR. 

ADDRESS  AT  GOVERNORS'  CONFERENCE,  BOSTON,  AUGUST  27,  1915. 

Mr.  Chairman  and  Gentlemen: 

Since  the  commencement  of  the  tremendous  war  now  waging 
in  Europe,  and  the  danger  of  our  country  being  embroiled  therein, 
all  classes  of  people  in  the  Republic  have  been  seriously  consider- 
ing the  unpreparedness  for  war  which  seems  to  exist  in  our 
country. 

From  the  bellicose  jingo  who  would  involve  this  country  in 
a  foreign  war  upon  slight  provocation  to  the  peace-at-any-price 
citizen,  all  of  us  have  been  seriously  considering  the  question  as  to 
whether  our  military  and  naval  armament  ought  not  be  increased 
at  least  for  defensive  purposes.  That  we  have  in  the  United  States 
at  the  present  time,  in  comparison  with  the  great  nations  of  Europe, 
but  a  meager  force  of  soldiers  and  sailors  cannot  be  denied. 

The  Army  of  the  United  States  consists  of  but  one  man  in  each 
one  thousand  inhabitants,  while  in  the  British  army  there  are 
seventeen  soldiers  to  each  one  thousand  inhabitants;  in  Russia 
twenty-eight  to  each  one  thousand  inhabitants,  in  France  thirty- 
four  to  each  one  thousand  inhabitants,  in  Germany  fifty-one  to  each 
one  thousand  inhabitants,  and  in  Italy  fifty-seven  to  each  one  thou- 
sand inhabitants. 

As  to  whether  our  Army  should  be  increased  at  least  for  de- 
fensive purposes  there  does  not  seem  to  be  much  doubt  among 
thoughtful  men.  Whether  the  increase  must  be  in  the  nature  of  a 
standing  army  or  an  increase  in  citizen-soldiery  is  a  question  about 
which  there  is  room  for  legitimate  debate. 

The  advocates  of  a  large  standing  army  in  the  United  States 
in  the  past  have  been  few  and  far  between.  The  isolation  of  our 
Republic  from  the  great  warlike  nations  of  the  earth,  its  separation 
from  them  by  thousands  of  miles  of  ocean,  and  its  location  on  a 
different  hemisphere  has  given  us  in  the  past  a  feeling  of  security 
and  a  confidence  in  immunity  from  attack,  but  the  tremendous 
progress  in  military  and  naval  armament  as  disclosed  by  the  present 
European  war  proves  that  this  feeling  of  security  cannot  be  much 
longer  entertained.  Steam  and  electricity  and  the  marvelous  de- 
velopment of  modern  men-of-war,  cruisers  and  submarines  have 


744  DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,  GOVERNOR 

produced  such  a  revolution  in  the  intercourse  between  nations  that 
the  isolation  which  we  have  enjoyed  in  the  past  under  obsolete 
conditions  no  longer  prevails. 

If  war  were  to  be  declared  against  this  country  by  one  of  the 
six  greatest  nations  of  Europe  it  must  be  conceded  that  the  United 
States  in  its  present  condition  of  land  and  naval  forces  would  be 
in  a  sorry  predicament.  For  offensive  warfare  our  land  forces  are 
so  small  as  to  be  regarded  with  ridicule.  Our  naval  armament 
might  succeed  for  a  time  in  damaging  cities  and  fortifications  upon 
the  sea  coast  of  a  possible  enemy  in  Europe,  but  separated  so  far 
as  we  would  be  from  the  base  of  supplies  such  offensive  naval 
warfare  could  not  be  of  lasting  duration. 

In  defensive  naval  warfare,  we  might  for  a  time  make  a  credit- 
able showing  upon  our  own  coasts ;  but  if  any  of  these  great  nations 
should  effect  a  landing  of  any  considerable  army,  for  weeks  at  least 
such  an  invasion  would  be  practically  unopposed.  This  serious  situ- 
ation of  affairs  has  given  even  the  most  ardent  advocate  of  peace 
between  the  nations  grave  concern. 

While  we  in  the  United  States  are  honestly  and  ardently  sin- 
cere advocates  of  peace  between  the  nations  and  while  we  have  no 
lust  of  conquest  and  no  desire  to  be  involved  with  any  other  nation, 
we  must  conclude  that  we  are  sadly  and  grossly  unprepared  even 
for  a  defensive  war.  For  the  protection  of  the  autonomy  of  the 
Nation  we  ought  then  to  be  in  a  better  state  of  preparedness  and 
ought  to  have  a  larger  force  of  men  trained  for  military  purposes. 
Must  this  force  necessarily  be  a  large  standing  army  thus  imposing 
burdens  of  taxation  upon  the  Nation  that  it  has  hitherto  been 
unaccustomed  to?  I  do  not  think  an  enormous  standing  army  is 
essential  for  the  protection  of  the  Nation  and  the  preservation  of 
its  autonomy.  A  citizen-soldiery  brought  this  Republic  into  being, 
a  citizen-soldiery  in  the  main  has  carried  on  three  wars  success- 
fully with  other  nations,  and  a  citizen-soldiery  in  the  main  saved 
this  Republic  from  dissolution  in  one  of  the  greatest  revolutions  in 
history,  and  I  know  of  no  reason  why  with  an  adequate  navy,  super 
and  submarine,  that  a  citizen-soldiery  of  land  forces  cannot  be  the 
main  reliance  of  this  Republic  at  the  present. 

A  large  standing  army  has  been  and  always  will  be  an  enor- 
mous expense  to  any  nation.  I  think  I  am  within  the  bounds  of 
truth  when  I  claim  that  it  costs  this  Nation  at  least  six  hundred 
dollars  a  year  to  feed,  clothe,  equip  and  pay  each  enlisted  soldier. 
The  wages  in  the  United  States  Army  vary  from  fifteen  to  ninety- 
nine  dollars  per  month,  outside  of  clothing,  food  and  equipment. 
If  we  were  to  increase  our  standing  Army  from  one  hundred  thou- 
sand men  to  one  million  men,  it  would,  therefore,  cost  us  six  hun- 
dred millions  of  dollars  a  year  to  pay  these  soldiers  their  wages, 


DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  745 

and  feed  and  equip  them.  If  we  were  to  maintain  a  standing  army 
in  proportion  to  population  such  as  Great  Britain  maintained  before 
the  outbreak  of  hostilities,  it  would  cost  us  nearly  one  billion  two 
hundred  millions  of  dollars  a  year.  Such  a  frightful  increase  in 
the  burdens  of  taxation  which  would  be  occasioned  by  the  mainte- 
nance of  such  an  army  in  the  United  States  must  give  serious 
concern  to  all  citizens  contemplating  such  a  prospect. 

There  is  another  alternative.  It  is  the  citizen-soldiery  of  the 
Nation.  Not  such  a  citizen-soldiery,  however,  as  is  now  maintained 
in  the  National  Guards  of  the  different  States.  The  present  militia 
of  all  of  the  different  states  of  the  United  States  is  wholly  ina.de- 
quate  for  the  defense  of  the  Nation.  In  1913,  the  total  militia  of 
the  National  Guards  of  all  the  States  aggregated  approximately 
one  hundred  and  twenty  thousand  men.  Such  a  number  of  men 
would  be  wholly  inadequate  for  the  defense  of  the  Nation  in  case 
of  war  with  any  first-class  power. 

To  rely  upon  the  Regular  Army  of  one  hundred  thousand  men, 
and  a  militia  of  one  hundred  and  twenty  thousand  men  in  case  of 
war  with  a  first-class  power  would  be  an  act  of  supreme  folly. 
The  citizen-soldiery  of  the  Republic  must  be  reorganized,  regener- 
ated and  enormously  increased.  There  should  be  at  least  a  body 
of  citizen-soldiery  trained  to  the  use  of  arms,  organized  and  main- 
tained throughout  the  different  states  of  the  United  States  in  the 
aggregate  of  at  least  two  million  men.  How  can  this  be  accom- 
plished without  imposing  too  great  a  hardship  upon  its  members 
and  upon  the  taxpayers  of  the  Nation?  It  can  be  accomplished 
by  the  adoption  of  two  measures. 

First.  By  requiring  every  college  and  university  in  the 
United  States  which  receives  from  any  State  or  from  the  Federal 
Government  any  support  or  appropriation  of  money,  to  give  a 
military  training  to  its  students  during  the  four  years  of  the  uni- 
versity or  college  course.  As  part  of  the  physical  and  mental 
education  of  the  student,  he  should  be  compelled,  if  in  such  an 
institution,  as  part  of  his  curriculum,  to  devote  sufficient  time 
to  enable  him  to  become  a  well-informed  soldier  in  time  of  war. 
That  this  can  easily  be  accomplished  is  proven  by  what  has  al- 
ready been  accomplished  in  some  of  the  universities. 

Years  ago  the  Federal  Government  made  land-grants  to  the 
University  of  Illinois,  requiring  as  one  of  the  considerations  there- 
for a  regular  military  drill  among  its  students.  Today  at  Urbana, 
Illinois,  the  seat  of  this  university,  there  are  among  its  five  thou- 
sand students  eighteen  hundred  fairly  well  drilled  young  men 
who  have  received  a  military  training  under  the  supervision  of  the 
Federal  officer  detailed  for  that  purpose.  Next  year  there  will 
be  about  two  thousand  of  these  young  men  who  will  be  receiving 


746  DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

such  a  training.  I  am  informed  that  there  are  sixty  land -grant 
colleges  and  universities  in  the  United  States  where  doubtless  such 
provisions  are  being,  or  should  be,  enforced. 

The  military  training  given  these  young  men,  however,  at  the 
present  time  is  meager  .and  inadequate.  It  is  difficult  to  secure 
from  the  Federal  Government  sufficient  trained  officers  to  give 
them  the  thorough  military  training  that  they  might  receive  if 
properly  officered.  Only  one  trained  Federal  officer  is  detailed  to 
the  great  University  of  Illinois  to  give  military  training  to  nearly 
two  thousand  young  men.  The  system  should  be  changed.  At 
least  one  officer,  a  West  Point  graduate  with  years  of  training, 
should  be  detailed  to  every  five  hundred  men  in  such  colleges  and 
universities.  The  Federal  Government,  moreover,  should  provide 
funds  and  scholarships  for  the  training  of  young  men  to  become 
military  officers  in  these  institutions. 

1  am  assured  by  President  Edmund  J.  James  of  the  University 
of  Illinois  "that  if  the  Federal  Government  would  provide  funds 
and  grant  scholarships  to  the  amount  of  say  one  hundred  and  fifty 
dollars  a  year  or  two  hundred  dollars  a  year  for  every  student  in 
one  of  these  institutions  who  would  take  the  regular  four-year 
course  of  military  instruction  and  drill,  which  could  be  taken 
right  along  with  the  other  course  in  the  University  by  extending 
the  course  say  from  four  years  to  five,  it  would  be  possible  to 
graduate  from  the  University  of  Illinois,  for  instance,  anywhere 
from  one  hundred  to  two  hundred  men  who  would  compare  very 
favorably  in  their  general  education  and  specific  training  with 
the  graduates  at  West  Point." 

One  of  the  greatest  needs  of  the  British  and  Russian  armies 
at  the  present  time  is  their  need  of  trained  officers  to  take  charge 
of  the  enlisted  men.  We  should  profit  by  the  examples  furnished 
in  this  avful  war  now  prevailing  in  Europe.  For  defensive  pur- 
poses at  least  we  should  have  an  adequate  number  of  well-drilled 
men,  graduates  of  our  educational  institutions  who  could  in  case 
of  war  take  charge  of  and  whip  into  shape  the  soldiers  who  would 
fly  to  the  defense  of  their  country's  integrity. 

Another  method  of  increasing  the  numbers  and  efficiency  of 
our  State  militia  would  be  for  the  Federal  Government  to  make 
more  liberal  appropriations  for  the  maintenance  of  the  same. 
Under  the  present  Federal  law,  each  state  receives  from  the  Fed- 
eral Government  the  tents,  uniforms,  arms  and  equipment  used  by 
its  militia.  No  wage  is  paid  the  militiamen  by  the  Federal 
Government.  The  only  wage  or  compensation  that  the  militiamen 
in  the  State  of  Illinois  receive  is  one  dollar  a  day  while  actively 
engaged  in  maneuvers  or  when  called  out  for  public  duty  in  case 


DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  747 

of  a  riot  or  other  emergencies.  On  the  average  the  militiaman  in 
the  State  of  Illinois  does  not  receive  to  exceed  fifteen  dollars  a 
year,  and  that  only  when  he  is  in  active  service. 

This  beggarly  allowance  is  not  attractive  to  the  ordinary 
farmer,  mechanic  or  clerk.  If  he  joins  the  militia  he  is  expected 
to  give  at  least  one  night  a  week  for  drilling  purposes  in  his 
armory.  This  continues  throughout  the  enthe  year,  and  for  this 
one  night  a  week  he  receives  not  one  cent  of  compensation.  The 
young  men  who  join  the  National  Guard  are  those  who  do  so  for 
patriotism  or  love  of  military  association.  The  surprise  is  that 
there  are  sufficient  young  men  throughout  the  different  states  who 
are  willing  to  give  so  much  of  their  time,  without  compensation 

All  of  this  should  be  changed.  I  believe  that  any  young  man 
who  is  willing  to  join  the  National  Guard  and  become  a  citizen- 
soldier  should  be  reasonably  compensated  for  the  time  that  he 
spends  in  fitting  himself  to  become  a  soldier  as  he  would  in  any 
other  occupation.  If  a  militiaman  were  paid  one  dollar  for  every 
night  that  he  spent  in  military  training  in  his  drill  hall  or  arsenal 
with  a  provision  that  he  would  receive  no  compensation  unless 
he  attended  at  least  forty  nights  during  the  year,  I  believe  that 
the  National  Guard  in  the  State  of  Illinois,  upon  such  a  basis  of 
remuneration,  would  be  increased  within  one  year  from  the  eight 
thousand  militiamen  that  we  now  have  to  one  hundred  thousand, 
and  I  believe  that  this  is  true  of  all  of  the  other  states  in  the 
Union.  Instead  of  a  National  Guard  of  one  hundred  and  twenty 
thousand  men  throughout  all  of  the  states  of  the  Union  I  believe 
that  we  could  easily  secure  men  at  such  compensation  to  the  num- 
ber of  from  one  and  a  half  million  to  two  million  men  throughout 
the  United  States.  If  this  could  be  accomplished  let  us  compare 
the  burdens  that  it  would  impose  upon  the  public  with  the  bur- 
dens that  would  be  imposed  by  maintaining  a  standing  army  of 
the  same  number. 

If  each  militiaman  were  paid  at  the  rate  of  one  dollar  a  night 
and  the  National  Guard  should  be  increased  to  the  number  of  one 
million  men,  at  forty  dollars  per  year,  the  aggregate  cost  would  be 
forty  million  dollars  per  annum.  If  a  million  men  in  a  standing 
army  were  maintained  by  the  United  States  it  would  cost  six 
hundred  dollars  per  year  per  man,  the  cost  in  the  aggregate  being 
six  hundred  million  dollars.  In  other  words,  the  Federal  Govern- 
ment under  such  a  plan  could  maintain  a  militia  of  one  million 
men  ready  to  respond  to  the  country's  call  in  time  of  war  for  five 
hundred  and  sixty  million  dollars  less  than  it  would  cost  to  main- 
tain a  standing  army  of  the  same  amount  of  men. 

I  am  not,  and  never  have  been,  an  advocate  of  a  large  stand- 
ing army  in  this  Republic,  but  I  do  believe  that  the  time  has  come 


748  DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,  GOVERNOR 

in  the  history  of  this  Nation  when  it  must  be  prepared  for  de- 
fensive purposes,  and  to  have  at  least  one  million  men  within  its 
borders  with  military  training  so  they  can  become  the  Nation's 
defenders  if  the  life  of  the  country  is  assailed. 

When  I  was  in  Switzerland  fifteen  years  ago  I  marvelled  at 
the  number  of  trained  soldiers  that  I  saw  in  the  little  republic, 
and  I  asked  a  native  why  it  was  necessary  in  such  a  peaceful  re- 
public to  maintain  so  formidable  a  force  of  men,  to  which  he  re- 
plied: "These  men  and  our  mountains  are  our  only  safeguards 
against  aggression.  We  can  only  maintain  our  independence  by 
having  these  men  in  readiness  against  possible  invasion." 

Let  us  be  prepared  to  protect  the  life  of  the  Nation  from 
aggression  from  abroad,  not  by  a  standing  army,  at  least  at 
present,  but  by  a  trained  citizen-soldiery  that  can  be  maintained 
without  imposing  unduly  onerous  burdens  upon  the  taxpayers  of 
the  Nation.  As  between  the  Chinese  republic  with  its  four  hun- 
dred million  inhabitants,  without  any  efficient  army,  cowering 
before  the  militant  empire  of  Japan  with  its  seventy  millions 
population,  but  with  an  efficient  army,  and  the  little  republic  of 
Switzerland  standing  among  the  warring  nations  of  Europe  and 
protecting  its  independence  by  a  trained  soldiery,  let  us  rather 
incline  to  the  fortunate  situation  of  Switzerland  that  can  assert 
its  independence  and  neutrality  in  the  midst  of  its  warring 
neighbors. 


DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  749 


THE  HONOR  SYSTEM  IN  ILLINOIS 
PRISONS. 

CORRESPONDENCE  AND  RECOMMENDATIONS,  AUGUST,  1915. 

In  Governor  Dunne's  inaugural  address  February  3,  1913r 
before  the  Forty-eighth  General  Assembly  of  the  State  of  Illinoisr 
he  said: 

"Provisions  also  should  be  made  for  the  employment  of  the 
inmates  of  our  penitentiaries  in  road  work.  Primarily,  convicts- 
should  be  used  for  the  preparation  of  material,  either  at  the  peni- 
tentiaries, or  at  camps,  established  near  natural  deposits  of  stoner 
gravel  or  other  material.  In  the  actual  construction  of  highways,, 
when  it  becomes  necessary,  short  term  prisoners  should  be 
employed  on  an  honor  system,  such  as  prevails  in  Colorado. 
Humanitarian  reasons  underlie  the  employment  of  convicts  in  the 
open  air  work  of  this  sort.  The  problem  of  what  is  going  to 
become  of  the  paroled  or  discharged  convict  is  largely  solved  if 
he  is  released,  healthy  in  body  and  in  mind,  and  not  debased 
by  associations  formed  in  the  debilitating  environment  of  cells 
and  prison  workshops. 

"Psychological  and  physiological  considerations  enter  into 
the  employment  of  men,  on  an  honor  system,  in  the  fresh  air  and 
sunshine,  wherein  and  whereby  they  are  restored  to  society  with 
their  manhood  quickened  instead  of  deadened,  or  destroyed." 

ADVISES  WARDEN  ALLEN  TO  STUDY  HONOR  SYSTEM 

IN  COLORADO. 

In  a  letter  dated  August  6,  1913,  Governor  Dunne  directed 
Warden  Edmund  M.  Allen  to  investigate -the  Honor  System  in 
Colorado,  which  letter  is  as  follows: 

"Your  letter  of  recent  date  to  hand.  I  wish  to  put  in  action 
at  the  earliest  possible  moment  that  scheme  of  placing  convicts 
on  the  roads  for  road  making.  If  you  deem  it  necessary  to  go  to 
Colorado,  do  it  at  once  so  we  can  get  to  work  on  the  matter. ' ' 

LAW  ENACTED  ON  RECOMMENDATION  OF  GOVERNOR 

DUNNE. 

The  original  law  passed  by  the  Forty-eighth  General  Assem- 
bly permitting  convicts  to  be  employed  on  the  highways,  was 


750  DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

introduced  at  the  Governor's  suggestion  and  passed  through  the 
efforts  of  his  friends,  which  law  was  amended  in  the  Forty-ninth 
General  Assembly,  again  by  the  efforts  of  Governor  Dunne's 
friends — the  essential  features  of  which  law  and  amendment  are 
as  follows : 

"Be  it  enacted  by  the  People  of  the  State  of  Illinois,  repre- 
sented in  the  General  Assembly:  That  the  commissioners  of  the 
Northern  Illinois  Penitentiary,  commissioners  of  the  Southern 
Illinois  Penitentiary  and  the  Board  of  Managers  of  the  Pontiac 
Reformatory  of  the  State  of  Illinois  are  hereby  authorized  and 
•empowered  to  employ  convicts  and  prisoners  in  the  penal  and 
reformatory  institutions  of  this  State  who  are  sentenced  for  terms 
of  not  more  than  five  years,  or  who  have  not  more  than  five  years 
to  serve  to  complete  their  sentence  in  working  on  the  public  roads 
or  in  crushing  stones  or  preparing  other  road  building  materials 
at  points  outside  the  walls  of  the  penal  or  reformatory  institu- 
tions." 

The  amendment  of  the  above  law  went  into  effect  July  1,  1915, 
and  allows  prisoners  to  be  employed  as  above  regardless  of  the 
time  to  be  served  in  prison,  and  reads  as  follows : 

"That  the  commissioners  of  the  Northern  Illinois  Peniten- 
tiary, the  commissioners  of  the  Southern  Illinois  Penitentiary, 
and  the  Board  of  Managers  of  the  Pontiac  Reformatory  of  the 
State  of  Illinois  are  hereby  authorized  and  empowered  to  employ 
convicts  and  prisoners  in  the  penal  and  reformatory  institutions 
of  this  State  in  working  on  the  public  roads  or  in  crushing  stones 
or  preparing  other  road  building  materials  at  points  outside  the 
walls  of  the  penal  or  reformatory  institutions.  Upon  the  written 
request  of  the  commissioners  of  the  highways  of  any  township 
in  counties  under  township  organization  or  the  commissioners  of 
highways  or  boards  of  county  commissioners  in  counties  not  under 
township  organization,  said  penitentiary  commissioners,  and 
Board  of  Managers  of  the  Pontiac  Reformatory  shall  detail  such 
convicts  or  prisoners  as  in  its  judgment  shall  seem  proper,  not 
exceeding  the  number-  specified  in  said  written  request,  for  em- 
ployment on  the  public  roads  or  in  the  preparation  of  road  build- 
ing material  in  the  township,  road  district,  or  county  requesting 
the  same  on  such  terms  and  conditions  as  may  be  described  by 
said  penitentiary  commissioners  or  the  Board  of  Managers  of  the 
Pontiac  Reformatory." 

LETTER    GIVING    EXTRA    TIME     FOR    LABOR    UNDER 
HONOR  SYSTEM. 

On  August  22,  1913,  the  first  law  for  convict  labor  having 
gone  into  effect  on  July  1,  of  that  year,  Governor  Dunne,  by  letter, 


DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  751 

directed  Warden  Allen  to  announce  to  prisoners  under  the  system 
the  plan  by  which  they  were  to  get  one  day  in  three.  This  letter, 
which  was  read  at  Chester  and  Joliet,  is  as  follows : 

"Pursuant  to  my  inaugural  message,  the  Legislature  has 
wisely  passed  a  law  permitting  the  utilization  of  convicts  whose 
unexpired  term  of  imprisonment  does  not  exceed  five  years,  upon 
the  public  roads  of  the  State  of  Illinois,  in  the  way  of  improving 
the  public  highways. 

"This  humane  measure,  in  my  judgment,  will  permit  many 
convicts  to  be  engaged  in  healthful  occupation,  which  will  work 
to  the  material  betterment  of  these  convicts. 

' '  The  law  does  not  provide  specifically  for  any  reward  to  con- 
victs employed  in  this  manner,  but  in  my  discretion  as  the  pos- 
sessor of  the  power  of  pardon  and  commutation,  I  have  reached 
the  conclusion  that  all  convicts  so  employed  should  receive  in  ad- 
dition to  the  good  time  now  allowed  them  by  law  a  further  reward 
for  honest  and  industrious  work  thus  performed  upon  the  public 
roads  of  the  State. 

"You  can  announce  to  the  inmates  of  your  institution  that  T 
shall  commute  the  sentence  of  all  employes  engaged  in  this  work 
whom  you  report  to  me  have  honestly  and  efficiently  worked  uport 
the  public  roads  of  this  State  on  the  following  basis:  For  every 
three  days  work  honestly  and  efficiently  performed  on  the  roads  in 
the  State,  I  shall  commute  the  sentence  of  the  convict  so  perform- 
ing such  work  to  the  extent  of  one  day. 

"In  other  words,  for  every  three  days  work  performed  the 
convict  shall  receive  by  executive  clemency  a  reward  of  one  day. 
The  convict  so  employed  for  three  months  shall  receive  a  commu- 
tation of  one  month.  The  convict  so  employed  for  three  years 
shall  receive  a  commutation  of  one  year. 

"You  are  hereby  directed  to  read  this  letter  to  the  convicts 
of  your  institution  at  your  early  convenience." 

ON  LETTER  WRITING  IN  PRISONS. 

On  October  17, 1913,  Governor  Dunne  addressed  the  following 
communication  to  Warden  Allen  relative  to  the  letter  writing 
privileges,  which  reads  as  follows : 

"A  printed  pamphlet  purporting  to  be  a  report  of  the  Super- 
intendent of  the  Arizona  State  prison,  of  February  1,  1913,  has 
been  forwarded  to  me,  in  which  a  comparative  statement  is  made 
of  the  privileges  given  to  convicts  in  the  different  penitentiaries 
of  the  different  states,  in  relation  to  receiving  and  writing  letters. 

"From  this  pamphlet  it  would  appear  that  the  rule  in  Illinois 
permits  the  convicts  to  write  one  letter  every  five  weeks,  and 


752  DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

that  they  are  allowed  to  re'eeive  all  the  letters  sent  them.  One 
daily  newspaper  is  allowed  them,  also  the  current  magazines  and 
periodicals. 

"This  regulation  with  reference  to  the  writing  of  letters  by 
the  prisoners  seems  to  be  much  more  stringent  in  Illinois  than 
in  almost  any  other  state  in  the  Union.  Virginia  seems  to  be  the 
only  state  that  has  a  more  stringent  rule,  and  there  they  permit 
the  prisoners  to  write  one  letter  only  every  two  months. 

"I  am.  enclosing  herewith  a  summary  of  the  regulations  made 
in  the  different  states. 

"Would  it  not  be  wise  in  your  institution  to  establish  a  rule 
permitting  the  convicts  with  good  records  to  write  a  letter  once 
a  week?  The  convicts  with  records  not  perfect  one  letter  in 
two  weeks,  and  the  convicts  that  have  black  marks  should  be  only 
permitted  to  write  one  letter  a  month. 

"I  submit  the  matter  for  your  consideration  and  advice. 
Please  let  me  have  your  views  thereon." 

WARDEN  ALLEN'S  REPLY. 

The  following  reply  from  Warden  Allen  was  received  Decem- 
ber 11,  1913 : 

"Replying  to  your  inquiry  of  yesterday,  as  to  whether  there 
is  any  limit  upon  the  number  of  letters  that  inmates  may  write 
when  they  are  permitted  to  write,  I  will  say;  that  our  rules  per- 
mit inmates  in  the  first  grade  to  write  one  letter  each  week. 
Those  in  the  second  grade  once  in  two  weeks,  while  those  in  the 
third  grade  write  once  in  five  weeks. 

"If  there  are  any  special  reasons  for  writing  more  than  one 
letter  in  any  of  the  grades  permission  is  always  given  the  inmate 
to  write  as  many  as  the  situation  may  call  for. 

' '  Trusting  this  will  give  you  the  information  desired,  I  am. ' ' 

WARDEN  ALLEN'S  REPORT  ON  WORKINGS  OF  HONOR 

CAMP. 

On  August  29,  1913,  Warden  Allen  reported  to  Governor 
Dunne  concerning  the  workings  of  the  honor  system  for  the  first 
honor  camp  which  had  been  sent  out  as  follows : 

"I  beg  to  advise  that  pursuant  to  your  wishes,  the  men  for 
our  first  road  camp  have  been  selected,  and  will  leave  for  Dixon, 
Lee  County,  early  Wednesday  morning,  September  3. 

"I  am  absolutely  confident  of  the  outcome  of  this  grand 
policy  of  yours,  and  beg  to  assure  you  that  in  my  judgment  it  is 
the  greatest  step  in  the  right  direction  ever  taken  in  Illinois 
toward  solving  the  great  question  of  convict  labor. ' ' 


DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  753 

WARDEN  ALLEN'S  REPORT  ON  ALL  HONOR  CAMPS. 

On  December  19,  1914,  Warden  A.llen  made  the  following  re- 
port to  Governor  Dunne: 

"The  first  road  camp  was  established  at  Grand  DeTour,  a 
village  near  Dixon,  Illinois,  and  was  called  Camp  Hope.  Work 
was  commenced  September  3,  19.13,  and  fifty-one  honor  men  were 
sent  from  the  penitentiary  to  this  camp.  A  road  was  cut  through 
a  hill  three-fourths  of  a  mile  long,  and  one  mile  of  grading  was 
completed.  No  stone  was  used.  This  work  was  finished  Febru- 
ary 10,  1914.  The  honor  men  endured  the  rigors  of  a  severe 
winter  housed  in  tents  furnished  by  the  Adjutant  General's  de- 
partment. Immediately  after  the  work  was  completed,  camp 
was  broken  and  the  men  proceeded  to  the  Joliet  honor  farm 
where  they  spent  the  balance  of  the  winter  and  spring  in  regu- 
lating and  grading  the  roads  in  and  about  this  farm.  Of  these 
fifty-one  honor  men,  fifteen  have  had  their  sentence  commuted; 
four  were  paroled;  seven  returned  to  the  penitentiary;  twenty- 
five  were  scattered  among  subsequent  road  camps  and  not  one 
escaped.  I  did  not  receive  from  the  superintendent  of  this  camp 
a  single  complaint  against  one  of  these  men.  There  were  no 
punishments;  no  deprivation  of  privileges  and  not  one  censured. 
No  compensation  was  received  for  this  work  on  account  of  there 
being  no  appropriation  to  meet  the  expense. 

"The  next  road  camp  was  established  at  Starved  Rock,  near 
Ottawa,  Illinois,  and  was  called  Camp  Dunne.  Work  was  com- 
menced April  27,  1914.  In  all,  seventy-two  honor  men  were  as- 
signed to  this  camp.  A  deep  cut  was  made  through  earth  and 
rock,  and  one  mile  of  grading  was  completed.  From  Starved 
Rock  this  camp  was  moved  August  20,  1914,  to  Mokena,  Will 
County,  Illinois,  where  one  and  one-half  mile  of  macadam  road- 
way was  completed  in  twenty-six  working  days  at  a  cost  of  $3,000. 
This  work  consisted  of  regulating  and  grading  the  existing  road- 
bed, and  the  laying  of  an  eight-inch  base  of  crushed  rock  twelve 
feet  in  width  topped  with  a  three-inch  dressing  of  fine  stone 
thoroughly  compressed  with  road  rollers.  From  Mokena,  the 
camp  was  moved  to  Frankfort,  Will  County,  Illinois,  where  the 
men  are  employed  constructing  a  roadway  similar  to  that  built  at 
Mokena,  two  miles  in  length  and  will  finish  this  work  on  or  about 
December  22,  1914.  Of  the  seventy-two  honor  men  assigned  to 
this  camp,  twenty-four  have  had  their  sentence  commuted ;  four 
returned  to  the  prison;  three  escaped,  one  of  whom  was  recap- 
tured, leaving  forty-one  men  still  at  work  at  Camp  Dunne.  This 
work  cost  approximately  $3,500  per  mile,  or  about  $500  per  mile 


754  DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,  GOVERNOR 

less  than  at  Beecher.  This-  is  accounted  for  by  the  difference 
in  the  length  of  haul  for  stone,  and  I  might  add  that  the  cost  of 
haul  enters  largely  into  the  cost  of  construction. 

''The  next  camp  was  established  at  Beecher,  Illinois,  arid  was 
called  Camp  Allen.  Work  was  commenced  June  15,  1914.  Sixty- 
five  honor  men  were  assigned  to  this  camp.  In  all,  fourteen  miles 
of  macadam  roadway  was  built.  This  work  was  finished  Novem- 
ber 24,  1914.  The  work  consisted  of  regulating  and  grading  the 
existing  roadbed  and  the  laying  of  an  eight-inch  base  of  crushed 
stone  varying  in  width  from  ten  to  twelve  feet  with  a  top  dressing 
of  fine  crushed  stone  thoroughly  compressed  by  road  rollers.  Of 
these  sixty-five  honor  men  sent  to  this  camp,  thirteen  have  had 
their  sentences  commuted;  one  paroled;  two  returned  to  prison, 
and  the  balance — forty-nine — transferred  to  work  upon  the 
switch  grade  at  the  honor  farm  during  the  winter.  There  was 
not  an  escape  from  this  camp.  No  punishments,  no  complaints 
nor  deprivations  of  privileges.  I  have  been  unable  to  obtain 
any  definite  figures  as  to  the  cost  of  this  work,  but  am  of  the 
opinion  from  what  information  I  could  gather  that  the  road  cost 
approximately  $4,000  per  mile. 

"February  27,  1914,  the  Joliet  honor  farm  was  opened  up. 
This  is  the  land  which  was  purchased  by  the  new  prison  com- 
mission for  a  site  upon  which  to  erect  a  new  prison  to  supersede 
the  one  now  in  use,  and  to  be  constructed  along  the  same  lines, 
with  the  exception  that  it  was  to  be  larger,  more  sanitary  and 
built  in  such  a  manner  that  escapes  would  be  reduced  to  a  mini- 
mum. The  Board  of  Commissioners  took  over  one  thousand 
acres  of  this  property  for  the  purpose  of  cultivation  and  to  give 
outdoor  employment  to  our  honor  men.  In  all,  125  men  have 
been  transferred  to  this  farm,  of  whom  twenty-four  have  had 
their  sentences  commuted ;  nine  returned  to  the  prison ;  two 
paroled  and  nine  transferred  to  the  road  camps,  leaving  sixty- one 
of  the  original  number  still  at  the  farm  for  operating  purposes. 
This  number  is  exclusive  of  the  road  men  that  have  been  trans- 
ferred to  work  there.  Two  hundred  and  fifty  acres  were  sown 
with  oats,  and  two  hundred  acres  were  seeded  at  the  same  time 
with  timothy  and  clover.  Forty  acres  were  seeded  with  alfalfa, 
making  the  largest  field  of  alfalfa  in  the  county." 


DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  755 


THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  PETER  ALTGELD. 

ADDRESS,  UNVEILING  His  MONUMENT  AT  CHICAGO,  SEPTEMBER  6, 

1915. 

Mr.  Chairman,  Ladies  and  Gentlemen: 

Robert  Emmet  said :  "A  man  dies,  but  his  memory  lives. ' ' 
This  is  intensely  true  of  the  man  whose  statue  the  State  of  Illinois 
unveils  today.  The  man  Altgeld  is  dead,  but  his  memory  lives  and. 
will  continue  to  live  for  generations  yet  to  come. 

It  was  my  proud,  privilege  to  have  known  him  personally  and 
to  have  been  counted  among  his  friends,  and  in  speaking  of  him  1 
know  whereof  I  speak. 

He  was  ever  a  friend  of  the  common  people  and  his  heart  was 
ever  full  of  sympathy  for  the  poor,  the  lowly  and  the  oppressed. 
His  vigorous  voice  and  powerful  pen  were  ever  at  the  disposal  of  this 
class  of  his  fellow  citizens.  He  was  the  enemy  at  all  times  of  bood- 
lers  and  corruptionists.  He  fought  them  in  his  own  party  and 
outside  of  his  own  party.  He  never  hesitated  to  denounce  a  cor- 
rupt man  in  politics,  no  matter  what  label  he  bore  or  what  ticket 
he  voted. 

Preeminently  he  had  the  courage  of  his  convictions.  He 
upheld  the  right  and  denounced  the  wrong  at  all  times,  under  all 
circumstances  and  in  every  place.  I  know  of  no  man  who  occupied 
a  position  in  the  public  life  of  this  State  who  had  greater  moral 
courage. 

He  believed  the  conviction  of  the  anarchists  was  the  result 
of  a  mob's  demand,  although  the  mob  was  clothed  in  purple  and 
fine  linen.  When  he  was  elected  Governor  of  this  State  he  had  the 
courage  to  do  what  was  a  most  unpopular  thing  at  the  time — to 
pardon  the  anarchists  then  confined  in  Joliet.  In  so  doing  he  was 
not  content  to  perform  the  official  act,  but  went  further  and  gave 
his  reasons  in  a  public  declaration  which,  because  of  its  courage 
and  force,  startled  the  whole  community. 

His  moral  courage  was  again  displayed  at  the  time  when  Presi- 
dent Cleveland,  without  a  request  from  the  Governor  or  Legisla- 
ture of  this  State,  or  the  mayor  of  this  city,  sent  Federal  troops  into 
the  city  of  Chicago  for  the  purpose  of  suppressing  riot.  Governor 
Altgeld  believed  that  this  act  of  the  President  was  a  violation  of 
the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  and  the  State  of  Illinois,  and 


756  DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

• 

holding  that  belief,  he  courageously  and  vigorously  protested 
against  what  he  believed  to  be  an  unwarranted  act,  even  though 
it  were  committed  by  the  President  of  the  United  States. 

He  was  absolutely  incorruptible  and  vigorously  honest.  When 
elected  Governor  of  this  State  he  was  reputed  to  be  and  was  a  very 
wealthy  man.  But  his  devotion  to  public  interests  compelled  him 
to  neglect  his  private  business  and  during  his  term  of  office  he 
became  seriously  embarrassed  financially.  Yet  in  spite  of  his  finan- 
cial embarrassment,  this  man  had  the  resolute  honesty  and  ironlike 
integrity  which  impelled  him  to  refuse  a  bribe  of  half  a  million 
dollars. 

I  know  of  no  man  in  public  life  who  was  so  thoroughly  devoted 
to  the  cause  of  human  liberty,  whether  it  was  in  his  own  land  or 
in  the  land  of  strangers. 

He  volunteered  as  a  private  soldier  in  defense  of  liberty  during 
the  Civil  War.  He  fought  through  th'at  war  for  the  country  of  his 
adoption.  His  voice  was  often  heard  in  sympathy  with  the  strug- 
gling people  of  Ireland  and  Poland.  During  the  Boer  war  thou- . 
sands  heard  his  powerful  and  eloquent  pleas  in  behalf  of  the  strug- 
gling people  of  South  Africa.  Indeed,  it  might  be  said  that  he  gave 
up  his  life  in  behalf  of  the  struggling  Boers,  for  on  the  night  of 
his  death  and  just  before  he  collapsed  he  delivered  one  of  his  most 
eloquent  speeches  in  behalf  of  the  struggling  burghers  of  South 
Africa. 

Of  him  it  might  well  be  said : 

"Whether  on  the  scaffold  high, 

Or  in  the  battle's  van, 
The  fittest  place  where  man  can  die, 

Is  where  he  dies  for  man." 

And  yet,  this  man  whose  heart  went  out  to  the  suffering, 
the  weak,  and  the  oppressed,  this  man  who  fought  to  preserve 
the  liberty  of  his  own  country  and  who  spoke  for  the  liberties  of 
other  peoples,  this  man  who  during  his  whole  life  was  honest  and 
incorruptible,  this  man  who  advocated  naught  but  justice  and 
truth  and  equality  and  liberty  for  all  men,  was  probably  more 
maligned,  misrepresented  and  vilified  than  any  man  that  ever 
appeared  in  the  history  of  this  State. 

Because  he  stood  for  the  common  people  in  their  struggle 
to  maintain  human  rights  as  against  capitalized  privilege,  he 
became  the  target  of  a  scandalous  and  mendacious  press,  and 
against  him  was  directed  all  the  calumny  and  invective  of  which 
it  was  capable.  These  indecent  and  unjust  attacks  upon  him 
made  the  people  cling  to  him  during  his  life  and  make  them  now 


DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  757 

revere  and  honor  his  memory.  The  sovereign  people  of  the  great 
State  of  Illinois,  in  the  erection  and  dedication  of  this  monument, 
now  make  reparation  and  do  honor  to  his  memory. 

Men  have  risen  to  prominence  and  achieved  distinction  dur- 
ing the  thirty  years  that  I  have  lived  in  this  city.  Great  mer- 
chants have  amassed  their  millions  and  passed  away  to  the  great 
beyond.  Eminent  lawyers  have  risen  to  high  rank  in  their  pro- 
fession and  left  their  impress  in  the  courts.  Skilful  surgeons 
have  occupied  the  public  attention,  achieved  distinction  and  gone 
their  way.  But  I  know  of  no  man,  who  has  lived  and  Avorked  and 
died  in  the  city  of  Chicago,  that  has  left  such  a  powerful  impress 
upon  its  history  and  the  history  of  Illinois,  or  whose  memory  is 
now  and  will  continue  to  be  more  revered  than  John  Peter 
Altgeld,  to  whose  honor  the  State  of  Illinois  unveils  this  statue 
here  today. 

But  he  has  left  behind  him  a  monument  greater  than  this 
monument  of  stone  and  bronze.  As  the  years  roll  by  and  the 
physical  shape  of  Altgeld  is  falling  into  dust  and  fading  from 
the  memory  of  those  who  knew  it,  the  historical  figure  of  Altgeld 
looms,  through  the  vanishing  fog  of  misrepresentation,  larger, 
clearer  and  grander.  His  works  and  words  are  preserved  in 
history  and  make  for  him  a  monument  in  the  hearts  of  all  men 
and  women  who  love  truth,  justice,  humanity  and  courage. 

Well  may  it  be  said  of  this  great  friend  of  the  weak  and 
lowly,  who  offered  his  life  for  his  country  at  16  and  sacrificed  it 
for  humanity  at  55,  in  the  words  of  the  poet  Pope : 

"Statesman,  yet  friend  to  truth,  of  soul  sincere, 
In  action  faithful  and  in  honor  clear." 


758  DUNNE — JUDGE,  MAYOR,  GOVERNOR 


DEFENDS  CONVICTS  WORKING  ON 
ROADS. 

To  THE  MANUFACTURERS  NEWS,  CHICAGO,  SEPTEMBER  13,  1915. 

A.  clipping  from  your  paper  contains  a  flippant  editorial  in 
which  you  say  "We  should  like  to  ask  Governor  Dunne  under 
what  statute  the  men  (convicts  working  the  roads)  are  taken 
from  the  penitentiary,  given  the  rights  of  citizenship  and  the 
practical  liberty  of  the  prodigal  son?" 

For  your  information  the  Governor  will  state  that  they  have 
not  been  given  the  rights  of  citizenship,  nor  the  practical  liberty 
of  the  prodigal  son.  They  are  still  unpardoiied  convicts,  denied  the 
ordinary  rights  of  citizenship,  but  permitted  under  a  humane  law, 
prepared  by  myself  and  recommended  for  passage  to  the  Legis- 
lature, and  passed  by  that  Legislature  June  28,  1913,  to  do  honest 
and  healthy  work  for  the  State.  (Page  581,  session  laws  of 
Illinois,  1913.) 


DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,  GOVERNOR  759 


ON  THE  OPENING  OF  THE  DIXIE 
HIGHWAY. 

ADDRESS  BY  GOVERNOR  DUNNE  AT  DANVILLE,  ILL.,  OCTOBER  9,  1915. 

Mr.  Chairman  and  Gentlemen: 

The  two  main  essentials  for  the  future  development  of  the 
State  of  Illinois  are  the  development  of  its  highways  and  water- 
ways. Although  this  State  is  the  first  in  agricultural  develop- 
ment, first  in  railway  development,  second  in  the  production  of 
all  wealth  among  the  states  of  the  United  States,  third  in  popu- 
lation and  commercial  and  political  importance,  and  third  in 
nearly  everything  in  which  she  is  not  first  or  second,  there  is  one 
notable  exception. 

Among  the  states  of  the  United  States,  Illinois  is  twenty- 
third  in  the  development  of  her  highways.  This  is  not  only  a 
disgrace  to  the  State,  but  a  limitation  upon  its  future  develop- 
ment of  a  serious  character. 

Even  without  decent  highways  the  land  of  the  State  of 
Illinois,  per  acre,  is  worth  nearly  three  times  the  average  of  the 
land  of  the  United  States.  What  would  be  its  value  if  its  road- 
ways were  developed?  Probably  four  or  five  times  the  average 
value  of  the  land  of  the  United  States.  It  is  time,  therefore, 
that  the  State  of  Illinois  should  arouse  itself  from  its  lethargy 
in  the  way  of  road  building.  It  is  the  duty  of  every  citizen  to 
become  interested  in  the  road  development  of  our  State. 

Within  the  last  two  years,  however,  I  am  glad  to  say  that 
lethargy  is  disappearing.  Men  who  two  years  ago  in  the  State 
of  Illinois  opposed  the  levying  of  taxation  for  the  improvement 
of  highways  today  have  become  warm  converts  to  road  develop- 
ment and  favor  the  issuance  of  bonds  and  liberal  taxation  for 
road  development. 

Every  prosperous  farmer  in  the  State  now  owns  his  auto- 
mobile and  is  contemplating  the  use  of  tractor  plows  and  tractor 
machinery.  The  improvement  of  the  roads  will  enable  the 
farmers  to  market  the  products  of  their  farms  cheaper  and  more 
quickly  and  will  lessen  the  cost  of  hauling  the  same  to  the  rail- 
roads. This  cheapening  of  cost  in  getting  his  products  to  the 
markets  naturally  increases  the  value  of  the  farmer's  land. 


760  DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

For  every  dollar  that  he  pays  in  the  way  of  taxation  for 
the  improvement  of  roads  in  his  county,  in  my  judgment,  it  will 
be  returned  to  the  farmer  ten-fold  in  the  enhanced  value  of  his 
farm. 

Let  us  then  all  participate  in  the  movement  for  the  develop- 
ment of  good  roads  in  our  State  and  for  connecting  our  State 
with  the  other  states  of  the  Union.  The  Dixie  Highway  is  a 
movement  in  this  direction  and  a  sane  and  sensible  one,  and  I  am 
here  today  to  indicate  that  the  administration  of  the  State  of 
Illinois  is  in  favor  of  the  Dixie  Highway  and  all  movements 
looking  towards  the  speedy  and  sensible  development  of  the 
highways  of  our  State. 


DUNNE — JUDGE,  MAYOR,  GOVERNOR  761 


ON  A  CITIZEN  SOLDIERY. 

ADDRESS  DEDICATING  NEW  ARMORY,  QUINCY,  ILLINOIS,  OCTOBER  12, 

1915. 

Mr.  Chairman,  Ladies  and  Gentlemen: 

It  gives  me  pleasure,  as  Chief  Executive  of  this  State,  to  be 
present  and  participate  with  you  in  the  dedication  of  the  new 
armory  erected  for  the  purpose  of  housing  the  National  Guard 
in  your  city. 

At  no  time  in  the  history  of  this  country  has  there  been 
greater  necessity  of  liberality  of  treatment  of  the  citizen-soldiery 
of  the  Republic.  For  over  a  century  it  has  been  the  policy  of  this 
Eepublic  to  discountenance  the  creation  of  a  large  standing  army. 
Isolated,  as  this  Nation  has  been  by  two  oceans  from  the  great 
military  nations  of  the  world,  we  have  been  developing  the  arts 
of  peace  and  not  the  science  of  war. 

We  have  rested  secure  in  the  belief  that,  because  we  had  no 
national  lust  of  territory  or  conquest  upon  this  continent,  no 
quarrels  with  the  other  nations  of  the  world  and  no  occasion  to 
build  up  a  formidable  military  armament,  we  could  proceed  along 
the  even  tenor  of  our  way,  developing  the  industries  of  the  coun- 
try and  relying  upon  immunity  from  assault  by  reason  of  our 
isolation. 

During  the  progress,  however,  of  the  great  conflict  now 
raging  in  Europe,  it  has  been  brought  home  to  us  that  the  tre- 
mendous development  of  naval  armaments,  particularly  has  placed 
this  country  in  a  position  where  it  can  be  assaulted  from  abroad 
probably  within  two  weeks  after  a  declaration  of  war.  That  our 
isolation  has  become  a  thing  of  the  past,  and  that  in  the  event 
of  a  declaration  of  war  upon  us  by  any  of  the  first-class  powers 
of  the  world  we  would  be  in  a  lamentable  state  of  unprepared- 
ness  for  defense,  is  not  doubted  by  many. 

The  enormous  wealth  of  the  country  and  it«  military  un- 
preparedness  in  themselves  create  a  temptation  for  any  first-class 
power  to  act  with  insolence  and  aggression  towards  this  country 
in  the  event  of  diplomatic  misunderstanding.  This  situation  is 
being  brought  home  upon  the  minds  of  the  American  people  with 
tremendous  force  as  the  European  war  progresses  and  we  watch 
the  great  strides  made  in  the  science  of  modern  warfare. 


762  DUNNE— JUDGE,   MAYOR,  GOVERNOR 

Our  country  is  rich  with  factories  in  which  the  modern  im- 
plements of  war  can  be  turned  out  with  great  rapidity,  but  all  of 
these  factories  are  located  within  a  radius  of  one  hundred  and 
fifty  miles  of  New  York  City,  and  upon  the  eastern  seaboard. 
With  the  tremendous  naval  equipment  now  possessed  by  some  of 
the  first-class  powers  of  the  world  and  with  the  tremendous  stand- 
ing armies  that  they  now  have,  fully  equipped  for  modern  war- 
fare, in  case  of  difficulty  between  this  country  and  any  of  these 
great  nations,  it  is  claimed  by  some  military  experts  that  a  mod- 
ern, well  equipped  army  of  two  or  three  hundred  thousand  men 
could  be  lauded  upon  our  eastern  seaboard  within  thirty  days 
after  a  declaration  of  war. 

The  gravity  of  the  situation  has  forced  upon  the  American 
people  the  contemplation  of  what  steps  should  be  taken  to  place 
this  Nation  in  a  state  of  reasonable  defense  against  possible  in- 
vasion. But  few  of  us  believe  that  even  in  this  situation  there 
is  any  justification  for  the  creation  and  maintenance  of  a  large 
standing  army.  Its  cost  would  be  intolerable  and  its  advocacy 
unpopular  to  the  American  mind,  but  that  our  present  state  of 
uupreparedness  must  be  altered  I  think  cannot  be  doubted  by 
any  thoughtful  person. 

From  the  bellicose  jingo  who  would  involve  this  country  in  a 
foreign  war  upon  slight  provocation  to  the  peace-at-any-price 
citizen,  all  of  us  have  been  seriously  considering  the  question  as 
to  whether  our  military  and  naval  armament  ought  not  be  in- 
creased, at  least  for  defensive  purposes.  That  we  have  in  the 
United  States  at  the  present  time,  in  comparison  with  the  great 
nations  of  Europe,  but  a  meager  force  of  soldiers  and  sailors 
cannot  be  denied. 

The  Army  of  the  United  States  consists  of  but  one  man  in  each 
one  thousand  inhabitants,  while  in  the  British  army  there  are 
seventeen  soldiers  to  each  one  thousand  inhabitants ;  in  Russia 
twenty-eight  to  each  one  thousand  inhabitants,  in  France  thirty- 
four  to  each  one  thousand  inhabitants,  in  Germany  fifty-one  to 
each  one  thousand  inhabitants,  and  in  Italy  fifty-seven  to  each 
one  thousand  inhabitants. 

As  to  whether  our  soldiery  should  be  increased,  at  least  for 
defensive  purposes,  there  does  not  seem  to  be  muun  doubt  among 
thoughtful  men.  Whether  the  increase  must  be  in  the  nature 
of  a  standing  army  or  an  increase  in  citizen-soldiery  is  a  question 
about  which  there  is  room  for  legitimate  debate. 

If  war  were  to  be  declared  against  this  country  by  one  of  the 
six  greatest  nations  of  Europe  it  must  be  conceded  that  the 
United  States  in  its  present  condition  of  land  and  naval  forces 


DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,  GOVERNOR  763 

would  be  in  a  sorry  predicament.  For  offensive  warfare  our  land 
forces  are  so  small  as  to  be  regarded  with  ridicule. 

We  are  sadly  and  grossly  unprepared  even  for  a  defensive 
war.  For  the  protection  of  the  autonomy  of  the  Nation  we  ought 
then  to  be  in  a  better  state  of  preparedness  and  ought  to  have  a 
larger  force  of  men  trained  for  military  purposes.  Must  this 
force  necessarily  be  a  large  standing  army,  thus  imposing  burdens 
of  taxation  upon  the  Nation  that  it  has  hitherto  been  unaccus- 
tomed to?  I  do  not  think  a  large  standing  army  is  essential  for 
the  protection  of  the  Nation.  A  citizen-soldiery  brought  this  Re- 
public into  being,  a  citizen-soldiery  in  the  main  has  carried  on 
three  wars  successfully  with  other  nations,  and  a  citizen-soldiery 
in  the  main  saved  this  Republic  from  dissolution  in  one  of  the 
greatest  rebellions  in  history.  I  know  of  no  reason  why  with  an 
adequate  navy,  super  and  submarine,  that  a  citizen-soldiery  of 
land  forces  cannot  be  the  main  reliance  of  this  Republic  in  the 
future. 

A  large  standing  army  has  been,  and  always  will  be,  an  enor- 
mous expense  to  any  nation.  I  think  I  am  within  the  bounds 
of  truth  when  I  claim  that  it  costs  this  Nation  at  least  $600  a  year 
to  feed,  clothe  and  pay  each  enlisted  soldier.  The  wages  in  the 
United  States  Army  vary  from  fifteen  to  ninety-nine  dollars  per 
month,  outside  of  clothing,  food  and  equipment.  If  we  were  to 
increase  our  standing  army  from  100,000  men  to  1,000,000,  it 
would,  therefore,  cost  us  $600,000,000  a  year  to  pay  these  soldiers 
their  wages,  and  feed  and  clothe  them,  aside  from  military  equip- 
ment. If  we  were  to  maintain  a  standing  army  in  proportion 
to  population  such  as  Great  Britain  maintained  before  the  out- 
break of  hostilities,  it  would  cost  us  nearly  $1,200.000,000  a  year. 
Such  a  frightful  increase  in  the  burdens  of  taxation  which  would 
be  occasioned  by  the  maintenance  of  such  an  army  in  the  United 
States  must  give  serious  concern  to  all  citizens  contemplating 
such  a  prospect. 

There  is  another  alternative.  It  is  the  citizen-soldiery  of  the 
Nation.  Not  such  a  citizen-soldiery,  however,  as  is  now  main- 
tained in  the  National  Guards  of  the  different  states.  The  pres- 
ent militia  of  all  of  the  different  states  of  the  United  States  is 
wholly  inadequate  for  the  defense  of  the  Nation.  In  1913,  the 
total  militia  of  the  National  Guards  of  all  the  states  aggregated 
approximately  120,000  men.  Such  a  number  of  men  would  be 
wholly  inadequate  for  the  defense  of  the  Nation  in  case  of  war 
with  any  first-class  power. 

To  rely  upon  the  regular  army  of  100,000  men  and  a  militia  of 
120,000  men  which  we  now  maintain  would  be  an  act  of  supreme 
folly.  The  citizen-soldiery  of  the  Republic  must  be  reorganized, 


764  DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

regenerated  and  enormously  increased.  There  should  be  a  body  of 
citizen-soldiery  trained  to  the  use  of  arms,  organized  and  main- 
tained throughout  the  different  states  of  the  United  States  in  the 
aggregate  of  at  least  1,000,000  men.  How  can  this  be  accomplished 
without  imposing  too  great  a  hardship  upon  its  members  and  upon 
the  taxpayers  of  the  Nation?  It  can  be  accomplished  by  the 
adoption  of  two  measures. 

First.  By  requiring  every  college  and  university  in  the  United 
States  which  receives  from  any  state  or  from  the  Federal  Govern- 
ment any  support  or  appropriation  of  money,  to  give  a  military 
training  to  its  students  during  the  four  years  of  the  university  or 
college  course.  As  part  of  the  physical  and  mental  education  of 
the  student,  he  should  be  compelled,  as  part  of  his  curriculum, 
to  devote  sufficient  time  to  enable  him  to  become  a  well-informed 
soldier  in  time  of  war.  That  this  can  easily  be  accomplished  is 
proven  by  what  has  already  been  accomplished  in  some  of  the 
universities. 

Years  ago  the  Federal  Government  made  land  grants  to  the 
University  of  Illinois,  requiring,  as  one  of  the  considerations 
therefor,  a  regular  military  drill  among  its  students.  Today  at 
Urbana,  Illinois,  the  seat  of  this  university,  there  are  among  its 
5,000  students,  1,800  fairly  well  drilled  young  men  who  have  re- 
ceived a  military  training  under  the  supervision  of  the  Federal 
officer  detailed  for  that  purpose.  Next  year  there  will  be  about 
2,000  of  these  young  men  who  will  be  receiving  such  a  training. 
I  am  informed  that  there  are  sixty  land  grant  colleges  and  univer- 
sities in  the  United  States  where  doubtless  such  provisions  are 
being,  or  should  be,  enforced. 

The  military  training  given  these  young  men,  however,  at  the 
present  time  is  meager  and  inadequate.  It  is  difficult  to  secure 
from  the  Federal  Government  sufficient  trained  officers  to  give 
them  the  thorough  military  training  that  they  might  receive,  if 
properly  officered.  Only  one  trained  Federal  officer  is  detailed  to 
the  great  University  of  Illinois  to  give  military  training  to  nearly 
2,000  young  men.  The  system  should  be  changed.  At  least  one 
officer,  a  West  Point  graduate  with  years  of  ^training,  should  be 
detailed  to  every  500  men  in  such  colleges  and  universities.  The 
Federal  Government,  moreover,  should  provide  funds  and  scholar- 
ships for  the  training  of  young  men  to  become  military  officers  in 
these  institutions. 

One  of  the  greatest  needs  of  the  British  and  Russian  armies 
at  the  present  time  is  trained  officers  to  take  charge  of  enlisted 
men.  We  should  profit  by  the  examples  furnished  in  this  awful 
war  now  prevailing  in  Europe.  For  defensive  purposes,  at  least, 
we  should  have  an  adequate  number  of  well  drilled  men,  grad- 


DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  765 

uates  of  our  educational  institutions  who  could,  in  case  of  war, 
take  charge  of  and  whip  into  shape  the  soldiers  who  would  fly  to 
the  defense  of  their  country's  integrity. 

Another  method  of  increasing  the  numbers  and  efficiency  of 
our  state  militia  would  be  for  the  Federal  Government  to  make 
more  liberal  appropriations  for  the  maintenance  of  the  same. 
Under  the  present  Federal  law,  each  state  receives  from  the 
Federal  Government  the  tents,  uniforms,  arms  and  equipment  used 
by  its  militia.  No  wage  is  paid  the  militiamen  by  the  Federal 
Government.  The  only  wage  or  compensation  that  the  militiamen 
in  the  State  of  Illinois  receives  is  one  dollar  a  day  while  actively 
engaged  in  maneuvers  or  when  called  out  for  public  duty  in  case 
of  riot  or  other  emergencies.  On  the  average  the  militiamen  in 
the  State  of  Illinois  do  not  receive  to  exceed  fifteen  dollars  a 
year,  and  that  only  when  he  is  in  active  service. 

This  beggarly  allowance  is  not  attractive  to  the  ordinary 
farmer,  mechanic  or  clerk.  If  he  joins  the  militia  he  is  expected  to 
give  at  least  one  night  a  week  for  drilling  purposes  in  his  armory. 
This  continues  throughout  the  entire  year,  and  for  this  one  night  a 
week  he  receives  not  one  cent  of  compensation.  The  young  men 
who  join  the  National  Guard  are  those  who  do  so  for  patriotism  or 
love  of  military  association.  The  surprise  is  that  there  are  sufficient 
young  men  throughout  the  different  states  who  are  willing  to  give 
so  much  of  their  time  without  compensation. 

All  of  this  should  be  changed.  I  believe  that  any  young  man 
who  is  willing  to  join  the  National  Guard  and  become  a  citizen- 
soldier  should  be  reasonably  compensated  for  the  time  that  he 
spends  in  fitting  himself  to  become  a  soldier  as  he  would  in  any 
other  occupation.  If  a  militiaman  were  paid  one  dollar  for  every 
night  that  he  spent  in  military  training  in  his  drill  hall  or  arsenal 
with  a  provision  that  he  would  receive  no  compensation  unless. he 
attended  at  least  forty  nights  during  the  year,  I  believe  that  the 
National  Guard  in  the  State  of  Illinois,  upon  such  a  basis  of  remun- 
eration, would  be  increased  within  one  year  from  the  8,000  militia- 
men that  we  now  have  to  100,000,  and  I  believe  that  this  is  true  of 
all  of  the  other  states  in  the  Union.  Instead  of  a  National  Guard 
of  120,000  throughout  all  of  the  states  of  the  Union,  I  believe  that 
we  could  easily  secure  men,  at  such  compensation,  to  the  number 
of  from  1,500,000  to  2,000,000  men  throughout  the  United  States. 
If  this  could  be  accomplished,  let  us  compare  the  burdens  that  it 
would  impose  upon  the  public  with  the  burdens  that  would  be  im- 
posed by  maintaining  a  standing  army  of  the  same  number. 

If  each  militiaman  were  paid  at  the  rate  of  one  dollar  a  night 
and  the  National  Guard  should  be  increased  to  the  number  of 
1,000,000,  at  forty  dollars  per  year,  the  aggregate  cost  would  be 


766  DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,  GOVERNOR 

$40,000,000  per  annum.  If  1,000,000  men  in  a  standing  army  were 
maintained  by  the  United  States,  it  would  cost  $600  per  year  per 
man,  the  cost  in  the  aggregate  being  $600,000,000.  In  other  words 
the  Federal  Government,  under  such  a  plan,  could  maintain  a 
militia  of  1,000,000  men  ready  to  respond  to  the  country's  call  in 
time  of  war  for  $560,000,000  less  than  it  would  cost  to  maintain 
a  standing  army  of  the  same  amount  of  men. 

I  am  not,  and  never  have  been,  an  advocate  of  a  large  standing 
army  in  this  Republic,  but  I  do  believe  that  the  time  has  come  in 
the  history  of  this  Nation,  when  it  must  be  prepared  for  defensive 
purposes,  and  to  have  at  least  1,000,000  men  within  its  borders 
with  military  training,  so  they  can  become  the  Nation's  defenders, 
if  the  life  of  the  country  is  assailed.  This  is  the  reason  why  the 
State  of  Illinois,  during  the  last  three  years,  has  been  liberal  in 
its  appropriations  for  the  maintenance  of  armories  throughout  the 
State.  The  following  statement  shows  where  armories  were 
erected  during  the  last  three  years  and  the  cost  of  the  same : 

Chicago,  Second  Infantry $470,825.00 

Chicago,  Eighth  Infantry , 194,424.66 

Chicago,  First  Cavalry    (appropriated  for, 

plans  drawn  and  ready  for  construction) 225,000.00 

Aurora  , 47,000.00 

Galesburg   50,000.00 

Kewanee  20,000.00 

Ottawa 44,600.00 

Quincy  : 65,000.00 

Woodstock  28,000.00 

Kankakee  75,000.00 

Monmouth 50,000.00 

Peoria  50,000.00 


$1,319,849.66 

The  last  three  named  were  appropriated  for  and  plans  and 
building  are  in  process  of  consummation. 

The  appropriations  made  by  the  Forty-seventh  and  Forty- 
eighth  and  Forty-ninth  General  Assemblies  of  the  state  of  Illinois 
for  housing  the  National  Guard  amount  to  the  sum  of  $1,319,849.66. 

Another  suggestion  which  I  deem  of  importance  is  the  location 
of  arsenals  and  ammunition  factories  in  the  heart  of  the  Mississippi 
valley. 

I  was  surprised  upon  visiting  the  United  States  arsenal  at  Rock 
Island  sometime  ago,  to  discover  that  no  munitions,  guns,  rifles  and 
other  arms  wer.e  being  manufactured  there,  and  that  the  only  things 
manufactured  were  blankets,  harness,  saddles  and  other  equipment 
of  this  character. 


DUNNE — JUDGE,  MAYOR,  GOVERNOR  767 

In  the  event  of  invasion  and  the  capture  of  our  ammunition 
factories  along  the  eastern  seaboard,  it  would  require  a  great  deal 
of  valuable  time  to  build  up  and  equip  factories  for  the  manufacture 
of  firearms  and  ammunition  within  the  heart  of  the  Nation. 

I,  therefore,  favor  the  building  and  equipment  of  armories  and 
ammunition  factories  in  the  Mississippi  valley  and  I  know  of  no 
place  in  the  valley,  better  suited  for  this  purpose  than  the  State  of 
Illinois,  which  is  the  railway  center  of  the  United  States,  and  which 
has  waterway  transportation  by  the  lake  on  one  side  and  by  the 
Mississippi  River  to  the  south  on  the  other  side.  Why  should  not 
a  second  West  Point  be  located  near  Chicago  on  the  lake,  or  upon 
the  Mississippi  River? 

When  I  was  in  Switzerland  fifteen  years  ago  I  marvelled  at 
the  number  of  trained  soldiers  that  I  saw  in  the  little  republic,  and 
I  asked  a  native  why  it  was  necessary  in  such  a  peaceful  republic 
to  maintain  so  formidable  a  force  of  men,  to  which  he  replied : 
"These  men  and  our  mountains  are  our  only  safeguards  against 
aggression.  We  can  only  maintain  our  independence  by  having 
these  men  in  readiness  against  possible  invasion." 

Let  us  be  prepared  to  protect  the  life  of  the  Nation  from  aggres- 
sion from  abroad,  not  by  a  large  standing  army,  at  least  at  present, 
but  by  a  trained  citizen-soldiery  that  can  be  maintained  without 
imposing  unduly  onerous  burdens  upon  the  taxpayers  of  the  Nation. 
As  between  the  Chinese  republic  with  its  400,000,000  inhabitants, 
without  any  efficient  army,  cowering  before  the  militant  empire  of 
Japan  with  its  70,000,000  population,  but  with  an  efficient  army, 
and  the  little  republic  of  Switzerland,  standing  among  the  warring 
nations  of  Europe  and  protecting  its  independence  by  a  trained 
soldiery,  let  us  rather  incline  to  the  fortunate  situation  of  Switzer- 
land that  can  assert  its  independence  and  neutrality  in  the  midst  of 
its  warring  neighbors. 


768  DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 


ANSWERS  AN  ATTACK  ON  DR.  O.  E. 

DYSON. 

STATEMENT  TO  THE  PUBLIC,  OCTOBER  24,  1915. 

I  am  today  in  receipt  of  a  letter  from  Dr.  0.  E.  Dyson,  State 
Veterinarian,  and  believe  that  the  statements  therein  contained 
are  correct  in  every  particular. 

•  If  Congressman  Rainey  or  any  one  else  has  any  proof  that 
any  of  his  statements  are  false,  I  would  be  glad  to  have  him  pro- 
duce the  proof  and  give  same  to  the  public. 

Congressman  Rainey  gives  six  reasons,  in  a  letter  he  is  sup- 
posed to  have  sent  to  me,  but  which  I  have  not  received  up  to  the 
present  time,  and  which  is  printed  in  the  Chicago  Tribune  of 
Friday,  October  22,  1915,  why  Dr.  Dyson  should  be  removed 
from  office,  and  which  are  as  follows : 

First.  "Dr.  Dyson,  before  you  appointed-  him,  was  in  the 
employ  of  the  Chicago  packers."  Dr.  Dyson  before  his  appoint- 
ment had  been  in  the  employ  of  the  Chicago  packers  but  he  had 
also  been  in  the  employ  of  the  Federal  Bureau  of  Animal  Indus- 
try for  nearly  twice  as  long,  and  at  the  time  of  his  appointment 
was  not  in  the  employ  and  had  not  been  in  the  employ  of  the 
packers  or  the  Federal  Government  for  about  ten  months. 

Second.  "The  Chicago  packers  have  made  some  millions  of 
dollars  out  of  his  administration  of  the  Illinois  quarantine."  I 
am  not  informed  as  to  the  profits  of  the  packers,  but  if  they  have 
made  any  money  out  of  the  administration  of  the  Illinois  quaran- 
tine, that  quarantine  has  been  conducted  along  the  lines  laid 
down  by  the  Federal  Bureau  of  Animal  Industry,  excepting  dur- 
ing the  months  of  November  and  December  of  1914,  and  January 
of  1915,  when  Dr.  Dyson  opened  up  to  the  stock  raisers  of  the 
State  of  Illinois  a  market  for  their  cattle  without  producing  a 
single  case  of  infection  at  the  markets  and  at  a  saving  for  the 
live  stock  producers  of  the  State  in  the  quarantined  area  of 
millions  of  dollars,  which  otherwise  they  would  have  lost. 

Third.  "Although  he  has  been  a  trusted  employe  of  the  pack- 
ers in  Chicago,  working  for  them  and  their  interests  for  a  long 
time  prior  to  your  appointment  of  him  to  his  present  position,  he 
filed  with  you  not  a  single  endorsement  from  any  of  them ;  a  fact 
in  itself  most  suspicious."  I  did  not  request  endorsements  from 


DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  769 

the  packers.  Congressman  Rainey  in  a  letter  to  me  dated  Oc- 
tober 8  complained  "You  did  not  send  me  a  complete  list,  how- 
ever, of  his  endorsers.  What  I  am  anxious  to  have  is  the  names 
of  the  Chicago  packers  who  endorsed  Dr.  Dyson.  I  understand 
that  he  was  unanimously  endorsed  by  the  Chicago  packers.  In 
one  breath  Congressman  Rainey  criticizes  me  for  having  endorse- 
ment of  Chicago  packers,  which  I  did  not  have,  and  in  the  next 
breath  criticizes  me  for  not  having  endorsements  from  these  same  4 
packers. 

Fourth.  "His  management  of  the  Illinois  quarantine  has  cost 
the  State  and  Nation  over  $4,000,000.  As  many  cases  have  de- 
veloped in  Illinois  remote  from  the  point  of  original  infection 
as  have  developed  in  all  other  states."  This  is  a  mere  assertion 
of  Mr.  Rainey 's  and  is  not  backed  up  by  any  proof,  and  I  do 
not,  with  all  deference  to  Mr.  Rainey,  believe  that  it  is  true. 

Fifth.  "He  has  cost  the  State  and  Nation  more  than  any  other 
citizen  who  ever  lived  in  Illinois."  This  is  another  mere  asser- 
tion of  Mr.  Rainey 's  and  is  not  backed  up  by  any  proof,  and  I  do 
not  believe,  with  all  deference  to  Mr.  Rainey,  that  it  is  worthy 
of  credence. 

Sixth.  "His  regulation  of  the  Illinois  quarantine  has  been  so 
bad  and  so  incompetent  that  it  has  been  frequently  criticized  and 
condemned  to  me  and  to  others  by  the  officials  of  the  Bureau  of 
Animal  Industry  here  in  Washington."  I  call  upon  Congress- 
man Rainey  to  give  me  the  name  or  names  of  the  gentleman  or 
gentlemen  who  have. made  this  criticism,  and  the  criticism,  and 
the  date  thereof. 


—25 


770  DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,  GOVERNOR 


DEFENDS  INTEGRITY  OF  WATERWAY 
LEGISLATION. 

IN  REPLY  TO  ATTACK  BY  CONGRESSMAN  RAINEY,  OCTOBER  24,  1915. 

In  relation  to  the  statement  of  Congressman  Rainey  in  to- 
day's papers,  Governor  Dunne  issued  a  statement:  "It  is  diffi- 
cult for  me,"  said  the  Governor,  "fittingly  to  characterize  the 
extraordinary  statements  made  by  Congressman  Rainey  concern- 
ing the  Illinois  Waterway,  or  answer  him  dispassionately.  But  I 
shall  endeavor  so  to  do.  His  statements  concerning  the  waterway 
are  full  of  assertions  which  are  reckless  of  facts. 

"That  part  of  the  Congressman's  statement  regarding  graft 
in  the  waterway  law  is  so  wildly  absurd  as  to  be  grotesque.  The 
Congressman  states  his  greatest  objection  to  the  waterway  is 
that  it  contains  $700,000  in  graft.  This  is  most  assuredly  news 
to  me.  The  Congressman  states  that  there  will  be  paid  out  in 
salaries,  for  fees  to  experts  and  officials,  $700,000.  Where  the 
Congressman  gets  that  information  I  am  at  a  loss  to  understand. 
The  salaries  of  four  commissioners  are  $5,000  a  year  and  that  of 
the  president  $6,000.  The  law  also  provides  necessarily  for  the 
employment  of  a  secretary,  attorneys  and  engineers  and  their 
assistants.  Certainly  the  law  provides  for  nothing  that  could 
be  tortured  into  graft.  He  further  says:  'This  enormous  sum 
of  money  (referring  to  the  $700,000  so-called  graft)  will  make  it 
possible  for  every  member  of  the  Legislature  to  obtain  four  or 
five  good  positions  on  the  waterway  project  for  his  constituents.' 
As  a  matter  of  fact  most  of  the  work  on  the  proposed  waterway 
will  be  done  by  dredging  machines  and  members  of  the  Dredging 
Machine  Union.  I  am  told  that  there  is  not  a  closer  union  in  the 
world  and  that  the  blue  card  of  the  union  is  more  potent  to  secure 
that  kind  of  employment  than  a  bushel  of  political  endorsements 

"He  says  the  law  is  'rotten  all  the  way  through.'  It  is  so 
'rotten'  as  to  have  received  overwhelming  approval  from  such 
organizations  as  the  Chicago  Association  of  Commerce,  the  Rivers 
and  Lakes  Commission  of  this  State,  and  the  Peoria  Association 
of  Commerce,  the  Joliet  Association  of  Commerce,  the  LaSalle 
Association  of  Commerce,  the  Peru  Association  of  Commerce,  the 
Cairo  Association  of  Commerce,  the  Chicago  Federation  of  Labor, 
the  Chicago  Real  Estate  Board,  the  Illinois  Society  of  Engineers 


DUNNE JUDGE,  MAYOR,  GOVERNOR  771 

and  Surveyors,  the  River  Terminal  Conference  of  eight  Mississippi 
valley  states,  held  in  St.  Louis,  February  19,  1915;  the  National 
Rivers  and  Harbors  Congress,  Illinois  delegation. 

"It  also  received  the  endorsement  of  the  Illinois  Press  Asso- 
ciation, the  Chicago  Tribune,  Chicago  Daily  News,  Chicago  Jour- 
nal, Chicago  Examiner,  Chicago  Herald,  the  Springfield  Register, 
the  Springfield  Journal,  the  Springfield  News-Record,  Bushnell 
Record,  Belleville  News,  Aurora  Beacon-News,  Rockford  Star, 
Bloomington  Pantagraph,  the  Bloomington  Bulletin,  and  most  of 
the  other  important  and  influential  newspapers  of  Illinois.  The 
Davenport  Press  of  Davenport,  Iowa,  and  the  St.  Louis  Globe-. 
Democrat,  of  Missouri,  have  likewise  endorsed  it. 

"In  fact  I  have  not  heard  of  a  commercial  association,  labor 
organization,  engineering  body  or  influential  newspaper  that  op- 
posed the  project. 

' '  United  States  Senators  James  Hamilton  Lewis  and  Lawrence 
Y.  Sherman  both  addressed  a  joint  session  of  the  Legislature  in 
favor  of  the  enactment  of  the  project  into  law.  Carter  H.  Har- 
rison, former  mayor  of  Chicago,  and  William  Hale  Thompson, 
present  mayor  of  Chicago,  have  also  endorsed  it. 

"Although  there  was  a  considerable  Republican  majority  in 
the  House  of  Representatives  and  the  project  was  recommended 
by  a  Democratic  Governor,  yet  the  bill  passed  that  body  by  a 
vote  of  107  to  41. 

"When  the  bill  came  up  for  hearing  in  the  Senate,  Congress- 
man Rainey,  at  his  request,  was  given  an  opportunity  to  express 
his  views  before  the  Senate  body  concerning  the  bill.  He  op- 
posed it  as  bitterly  and  as  recklessly  and  offensively  as  he  does 
now.  Samuel  Alschuler,  lately  appointed  to  the  Federal  bench 
by  President  Wilson,  spoke  at  the  same  hearing  in  favor  of  the 
bill.  There  was  full  and  complete  discussion  and  although  the 
Senate,  too,  was  Republican,  the  bill  likewise  passed  the  Senate 
by  a  vote  of  33  to  9. 

"It  would  be  hard  to  believe  that  the  associations,  the  news- 
papers and  the  individuals  that  endorsed  the  waterway  project 
would  have  done  so  if  there  had  been  any  suspicion  of  graft  or 
rottenness  in  connection  with  it. 

"The  Congressman  has  always  demanded  and  now  demands  a 
fourteen-foot  channel  in  the  waterway.  This  demand,  in  view  of 
the  fact  that  there  is  only  eight  foot  in  the  Mississippi  into  which 
the  Illinois  empties,  has  retarded  the  construction  of  the  water- 
way for  years.  A  fourteen-foot  channel  now  when  the  Mississippi 
has  only  eight  foot  would  be  immensely  more  costly  and  plainly 
impracticable  at  the  present  time. 


772  DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

"The  proposed  waterway  follows  the  Illinois  River  for  forty- 
five  miles  and  the  old  canal  for  about  twenty.  The  principal 
water  power  developed  will  be  at  Starved  Rock,  a  public  park 
owned  by  the  State. 

' '  So  long  as  I  am  Governor  there  will  be  no  graft  in  connection 
with  the  construction  of  the  Illinois  waterway,  Congressman 
Rainey's  assertions  to  the  contrary  notwithstanding. 

"The  advantages  that  will  accrue  to  the  State  from  the  con- 
struction of  the  Illinois  waterway  are  tremendous  and  I  trust 
that  the  commencement  of  the  work  on  this  immense  project  will 
be  but  little  longer  delayed." 


DUNNE JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  773 


DEFENDS  HIS  VETO  OF  APPROPRIA- 
TIONS. 

STATEMENT  UPON  THE  DECISION  OP  THE  SUPREME  COURT  IN  THE 
FERGUS  CASE,  NOVEMBER  10,  1915. 

In  disposing  of  the  Fergus  case,  the  Supreme  Court  declares 
that  in  "drawing  a  strict  line  between  an  officer  and  an  employe 
and  holding  that  the  pay  of  no  officer  can  be  provided  for  in  any 
other  appropriation  bill  than  one  for  the  pay  of  members  and 
officers  of  the  General  Assembly  and  officers  of  the  State  govern- 
ment, a  difficult  task  is  set  for  the  Legislature  to  determine  who 
are  and  who  are  not  officers."  This  difficult  task,  however,  must 
be  faced  by  every  Legislature  in  the  future  with  the  possibility  of 
the  same  mistakes  being  made  that  have  been  made  by  Legis- 
latures in  the  past. 

The  Fergus  decision  will  have  the  effect  of  compelling  the 
greatest  care  and  caution  in  the  enactment  of  appropriation  bills. 
The  net  financial  results  of  the  Fergus  suit,  however,  in  so  far 
as  they  have  been  disposed  of  by  the  Supreme  Court,  are  not 
advantageous  to  the  taxpayers  of  the  State  of  Illinois. 

The  total  amount  of  appropriations  vetoed  by  the  Governor 
aggregate  $2,270,045.  Of  this  aggregate,  $1,743,038  were  vetoes 
vetoing  single  appropriations  or  single  items  of  an  appropriation 
which  were  not  disturbed  by  the  Supreme  Court's  decision.  The 
remaining  vetoes  held  to  be  invalid  aggregate  $527,007,  being 
vetoes  sought  to  be  exercised  by  the  Governor  by  reducing 
amounts  in  items  of  appropriations.  As  the  result  of  the  argu- 
ments in  the  Fergus  case,  these  attempted  reductions  have  been 
held  to  be  invalid,  and  the  appropriations  sought  to  be  reduced 
are  permitted  to  stand  in  full  as  passed  by  the  General  Assembly, 
thus  adding  to  the  expenses  of  the  State  and  a  consequent  loss 
to  the  taxpayers.  The  foregoing  figures  have  been  carefully 
compiled  and  reported  to  me  by  the  Legislative  Reference  Bureau. 

To  this  increase  of  appropriations  must  be  added  the  cost  of 
a  special  session  necessitated  by  the  fact  that  the  Legislature,  in 
making  appropriations  in  the  State  Officers'  Bill  and  in  the  Omni- 
bus Bill,  classed  some  of  the  employes  of  the  State  as  State  officers 
and  some  of  the  State  officers  as  employes.  This  latter  mistake 


774       -  DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

arose  from  the  fact  that  the  members  of  the  Legislature  were 
unable  to  determine  whether  certain  positions  were,  according  to 
law,  State  offices  or  positions  of  employment,  as  has  been  the 
case  with  members  of  the  Legislature  for  many  years  past. 

I  fear  that  future  Legislatures  will  find  themselves  in  the 
same  predicament  and  that  these  mistakes  are  liable  to  occur 
even  when  great  care  is  taken. 

In  the  effort  to  hold  the  appropriations  within  reasonable 
bounds,  I  used  the  veto  power  quite  vigorously,  and  this  year  the 
vetoes  of  appropriations  exceeded,  so  far  as  I  can  ascertain  from 
the  Legislative  Reference  Bureau,  any  vetoes  ever  exercised  by 
any  former  Governor  of  the  State.  I  can  find  no  vetoes  of  ap- 
propriations for  the  Forty-fourth  General  Assembly.  Vetoes  of 
succeeding  Assemblies  were  as  follows : 

45th,  1907-8 $    647,500 

46th,  1909-10 52,500 

47th,  1911-12 10,000 

48th,  1913-14 1,130.000 

49th  (last  Assembly) 2,270,045 

The  only  apparent  saving  accomplished  by  the  Fergus  litiga- 
tion, as  against  the  enormous  losses  heretofore  referred  to,  are  the 
amounts  held  by  the  Supreme  Court  to  be  invalid,  which  were 
appropriated  for  legislative  committees,  the  aggregate  appro- 
priations for  such  committees  being  only  $43,422.11. 

A  special  session  of  the  Legislature,  under  the  circumstances, 
is  absolutely  imperative  at  an  early  date  for  the  following 
reasons : 

First.  The  tax  rate  levy  of  the  State  must  be  fixed  in  the 
month  of  December. 

Second.  A  large  number  of  officers  and  employes  of  the  State 
have  been  working  without  compensation  for  some  time  past  and 
have  been  living  from  hand  to  mouth  with  the  assistance  of 
money  loaners,  who  have,  I  fear,  taken  advantage  of  their  neces- 
sities. 

The  members  of  the  Legislature  had  better,  therefore,  hold 
themselves  in  readiness  for  an  early  session,  not  later  than  Mon- 
day, the  22d  instant. 


DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,  GOVERNOR  775 


ILLINOIS'  PLANS  FOR  WATERWAYS. 

ADDRESS  AT  DAVENPORT,  IOWA,  NOVEMBER  11,  1915. 

Mr.  Chairman  and  Gentlemen: 

It  gives  me  great  pleasure  to  be  present  today  in  a  community 
that  has  always  shown  such  an  active  and  intelligent  interest  in 
the  development  of  waterway  transportation  upon  the  Mississippi 
River  and  its  tributaries. 

I  recognize  the  fact  that  the  people  of  Davenport,  Rock 
Island  and  Moline  are  firmly  of  the  opinion  that  waterway  trans- 
portation should  be  developed  in  the  interests  of  the  whole  com- 
munity. That  it  was  largely  through  your  efforts  that  the  Henne- 
pin  canal  connecting  the  Mississippi  River  with  the  Illinois  River 
was  constructed  by  the  Federal  Government,  and  that  you  are 
alive  to  the  necessity  of  having  that  canal  connected  not  only  with 
the  Illinois  River,  but  with  Lake  Michigan  by  the  construction 
of  a  waterway  which  will  enable  you  to  transact  commercial 
business  not  only  down  the  Mississippi  River,  but  with  the  Great 
Lakes.  I  have  been  reliably  informed  that  you  have  in  the  city 
of  Davenport  a  publicly  owned  waterway  terminal  which  is  among 
the  best  and  most  modern  of  its  kind.  It  was  largely  for  the 
purpose  of  visiting  and  becoming  acquainted  with  this  terminal 
that  I  determined  to  accept  the  kind  invitation  of  your  committee 
and  be  present  with  you  today. 

Waterway  transportation  has  been  largely  retarded  in  the 
past  by  the  opposition  of  the  railroad  interests  and  by  these  in- 
terests acquiring  and  monopolizing  the  most  suitable  waterway 
terminals.  A  time  has  come  in  the  transportation  problem  of  the 
Nation  when,  in  my  judgment,  the  opposition  of  the  railroads  is 
being  weakened  or  is  withdrawn.  The  railroads,  I  believe,  even 
in  the  judgment  of  their  owners,  are  not  adequate  to  cope  with 
the  full  transportation  of  all  commodities.  The  more  bulky  and 
cheaper  commodities  cannot  be  handled  by  the  railroads  to  their 
entire  satisfaction  nor  to  the  satisfaction  of  the  public.  There  is 
room  for  waterway  transportation  without  cutting  into  the  most 
profitable  railway  transportation.  This  situation,  I  believe,  is 
accentuated  and  intensified  in  the  Mississippi  valley,  particularly, 
by  the  opening  of  the  Panama  canal. 


776  DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

The  opening  of  the  Panama  canal  is  revolutionizing  the  com- 
merce of  the  western  world.  Since  its  opening  it  has  been  found 
by  manufacturers  in  the  State  of  Illinois  and  surrounding  states 
that  it  is  cheaper  and  more  satisfactory  to  ship  certain  classes 
of  merchandise  from  the  State  of  Illinois  to  the  eastern  seaboard 
and  thence  by  ocean  steamers  to  the  Pacific  coast,  than  to  ship 
it  direct  by  rail  from  these  same  states  to  the  Pacific  coast.  This 
situation  creates  a  serious  handicap  for  the  manufacturers  in  the 
northern  section  of  the  Mississippi  valley.  In  other  words,  eastern 
manufacturers  who  compete  with  the  manufacturers  in  the  Mis- 
sissippi valley  have  an  advantage  in  shipping  to  the  Pacific  coast 
of  the  difference  in  the  cost  of  transportation  between  the  Mis- 
sissippi valley  and  New  York.  The  only  way  to  eliminate  this 
handicap  is  to  develop  the  waterway  transportation  of  the  Mis- 
sissippi valley  down  the  valley  to  New  Orleans.  That  city  is 
nearly  nine  hundred  miles  nearer  the  Pacific  coast  than  the  city 
of  New  York,  and  shipments  from  New  Orleans  through  the 
Panama  canal  will  be  necessarily  cheaper  than  the  same  ship- 
ments from  the  eastern  seaboard. 

The  manufacturers  of  the  Mississippi  valley  are  alive  to  the 
importance  of  the  situation,  and  1  am  pleased  to  say  that  it  was 
largely  through  the  ardent  and  intelligent  support  that  they 
gave  to  the  Governor  and  Legislature  of  my  State  that  the  last 
Legislature  of  Illinois  voted  for  the  issuance  of  five  million  dol- 
lars worth  of  bonds  for  the  construction  of  a  waterway  between 
Lockport  and  Utica  in  the  Illinois  River.  The  importance  of  the 
opening  of  this  waterway  to  the  State  of  Illinois  and  to  the  cities 
on  the  Mississippi  river  is  almost  incalculable. 

From  the  city  of  Chicago  to  the  city  of  New  Orleans  there 
exists  today  a  navigable  seven-foot  waterway  of  1,500  miles, 
save  and  except  for  the  stretch  of  sixty-five  miles  between  th« 
cities  of  Lockport  and  Utica,  Illinois.  Over  that  sixty-five  miles 
the  Illinois  River  and  its  tributary,  the  Des  Plaines  River  (which 
runs  through  Lockport  and  Joliet)  there  is  a  rocky  ledge  with  a 
declivity  of  one  hundred  forty-four  feet  which  makes  it  impassa- 
ble, even  for  rowboats. 

For  years  the  construction  of  a  navigable  waterway  through 
this  gap  of  sixty-five  miles  has  been  earnestly  advocated  in  the 
State  of  Illinois.  Eight  years  ago  the  people  of  the  State  of 
Illinois,  by  popular  vote,  authorized  the  issuance  of  twenty  mil- 
lion dollars  worth  of  bonds  for  the  creation  of  this  waterway. 
Subsequent  to  this  authorization,  discussion  arose  between  those 
who  advocated  the  canal  or  waterway  as  to  the  dimensions  of  the 
same.  Some  advocated  a  -twenty-two  foot  depth,  the  same  depth 
as  the  Sanitary  District  canal  between  Chicago  and  Lockport ; 


DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  777 

others  advocated  a  fourteen-foot  depth  and  still  others  advocated 
simply  the  rehabilitation  of  the  old  Illinois  and  Michigan  canal, 
which  was  constructed  three-quarters  of  a  century  ago  with  a 
depth  of  six  feet,  with  locks  of  a  capacity  suited  for  commercial 
boats  of  that  remote  time  propelled  by  horses  and  mules.  In  the 
midst  of  this  controversy  the  people  became  confused  and  no  prog- 
ress was  made  in  the  way  of  actual  construction.  The  engineers 
of  the  Federal  Government  were  called  upon  by  the  Secretary  of 
War  to  make  an  investigation  into  the  subject  and  to  report  to  the 
Secretary  of  War.  In  1911  these  engineers  reported  to  the  Secre- 
tary of  War,  who  transmitted  this  report  to  the  next  session  of 
Congress.  In  substance  this  report  calls  attention  to  the  fact 
that  there  is  only  an  eight-foot  depth  in  the  Mississippi  River 
between  St.  Louis  and  Cairo,  with  no  likelihood  of  securing  a 
greater  depth  in  the  near  future.  They  also  suggested  that  a 
waterway  in  the  Illinois  River  between  Lockport  and  Utica 
should  be  constructed  with  a  depth  of  eight  feet.  That  the  State 
of  Illinois  should  be  encouraged  to  build  a  waterway  between 
these  points  of  such  a  depth  and  that  the  Federal  Government 
should  dredge  the  Illinois  River  from  its  present  depth  of  seven 
feet  between  Utica  and  the  Mississippi  River  to  a  further  depth 
of  eight  feet. 

In  view  of  this  report  and  these  recommendations  by  these 
eminent  engineers  of  the  Federal  Government,  I  reached  the  con- 
clusion, as  Governor  of  the  State  of  Illinois,  that  the  time  had 
come  when  the  State  of  Illinois  should  do  something  practical  in 
the  way  of  creating  an  eight-foot  channel  from  Chicago  to  New 
Orleans  by  the  construction  of  a  waterway  of  this  depth  between 
Lockport  and  Utica.  I  called  several  engineers  together  and  with 
them  made  a  physical  examination  of  the  old  Illinois  and  Michi- 
gan canal  between  Lockport  and  Utica  and  the  route  of  the  pro- 
posed waterway  in  the  Illinois  and  Des  Plaines  Rivers. 

I  suggested  to  these  engineers,  in  view  of  the  fact  that  there 
was  but  eight  feet  of  water  in  the  Mississippi  River,  that  it  would 
be  wise  for  the  state  to  immediately  develop  a  waterway  of  the 
same  depth  over  this  sixty-five  miles  between  Lockport  and 
Utica  in  such  a  way  so  as  not  to  prevent  a  greater  depth  from 
being  obtained  in  the  event  that  a  greater  depth  may  hereafter 
be  obtained  in  the  Mississippi  River.  These  engineers  reported  to 
me  in  writing  within  a  short  time  thereafter  stating  that  if  a  dam 
were  erected  at  Starved  Rock,  near  Utica,  where  the  State  of 
Illinois  maintains  a  publicity  owned  park,  that  such  a  depth  could 
be  obtained  in  a  waterway  between  Lockport  and  Utica  within 
two  vears  after  the  commencement  of  the  work. 


778  DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,  GOVERNOR 

I  submitted  this  report  to  our,  last  Legislature  with  the  rec- 
ommendation that  a  waterway  of  such  a  depth  be  constructed 
immediately  and  the  Legislature,  though  differing  from  me  in  my 
political  views,  was  patriotic  enough  to  treat  the  matter  as  a  pure 
business  proposition  and  by  an  overwhelming  vote  passed  a  law 
authorizing  the  construction  of  such  a  waterway  between  these 
points  at  a  cost  to  the  state  of  Illinois  of  $5,000,000,  which  was 
to  be  obtained  by  the  issuance  of  bonds.  Application  was 
promptly  made  to  the  Secretary  of  War  for  the  granting  of  a 
permit  to  do  this  work,  and  I  am  pleased  to  say  that  all  legal 
difficulties  have  been  overcome  and  that  a  final  hearing  upon  the 
plans  and  profiles  of  the  scheme  is  now  under  way  before  the 
Federal  engineers  under  the  direction  of  the  Department  of  War. 

The  opening  of  this  waterway  will  be  of  incalculable  value 
to  the  State  of  Illinois  and  to  all  the  states  bordering  upon  the 
Mississippi  River.  It  will  be  of  particular  value  to  the  people  of 
Davenport,  Rock  Island  and  Moline. '  The  Hennepin  canal  from 
the  Mississippi  to  the  Illinois  River  has  been  practically  unused 
because  of  the  fact  that  it  ends  in  the  Illinois  River  just  a  few 
miles  south  of  Utica  and  that  from  the  east  there  is  no  opening 
that  would  enable  boats  from  the  Mississippi  River  to  enter 
Chicago  and  tap  the  commerce  of  the  Great  Lakes.  Once  this 
waterway  is  open,  river  commerce  between  Chicago  and  New 
Orleans  will  develop  enormously  and  commerce  from  the  Missis- 
sippi River  through  the  Hennepin  and  Illinois  waterways  to  the 
Great  Lakes  will  be  tremendously  accelerated. 

I  know  of  no  project  of  such  tremendous  importance  to  the 
people  of  this  section  as  the  building  of  this  waterway,  and  I 
hope  to  see,  within  the  next  two  or  three  years,  a  commerce  de- 
velop between  your  cities  and  Chicago  and  between  Chicago  and 
New  Orleans  along  these  heretofore  sparsely  used  waterways  that 
will  redound  to  the  wealth  and  prosperity  of  Illinois  and  sur- 
rounding states. 

1  congratulate  the  city  of  Davenport  upon  being  so  fore- 
handed as  to  provide  such  an  excellent  waterway  terminal,  and  I 
hope  that  the  other  cities  along  the  Mississippi  River  and  Illinois 
River,  and  their  tributaries,  will  be  equally  wise  and  provide 
uniform  terminals,  publicly  owned,  where  all  persons  can  have 
access  to  their  use  upon  equal  terms  and  conditions.  When  this 
time  arrives  a  commerce  is  bound  to  develop  along  these  water- 
ways that  will  redound  to  the  prosperity,  not  only  of  this  gen- 
eration, but  of  generations  yet  to  come. 


DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  779 


APPROPRIATIONS  BY  FORTY-EIGHTH 
GENERAL  ASSEMBLY. 

STATEMENT  TO  THE  PUBLIC  IN  REPLY  TO  MEDILL  McCoRMicK, 
NOVEMBER  17,  1915. 

Governor  Dunne  today  made  the  following  statement: 

In  reference  to  the  statement  of  Hon.  Medill  McCormick  in 
the  public  press,  would  state  that  I  also  deplore  the  increase  in  the 
appropriations  made  necessary  for  the  proper  conduct  of  the  State 
government. 

To  keep  those  appropriations  down,  the  Governor  did  every- 
thing within  his  power  and  was  assisted  therein  by  both  of  the 
Chairmen  of  the  Committees  on  Appropriations. 

The  Legislative  Reference  Bureau,  as  required  by  law,  re- 
quested all  departments  of  the  State  government  to  present  esti- 
mates. I  personally  went  over  many  of  the  estimates  presented  by 
these  departments,  and  in  every  case  where  it  was  possible,  I  had 
the  Reference  Bureau  write  to  the  departments  directing  them  to 
reduce  their  estimates. 

I  had  a  meeting  with  the  Board  of  Administration  and  had 
that  body  present  estimates  for  all  the  charitable  institutions,  which 
were  a  million  eight  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  dollars  less  than 
the  appropriations  requested  by  the  individual  institutions,  and 
therefore  requested  the  Chairmen  of  the  Appropriations  Commit- 
tees to  take,  and  they  did  take,  the  figures  of  the  Board  of  Admin- 
istration rather  than  the  figures  of  the  Reference  Bureau  as  obtained 
from  the  different  charitable  institutions.  The  Board  of  Adminis- 
tration, after  conference  with  me,  further  instructed  the  heads  of 
the  different  charitable  institutions  to  remain  at  their  work  and 
to  refrain  from  lobbying  and  log-rolling  in  the  Legislature. 

In  the  Governor's  department  a  reduction  of  $53,000  was  made 
from  that  appropriated  by  the  Forty-eighth  General  Assembly. 

In  my  message  to  the  Legislature,  I  stated:  "I  earnestly  re- 
quest your  cooperation  in  pruning  and  cutting  down  the  appro- 
priations, where  possible,  to  the  actual  needs  and^  necessities  of 
efficient  administration. ' ' 

At  the  time  the  Appropriations  Committee  was  considering 
the  budget,  the  members  of  the  Legislative  Reference  Bureau  con- 


780  DUNNE — JUDGE,  MAYOR,  GOVERNOR 

sisted  of  four  Republicans  and  one  Democrat,  and  not  of  a  majority 
of  Democrats,  as  claimed  by  Mr.  McCormick. 

The  appropriations  made  by  the  Forty-ninth  General  Assembly 
were  $48,671,422.59.  These  figures  included  the  appropriations  for 
the  foot-and-mouth  disease.  Of  these  appropriations  I  vetoed  $2,- 
322,096.42,  which  is  the  largest  amount  of  appropriations  vetoed 
by  any  Governor  in  the  history  of  the  State. 

Something  like  $830,000  will  have  to  be  added  to  the  appro- 
priations on  account  of  the  decision  of  the  Supreme  Court  in  the 
Fergus  suits  which  became  validated  because  of  the  fact  that  the 
court  held  that  the  Governor  cannot  reduce  items. 

I  note,  too,  Mr.  McCormick 's  statement  concerning  the  Effi- 
ciency and  Economy  Committee. 

In  my  Inaugural  Address  to  the  Forty-eighth  General  Assem- 
bly, I  suggested  to  that  body  the  creation  of  an  efficiency  and 
economy  committee.  The  Forty-eighth  General  Assembly  created 
such  a  committee  and  appropriated  $40,000  for  its  work. 

That  committee  industriously  made  a  full,  complete  and  valu- 
able study  of  all  departments  of  the  State  government,  which  I 
commended  to  the  Legislature's  consideration  in  my  biennial  mes- 
sage. It  presented  to  the  Forty-ninth  General  Assembly  a  report 
of  1,051  pages.  This  report  went  into  every  phase  of  the  State 
government  and  it  recommended  the  consolidation  of  various  boards 
and  the  abolishment  of  many  offices. 

Special  committees  were  appointed  in  each  House  of  the  Gen- 
eral Assembly  to  consider  the  bills  prepared  by  the  Efficiency  and 
Economy  Committee.  Many  bills  were  introduced  by  the  Efficiency 
and  Economy  Committee,  but  only  two  of  said  bills  were  passed  by 
the  Legislature.  One  provided  for  a  State  Superintendent  of 
Printing  and  the  other  provided  for  a  system  of  uniform  reports. 
Mr.  McCormick  was  a  member  of  the  Efficiency  and  Economy 
Committee  in  the  House.  The  other  bills  introduced  along  the  lines 
of  the  report  of  the  committee  failed  of  enactment. 

The  same  Legislature  that  is  now  about  to  be  called  in  special 
session  had  the  report  and  bills  of  this  commission  before  it  for 
several  months.  The  regular  session  of  the  Forty-ninth  General 
Assembly  took  up  nearly  six  months'  time  and  failed  to  enact  into 
law  the  recommendations  of  the  Efficiency  and  Economy  Commit- 
tee. Of  what  practical  use  would  it  be  then  to  incorporate  in  the 
call  for  the  special  session  a  provision  for  the  continuation  of  such 
a  committee  by  this  same  Legislature? 

The  report  of  the  Efficiency  and  Economy  Committee,  as  I 
stated  before,  consisting  of  1,051  pages,  is  printed  and  every  mem- 
ber received  a  copy  of  it,  and  future  General  Assemblies  can  well 
consider  the  recommendations  made  by  the  Efficiency  and  Econ- 
omy Committee  of  the  Forty-eighth  General  Assembly. 


DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  781 

At  the  special  session  the  Legislators  will  be  serving  practi- 
cally without  compensation  and  will  be  in  no  mood  to  have  heaped 
upon  them  labors  which  they  declined  at  the  regular  session. 

I  do  not  Enow  where  Mr.  McCormick  got  his  information  that 
the  Illinois  Centennial  Commission,  which  has  already  expended 
money  for  a  laudable  purpose  and  whose  labors  are  still  incomplete, 
was  not  going  to  be  included  in  the  special  call. 

The  same  applies  to  the  Hull  Pension  Commission.  This,  too, 
is  a  most  important  matter  and  should,  by  all  means,  be  included  in 
the  special  call. 

The  Governor  did  everything  within  his  power  to  keep  the 
appropriations  down  to  the  minimum  for  efficient  State  government. 


782  DUNNE .fUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 


ON  THE  OPPRESSION  OF  POLAND. 

ADDRESS  TO  POLISH  CITIZENS,  CHICAGO,  NOVEMBER  28,  1915. 

Mr.  Chairman,  Ladies  and  Gentlemen: 

A  century  ago  Thomas  Campbell  aroused  the  English- 
speaking  world  to  the  tragedies  of  Poland  in  a  poem  of  wondrous 
beauty. 

Today  in  the  depth  of  her  woe,  Campbell's  lines  with  a 
change  of  one  word  apply  to  the  Poland  of  the  twentieth  century : 

"O  bloodiest  picture  in  the  book  of  Time, 
Samartia  bleeds  unwept  without  a  crime, 
Finds  not  a  generous  friend,  a  pitying  foe, 
Strength  in  her  arms,  nor  mercy  in  her  woe." 

Today  we  are  presented  again  with  a  spectacle  of  a  great, 
valiant  and  vigorous  race,  guiltless  before  the  nations  of  any 
crime,  being  overrun  by  the  warring  legions  of  Germany,  Austro- 
Hungary  and  Russia,  her  fields  devastated,  her  cities  destroyed, 
her  temples  desecrated  and  her  children  being  steadily  starved  and 
slaughtered  in  the  deadly  struggle  now  raging  in  Europe.  Worse 
than  all,  her  valiant  sons  are  being  conscripted  and  forced  into 
the  armies  of  the  warring  nations  and  compelled  against  their 
wills  to  take  each  others  lives  without  any  heart  or  interest  in 
the  conflict. 

I  know  of  no  nation  which  has  done  so  much  for  civilization 
and  Christianity  and  has  suffered  so  much  from  Christian  na- 
tions. For  four  centuries  the  Polish  nation  stood  in  the  words 
of  Victor  Hugo:  "As  a  knight  among  the  nations,"  defending 
western  civilization  and  Christianity  from  the  onslaught  of  Mo- 
hammedism  and  barbarism.  Under  Sobieski  the  Polish  nation 
hurled  back  the  Ottoman  hordes  from  the  walls  of  Vienna.  She 
furnished  a  Poniatowski  to  France  and  a  Kosciusko  and  Pulaski 
to  America.  In  her  prime  she  possessed  a  territory  as  great  as 
that  now  occupied  by  the  German  empire,  and  with  a  population 
of  thirty  millions.  She  furnished  a  refuge  to  the  oppressed  of 
all  lands.  She  guaranteed  civil  liberty  and  the  exercise  of 
religious  freedom.  The  persecuted  Jew  found  in  Poland  a  rest- 
ing place  and  a  home,  and  yet  today  she  stands  in  Europe  as  the 
Niobe  among  the  nations,  weeping  over  the  loss  of  her  children 
that  are  not. 


DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  783 

To  and  fro  across  her  fertile  fields  the  Slav  and  the  Teuton 
armies  have  waged  their  awful  battles,  leaving  in  their  wake 
starvation  and  disaster. 

I  am  here  today  to  express  my  profound  sympathy  with  the 
Polish  people.  One  hundred  and  fifty  years  of  oppression,  war 
and  massacre,  of  depopulation  and  disaster  have  not  broken  the 
proud  spirit  of  that  liberty-loving  race.  Still  the  love  of  liberty 
prevails.  Still  the  aspiration  for  nationality  endures.  It  has 
not  been  beaten  down  by  cannon  or  destroyed  by  fire.  The 
spirit  of  the  Polish  people  is  irrepressible.  With  such  a  tenacious 
love  of  liberty  and  Christianity,  I  believe  it  is  impossible  to  ex- 
terminate or  repress  the  aspirations  for  Polish  nationhood. 

Today  she  is  again  going  through  the  travails  .and  trials  to 
which  she  has  been  subjected  in  the  past  and  I  believe  she  will 
emerge  therefrom  with  the  same  irrepressible  and  inextinguish- 
able love  of  liberty  and  nationhood.  Who  knows  but  that  in  the 
outcome  of  this  terrific  conflict  that  some  means  may  be  found 
to  again  re-create  the  Polish  nation  to  stand  as  a  wall  between  the 
Slav  and  Teuton  and  thus  enable  her  to  resume  her  place  among 
the  nations  of  the  world. 

But  whatever  the  outcome  the  cry  of  Poland  in  her  agony 
should  ring  round  the  world.  She  is  not  responsible  in  any  way 
for  the  conflict  now  raging.  Her  children  are  guiltless  of  wrong 
and  her  sufferings  are  beyond  the  power  of  language  to  describe. 
I  know  of  no  cry  for  relief  that  ought  to  more  readily  be  re- 
sponded to  than  the  cry  of  the  impoverished  women  and  children 
of  unhappy  Poland,  nor  one  that  should  receive  a  more  ready 
response  from  the  people  of  America  and  of  the  world. 

God  grant  that  an  early  dawn  may  soon  banish  her  black 
night  of  sorrow  and  distress. 


784  DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 


EXPLAINS  THE  STATE  TAX  RATE  FOR 

1915. 

STATEMENT  TO  THE  PUBLIC,  DECEMBER  4,  1915. 

Governor  Dunne  last  evening,  after  a  meeting  of  the  State 
Tax  Commission,  made  the  following  statement: 

The  State  Tax  Commission,  at  its  meeting  today,  fixed  the 
tax  rate  of  the  State  of  Illinois  for  the  ensuing  year  at  55c,  an 
increase  of  7  cents  over  the  48-cent  rate  fixed  in  the  year  1914. 

The  increase  in  the  State  tax  rate  is  made  necessary  by  the 
following  extraordinary  items  of  expenditure: 

For  foot  and  mouth  disease $1,430,600 

Increased  appropriation  for  State  School  fund 1,000,000 

Increased  appropriation  for  State  University 500,000 

Increases  in  appropriations  made  at  the  special  session  of 
the  Legislature,  which  special  session  was  made  neces- 
sary by  the  Supreme  Court  decision  in  the  Fergus  case  175,000 
Items  vetoed  in  part  and  restored  to  their  full  amounts 
by  the  decision  of  the  Supreme  Court  in  the  suit  of 
Fergus  et  al.  vs.  Russel  et  al.  (This  includes  items 
vetoed  in  part  by  the  Governor,  which  vetoes  were 

held  by  the  Supreme  Court  to  be  unconstitutional) 455,000 

Increased  appropriations  for  State  Normal  Schools 310,000 

Increased  appropriations  for  good  roads _....      888,790 


$4,769,390 

In  fixing  the  tax  rate  at  55c,  the  State  Tax  Commission  took 
into  consideration  that  there  will  probably  be  an  additional  ap- 
propriation of  $250,000  made  by  another  special  session,  for  the 
foot  and  mouth  disease.  Every  increase  in  the  appropriation 
of  $250,000  makes  necessary  ari  addition  of  one  cent  to  the  tax 
rate. 

Were  it  not  for  the  extraordinary  expenses  noted  above,  the  tax 
rate  this  year  would  have  been  reduced  to  36c,  a  reduction  of  12c 
from  the  tax  rate  which  was  fixed  in  the  year  1914. 


DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  785 


ON  THE  HANGING  OF  JOSEPH  DeBERRY 

AND  PROPOSED  EXECUTION  OF 

ELSTON  SCOTT. 

STATEMENT  TO  THE  PUBLIC,  DECEMBER  14,  1915. 

On  the  night  of  October  15  my  attention  was  called  to  the 
fact  that  th«  execution  of  Joseph  DeBerry  was  about  to  take 
place  on  the  following  day  in  Murphysboro,  Illinois. 

My  informants  stated  that  about  two  thousand  people  were 
to  be  invited  by  the  sheriff  to  witness  the  execution.  I  had  my 
secretary  telephone  the  sheriff  and  inform  him  of  the  information 
that  had  come  to  me.  The  sheriff  stated  to  my  secretary  that 
the  accounts  were  exaggerated  and  promised  that  the  execution 
wrould  be  conducted  in  accordance  with  the  law  of  the  State. 
Resting  upon  this  assurance  I  permitted  the  execution  to  take 
place,  in  the  confident  belief  that  it  would  be  conducted  with 
decent  privacy. 

On  October  16  the  execution  took  place  under  circum- 
stances which  gave  it  the  character  of  a  public  execution,  the 
deputies  and  invited  witnesses  aggregating  all  the  way  from  one 
thousand  to  two  thousand  persons  inside  the  stockade. 

Photographs  were  permitted  to  be  taken  of  the  scenes  sur- 
rounding the  execution.  These  photographs  have  been,  since  the 
execution  took  place,  exhibited  in  many  theaters;  being  widely 
advertised  on  large  posters  and  on  small  hand  bills,  copies  of 
which  are  at  present  in  my  possession. 

I  am  credibly  informed  by  reliable  citizens  of  Murphysboro 
that  the  invitation  tickets  to  the  execution  were  hawked  about 
and  sold  upon  the  streets  of  Murphysboro  prior  to  the  execution. 
Tn  view  of  these  distressing  circumstances  which  surrounded  the 
DeBerry  execution  I  believe  it  my  duty  to  communicate  with 
Sheriff  White  of  Jackson  County,  in  which  is  situated  Murphys- 
boro, in  reference  to  another  execution  which  was  scheduled  to 
take  place  on  October  22.  On  October  18  I  wired  the  sheriff 
as  follows,  and  received  the  following  reply: 


786  DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

"October  18,    1915. 

Hon.   James  A.    White,   Sheriff,  Jackson   County,  Murphysboro, 
Illinois. 

I  am  informed  that  it  will  be  your  duty,  unless  a  reprieve  is 
granted,  to  execute  a  man  next  Friday.  I,  therefore,  wire  you 
in  reference  to  the  arrangements  that  you  may  make  for  carrying 
out  the  process  of  the  law.  Last  Saturday  an  execution  took 
place  in  Murphysboro,  surrounded  by  circumstances  which,  if 
they  existed  as  described  in  the  newspapers,  is  a  scandal  and 
disgrace  to  this  State.  The  papers  say  that  two  thousand  men 
were  within  the  enclosure  witnessing  the  execution,  and  I  am 
informed  that  the  sheriff  admits  that  there  were  at  least  one 
thousand  people  present,  claimed  to  be  deputy  sheriffs.  Such 
tragedies,  when  required  by  law,  should  be  carried  out  with 
decorum  and  decency  and  in  the  presence  of  as  few  witnesses  as 
possible,  to-wit:  the  jury,  physicians,  clergymen  and  the  neces- 
sary deputy  sheriffs.  I  enjoin  upon  you  the  necessity  of  con- 
ducting this  execution  with  decorum,  decency  and  privacy. 
Please  wire  me  what  arrangements  you  have  made  and  how  many 
people  you  have  invited  or  deputized  to  be  present  at  the  execu- 
tion next  Friday. 

E.  F.  DUNNE,  Governor." 

"MURPHYSBORO,  ILL.,  October  18,  1915. 
Hon.  E.  F.  Dunne,  Governor,  Springfield,  III. 

In  reply  to  your  wire  will  say  that  the  execution  which  took 
place  here  last  Saturday  was  conducted  with  solemnity  and  decency 
and  with  as  much  privacy  as  any  other  legal  execution  which  ever 
took  place  in  southern  Illinois.  The  press  reports  were  greatly 
exaggerated,  and  I  am  in  no  way  responsible  for  their  misrepre- 
sentations. I  have  not  brought  disgrace  or  scandal  on  the  State,  or 
my  county,  and  regret  that  certain  things  were  reported  by  the 
press  as  being  true,  which,  in  fact,  never  occurred.  The  execution 
which  is  to  take  place  here  next  Friday,  unless  prevented  by  your 
action,  will  be  conducted  in  accordance  with  the  law  and  the  sen- 
tence of  the  court. 

JAMES  A.  WHITE, 
Sheriff,  Jackson  County." 

Whereupon  I  again  wired  the  sheriff  as  follows  and  received 
the  following  reply : 

"October  19,  1915. 
Hon.  James  A.  White,  Sheriff,  Murphysboro,  III. 

You  have  not  answered  my  inquiry  'How  many  people  have 
you  invited  or  deputized  to  be  present  at  execution  next  Friday?' 


DUXXE JUDGE,   MAYOR,  GOVERXOR  787 

Please  answer  definitely  today  how  many  have  been  or  will  be 
invited  or  deputized. 

E.  F.  DUXXE,  Governor." 

"  MURPHYSBORO,  ILL.,  October  19,  1915. 
Hon.  E.  F.  Dunne,  Governor,  Springfield,  III. 

In  reply  to  your  wire  just  received,  beg  to  advise  that  it  is 
my  intention  to  invite  the  presence  of  the  judges,  prosecuting  attor- 
ney and  clerks  of  the  courts  of  this  county,  together  with  two 
physicians  and  twelve  reputable  citizens  to  be  selected  by  me.  Also 
such  ministers  of  the  gospel,  not  exceeding  three,  as  the  prisoner 
shall  name,  and  the  immediate  relatives  of  said  prisoner.  Also  such 
officers  of  the  prison,  deputies  and  constables  as  I  shall  deem 
expedient  to  have  present  at  the  execution,  which  is  to  take  place 
here  Friday  of  this  week,  in  accordance  with  section  3  of  division 
14  of  the  criminal  code  of  this  State. 

JAMES  A.  WHITE, 
Sheriff  of  Jackson  County." 

In  view  of  the  outrageous  circumstances  surrounding  the  first 
execution,  and  in  view  of  the  further*  fact  that  I  could  not  receive 
assurances  from  Sheriff  White  as  to  the  number  of  people  that 
would  be  invited  or  deputized  to  be  present  at  the  second  execution, 
I  reprieved  the  prisoner,  Elston  Scott,  thirty  days,  in  order  to  avoid 
a  repetition  in  the  State  of  Illinois  of  an  execution  surrounded  by 
'such  circumstances  as  in  the  DeBerry  case. 

On  November  10  I  again  wrote  Sheriff  White  the  following 
letter  and  received  the  following  reply: 

"November  10,  1915. 

Hon.  James  A.  White,  Sheriff  of  Jackson  County,  Murphysboro, 
Illinois. 

SIR:  Kindly  inform  me  what  arrangements  have  been  made 
by  you  for  carrying  out  the  execution  of  Elston  Scott  on  Friday, 
November  19. 

State  particularly  the  number  of  persons  to  be  deputized  or 
invited  to  be  present  at  the  execution.     I  desire  this  information 
with  much  definiteness  so  as  to  determine  my  future  action  in  refer- 
ence to  this  case.  / 
Yours  truly, 

(Signed)  E.  F.  DUXXE." 


788  DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

' '  MURPHYSBORO,  ILL.,  November  11,  1915. 
Hon.  Edward  F.  Dunne,  Governor,  Springfield,  III. 

SIR:  Your  letter  of  the  10th  instant  requesting  me  to  advise 
you  what  arrangements  have  been  made  by  me  for  carrying  out 
the  execution  of  Elston  Scott  on  Friday,  November  19,  and  also 
requesting  me  to  state  particularly  the  number  of  persons  to  be 
deputized  or  invited  to  be  present  at  the  execution,  just  received. 
Replying  thereto,  will  say  that  as  yet  I  have  made  no  arrangements 
for  the  execution  of  Scott,  but  unless  prevented  by  your  action,  he 
will  be  executed  on  November  19,  1915,  in  accordance  with  section  3, 
of  division  14,  of  the  criminal  code  of  Illinois.  Or,  in  other  words, 
the  witnesses  and  officials  required  by  law  will  be  invited,  and  as 
many  deputies  as  I  may  deem  expedient. 
Respectfully, 

JAMES  A.  WHITE,  Sheriff." 

Whereupon  I  again  wrote  the  sheriff  a  letter  as  follows  and 
received  the  following  reply: 

"November  12,  1915. 

Hon.  James  A.  White,  Sheriff  of  Jackson  County,  Murphysboro, 
Illinois. 

SIR  :     Your  letter  of  the  llth  instant  is  before  me. 
You  do  not  answer  the  request  in  mine  of  the  10th  instant,  in 
which  I  ask  you  to  'state  particularly  the  number  of  persons  to  be 
deputized  or  invited  to  be  present  at  the  execution. ' 

Please  let  me  have  this  information  by  return  mail.    In  other 
words,  please  state  the  number  of  witnesses  you  intend  to  invite 
and  the  number  of  deputies  you  intend  to  deputize. 
Respectfully, 

E.  F.  DUNNE,  Governor." 

"MURPHYSBORO,  ILL.,  November  13,  1915. 
Hon.  E.  F.  Dunne,  Governor,  Springfield,  III. 

SIR  :     Replying  to  your  letter  of  the  12th  instant  will  say  that 
I  have  repeatedly  advised  you  of  my  intentions  regarding  the  execu- 
tion of  Elston  Scott,  and  have  nothing  to  add. 
Respectfully, 

JAMES  A.  WHITE,  Sheriff. ' ' 

In  view  of  the  refusal  of  the  sheriff  to  indicate  the  number 
of  deputies  and  witnesses  that  were  to  be  invited  or  deputized,  I 
again  reprieved  the  prisoner,  Elston  Scott,  until  December  17,  1915. 

On  December  10  I  again  wrote  the  sheriff  as  follows  and 
received  the  following  reply: 


DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  789 

"December  10,  1915. 

Hon.  James  A.  White,  Sheriff  of  Jackson  County,  Murphysboro, 
Illinois. 

SIR  :  Kindly  inform  me  what  arrangements  have  been  made 
by  you  for  carrying  out  the  execution  of  Elston  Scott  on  next 
Friday. 

State  particularly  the  number  of  persons  to  be  deputized  or 
invited  to  be  present  at  the  execution.  I  desire  this  information 
with  much  definiteness  so  as  to  determine  my  future  action  in  refer- 
ence to  this  case. 

Yours  truly, 

E.  F.  DUNNE." 

' '  MURPHYSBORO,  ILL.,  December  11,  1915. 
Hon.  E.  F.  Dunne,  Governor,  Springfield,  111. 

SIR  :  Your  letter  of  the  1  Oth  instant  requiring  information  as 
to  my  arrangements  for  carrying  out  the  execution  of  Elston  Scott 
on  next  Friday  received  at  five  o'clock  p.  m.  today.  However,  I 
noticed  by  press  reports  of  yesterday  that  you  had,  or  intended 
writing  me  again,  but  as  it  is  an  exact  copy  of  your  inquiry  of 
November  10,  except  as  to  dates,  beg  to  advise  that  I  have  nothing 
to  add  to  my  reply  of  November  11. 
Respectfully, 

JAMES  A.  WHITE,  Sheriff." 

In  view  of  the  repeated  refusals  of  Sheriff  White  to  disclose 
the  number  of  deputies  and  witnesses  he  intends  to  invite  to  the 
execution  of  Elston  Scott,  and  in  view  of  the  shameful  surroundings 
of  the  DeBerry  execution  conducted  by  Sheriff  White,  I  have  again 
determined  to  reprieve  the  prisoner,  Elston  Scott,  lest  such  another 
disgraceful  spectacle  as  was  presented  at  the  DeBerry  hanging  take 
place  in  the  State  of  Illinois. 


790  DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 


ILLINOIS  SENATE  ENDORSES  GOV. 

DUNNE  FOR  U.   S.   SUPREME 

COURT. 

SENATE  RESOLUTION  No.  16,  UNANIMOUSLY  ADOPTED 
JANUARY  20,  1916. 

Whereas,  through  the  death  of  the  late  Associate  Justice 
Lamar  a  vacancy  now  exists  upon  the  bench  of  the  Supreme  Court 
of  the  United  States;  and 

Whereas,  President  Woodrow  Wilson,  upon  whom  the  duty 
now  falls  of  naming  a  successor  to  the  late  Justice  Lamar,  is  now 
carefully  considering  the  merits  and  qualifications  of  numerous 
distinguished  jurists  and  Americans  for  such  vacancy;  therefore, 
be  it 

Resolved,  That  the  Senate  of  the  State  of  Illinois,  in  special 
session  herewith  assembled,  hereby  respectfully  presents  to  the 
distinguished  consideration  of  the  President,  the  name  of  a  man, 
already  publicly  mentioned  in  connection  with  the  vacancy  with 
its  sincere  and  unanimous  endorsement,  the  name  of  Governor 
Edward  F.  Dunne  of  Illinois;  be  it  further 

Resolved,  That  President  Wilson  be  respectfully  asked  to 
consider  the  long  and  distinguished  service  of  Governor  Dunne 
as  a  judge  on  the  bench,  in  which  position  he  distinguished  him- 
self for  fine  legal  ability,  broad  human  sympathy,  a  progressive 
view  of  law  in  keeping  with  the  spirit  of  the  times.  His  honesty 
was,  and  is,  proverbial,  his  fair  dealing  unquestioned,  and  his 
open,  appealing  democracy  such  as  to  make  him  a  real  friend  of 
men;  in  other  words  a  man  of  true  judicial  temperament,  well 
fitted  to  grace  the  bench  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  this  country; 
be  it  further 

Resolved,  That  the  Senate  of  the  State  of  Illinois  hereby 
gives  its  unanimous  endorsement  to  the  report  that  President 
Wilson  is  considering  the  qualifications  of  Governor  Dunne  and 
earnestly  requests  him  to  give  due  and  careful  consideration  to 
his  qualifications  before  making  a  final  decision;  and,  also  be 
it  further 

Resolved,  That  an  engrossed  copy  of  these  resolutions,  duly 
authorized  by  the  President  and  Secretary  of  the  Senate  be  for- 
warded at  once  to  His  Excellency,  Woodrow  Wilson,  President 
of  the  United  States. 


DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,  GOVERNOR  791 


ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

ADDRESS  BEFORE  THE  ANNUNCIATION  CLUB,  BUFFALO,  NEW  YORK, 
FEBRUARY  15,  1916. 

Mr.  Chairm\an  and  Gentlemen: 

At  your  kind  invitation  I  come  to  participate  with  you  in  the 
celebration  of  the  anniversary  of  the  birth  of  a  great  American 
President  and  statesman,  Abraham  Lincoln. 

I  come  from  a  State  which  is  proud  of  its  history  and  achieve- 
ments ;  from  a  State  which  although  not  yet  a  century  old,  has 
advanced  into  the  front  rank  of  the  States  of  the  Union. 

We  are  proud  in  Illinois  of  the  fact  that  that  comparatively 
young  State  has  distanced  her  sister  States,  excepting  two,  in  popu- 
lation, wealth,  manufacturing  and  political  importance;  that  she 
stands  first  in  agricultural  wealth,  fertility  of  soil  and  railway 
development.  But  proud  as  we  are  of  her  material  prosperity,  we 
are  prouder  still  of  her  history  and  the  part  she  has  played  in  the 
history  of  the  Nation. 

We  are  proud  that  it  was  on  the  soil  of  Illinois  that  the  gentle 
Pere  Marquette  made  most  of  his  important  discoveries  and  planted 
the  cross  of  Christianity  in  1673,  his  mission  being  one  for  the 
salvation  of  souls  and  not  the  subjugation  of  the  bodies  of  men. 

We  are  proud  of  the  achievements  which  La  Salle  and  Joliet, 
Tonti  and  Hennepin  accomplished  on  Illinois  soil. 

We  are  proud  of  the  fact  that  the  hardy  pioneers  who  dwelt 
in  the  wilderness  around  Kaskaskia  in  what  is  now  the  State  of 
Illinois,  anticipated,  in  1771,  the  demands  of  the  colonists  in  Massa- 
chusetts, New  York,  Virginia  and  the  rest  of  the  thirteen  colonies 
when  they  repudiated  Lord  Dartsmouth's  "Sketch  of  Government 
for  Illinois,"  as  "oppressive  and  absurd,"  and  declared  "should  a 
government  so  evidently  tyrannical  be  established,  it  could  be  of 
no  duration.  There  would  exist  the  necessity  of  its  being  ^abol- 
ished." This  declaration  of  independence  antedates  that  of  1776 
in  Philadelphia  by  five  years. 

We  are  proud  of  the  fact  that  on  Illinois  soil  took  place,  on 
July  4,  1778,  the  struggle  resulting  in  the  capture  from  the  English 
by  George  Rogers  Clark  of  the  Fort  of  Kaskaskia,  which  wrested 
forever  from  the  British  crown  all  of  the  territory  west  of  Penn- 
sylvania lying  between  the  Ohio  and  Mississippi  Rivers. 


792  DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

We  are  proud  of  the  fact  that  it  was  on  the  soil  of  Illinois  that 
its  two  intellectually  gifted  sons  argued  out  before  the  people  sit- 
ting as  a  jury  the  greatest  moral  issue  that  this  country  has  ever 
faced — the  issue  as  to  whether  this  country  could  long  endure  as  a 
republic  with  human  slavery  legally  enforced  in  one  part  of  it,  and 
legally  prohibited  in  another. 

We  are  proud  of  the  fact  that  that  great  issue,  as  the  result  of 
that  great  debate,  was  finally  settled  right  in  the  awful  arbitrament 
of  war  under  the  leadership  of  the  great  soldier  furnished  by 
Illinois  in  the  Nation's  crisis,  backed  by  the  valor  of  125,000  sons 
of  Illinois  upon  the  battlefield. 

We  are  proud  of  the  fact  that  Illinois  produced  in  the  Nation 's 
crisis  a  U.  S.  Grant  to  lead  her  soldiers  to  final  victory,  and  that 
in  that  great  war  for  the  preservation  of  the  life  of  the  Nation  she 
produced  such  brilliant  generals  as  Logan,  Shields,  McClernand, 
Oglesby,  Mulligan  and  Lawler  and  others  who 'have  shed  illustrious 
honor  upon  the  State,  but  above  and  beyond  all,  Illinois  is  proud  of 
the  fact  that  she  gave  to  the  Nation  and  to  the  world  in  1861  the 
greatest  humanitarian  and  statesman  of  the  nineteenth  century,  one 
of  the  most  wonderful  men  in  history  in  the  person  of  Abraham 
Lincoln. 

We  are  celebrating  tonight  the  natal  anniversary  of  this  great 
man  and  I  am  called  upon  to  speak  appropriately  to  the  theme.  I 
fear  that  in  calling  upon  me  for  this  purpose  you  have  over-rated 
my  powers.  Since  the  death  of  Lincoln,  his  name  has  been  upon 
the  tongues  and  pens  of  most  of  the  great  orators  and  writers  of 
the  world.  With  the  single  exception  probably  of  Napoleon,  no 
name  has  so  engrossed  the  attention  of  the  civilized  world  in  the 
last  century  as  has  that  of  Lincoln.  Orators,  poets  and  historians 
have  vied  with  each  other  in  doing  honor  to  that  illustrious  name 
and  yet  the  theme  has  not  become  threadbare  or  exhausted. 

Four  men  who  have  reached  the  Presidency  of  this  great  Re- 
public stand  out  among  their  fellow  Presidents  as  Titanic  figures 
in  American  history — Washington,  the  ideal  patriot ;  Jefferson,  the 
ideal  statesman ;  Jackson,  the  ideal  citizen-soldier,  and  Lincoln, 
the  ideal  humanitarian. 

We  are  gathered  tonight  to  honor  the  last  but  not  the  least  of 
these  great  men. 

Lincoln's  character  is  remarkable  in  that  it  seems  to  grow 
and  increase  in  public  estimation  as  the  years  go  by.  I  doubt  that 
his  contemporaries  appreciated  in  his  lifetime  the  wonderful  char 
acter  of  the  man.  When  one  stands  alongside  of  some  great  archi- 
tectural triumph  with  his  hand  upon  its  base  he  fails  to  drink  in 
the  symmetry  and  grandeur  of  the  structure.  It  is  only  when  he 
stands  away  from  the  base  of  the  monument  that  he  begins  to 


DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,  GOVERNOR  793 

appreciate  its  dignity  and  symmetry,  and  so  it  is  with  the  charac- 
ter of  Lincoln.  Those  who  lived  and  worked  with  him.  it  seems 
to  me,  never  appreciated  at  its  full  worth  the  marvelous  charac- 
ter of  the  man.  It  is  only  as  the  years  roll  by  and  as  we  get  the 
perspective  of  time  that  we  recognize  the  simplicity  and  nobility 
of  his  character. 

Lincoln's  personal  history  is  one  of  the  saddest  and  strangest 
in  all  history.  Born  in  a  miserable  log  hut,  in  the  direst  poverty, 
without  the  education  of  schools,  without  influential  friends,  with- 
out physical  attraction,  without  money  or  property  and  without 
antecedents,  by  virtue  of  his  innate  moral  rectitude  and  intel- 
lectual ability  alone,  he  struggled  upward  and  onward  until  he 
died  in  the  White  House,  President  Chief  Executive  of  the  great- 
est Republic  on  the  face  of  the  earth. 

Thomas  a'Kempis  in  his  beautiful  work,  the  "Imitation  of 
Christ,"  has  pointed  out  in  the  choicest  language  how  to  become 
a  follower  of  the  Christian  Redeemer.  It  is  a  work  that  is  written 
for  and  appeals  to  Christians.  Lincoln  was  not  a  Christian.  I 
doubt  if  he  was  ever  affiliated  with  any  church.  Indeed,  his 
biographers  show  that  in  the  early  days  of  his  manhood  he  read 
much  of  Thomas  Paine  and  Voltaire.  He  was  probably  a  deist, 
a  believer  in  the  existence  of  an  all-wise  Providence,  but  a  dis- 
believer in  miracles,  revelation,  the  atonement,  and  punishment 
after  death. 

He  probably  never  read  or  heard  of  the  "Imitation  of 
Christ,"  and  yet  fate  or  destiny  made  him  unconsciously  a  man 
who  was  surrounded  all  his  life  by  many  circumstances  such 
as  we  read  of  in  the  life  of  Christ.  He  was  born  in  a  lowly  cabin 
in  the  outskirts  of  civilization.  He  was  the  son  of  a  rude  and 
unlettered  carpenter.  He  lived  in  the  direst  poverty.  He 
preached  the  doctrines  of  human  equality.  He  was  filled  with 
sympathy  for  the  poor  and  distressed.  He  demanded  equality 
before  the  law,  and  died  a  martyr  to  the  cause  of  humanity. 

1  will  discuss  his  character  tonight  from  three  standpoints. 
First,  from  the  standpoint  of  his  profession  as  a  lawyer;  second, 
from  the  standpoint  of  statesmanship,  and  third,  as  a  man  of 
many  sorrows. 

For  twenty-three  years  of  his  life  Abraham  Lincoln  practiced 
law  for  a  living  in  the  Springfield  district  of  Illinois.  It  was 
known  as  the  eighth  judicial  circuit  and  comprised  one-seventh 
of  the  whole  State.  Without  scholastic  education,  or  in  fact  any 
education  except  that  which  Avas  acquired  through  his  own 
efforts,  and  without  even  examination  as  to  his  legal  attainments, 
he  was  early  admitted  to  the  bar.  Prior  to  that  admission  his 
whole  lif 2  had  been  that  of  a  manual  laborer.  Despite  his  early 


794  DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,  GOVERNOR 

handicaps  he  soon  discovered  in  himself  that  strength  of  character 
and  mental  force  which  makes  men  great.  Imbued  with  a  nat- 
ural facility  of  speech  and  a  lucidity  of  thought  which  found  ex- 
pression in  the  simplest  of  language,  he  felt  himself  qualified  to 
become  a  pleader  of  the  rights  and  demands  of  others.  His  con- 
fidence in  himself  was  well-founded.  After  receiving  his  license 
to  practice  he  commenced  a  professional  career  as  a  lawyer  which 
rapidly  developed  into  a  successful  practice. 

No  man  in  the  profession  in  this  time  worked  so  tirelessly 
and  incessantly.  Astride-  a  powerful  horse,  with  his  saddlebags 
containing  his  briefs  and  pleadings,  or,  in  a  wobbling,  dilapidated 
buggy  he  followed  the  Circuit  Judge  from  county  seat  to  county 
seat  through  fourteen  counties,  over  almost  impassable  roads, 
sleeping  in  impossible  taverns,  often  sharing  a  bed  with  fellow 
lawyers,  or  sometimes  with  the  Circuit  Judge  himself.  For 
weeks  at  a  time  he  was  away  from  his  home  and  office,  constantly 
trying  cases  in  the  then  obscure  and  widely  separated  county 
seats  of  eastern  central  Illinois.  No  farmer  or  mechanic  of  to- 
day did  half  of  the  physical  labor  performed  by  Lincoln  in  mak- 
ing these  fearful  pilgrimages.  The  remarkable  feature  of  these 
laborious  trips  is  the  fact  that  throughout  them  all  he  preserved 
his  health  and  good  temper.  The  physical  hardships  of  his  early 
life  seemed  to  have  inured  him  to  all  kinds  of  harrassing  wear 
and  tear,  his  temperate  habits  preserved  his  extraordinary  physi- 
cal strength,  and  the  unfailing  good  humor  and  lightheartedness 
with  which  his  Maker  endowed  him,  enabled  him  after  a  hard 
day's  work  to  cast  off  his  cares  as  easily  as  he  discarded  his 
overcoat. 

No  lawyer  in  the  circuit  tried  as  many  nisi  prius  cases  as  did 
Lincoln.  For  a  time  in  his  career  on  the  circuit  he  was  almost 
incessantly  in  court,  being  retained  on  either  side  of  nearly  every 
case  on  trial. 

Nor  were  his  labors  confined  to  the  Circuit  Court.  The  labor 
performed  by  him  on  briefs  filed  in  the  Supreme  Court  was 
prodigious.  In  the  first  twenty-five  volumes  of  the  Supreme  Court 
reports  his  name  appears  as  counsel  173  times.  In  some  of  these 
cases  doubtless  the  briefs  may  have  been  prepared  by  associate 
counsel,  but  no  lawyer  could  have  had  173  cases  in  the  Supreme 
Court  within  twenty-three  years  without  having  done  an  enor- 
mous amount  of  work  on  the  same,  both  in  the  Circuit  and  Su- 
preme Courts.  The  wonder  of  the  thing  grows  upon  us  when  we 
reflect  that  for  many  years  he  prepared  his  own  pleadings  in 
long  hand ;  that  his  brief  book  was  kept  in  his  pocket  and  some- 
times in  his  hat,  and  that  in  his  early  days  in  the  profession,  he 
was  very  careless  and  unmethodical. 


DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  795 

His  industry,  however,  marvelous  as  it  was,  never  equaled 
his  modesty.  Lincoln  was  not  a  commercial  lawyer.  He  knew  not 
how  to  capitalize  anything;  least  of  all  did  he  know  how  to 
capitalize  his  own  wonderful  genius.  The  possessor  of  rude  but 
convincing  eloquence  that  persuaded  juries  and  convinced  courts, 
endowed  by  God  with  a  nobility  of  character  and  a  love  of  truth 
which  shone  through  his  every  act  and  work  and  brought  success 
to  nearly  every  cause  he  championed,  this  great  man  and  this 
great  lawyer  was  possessed  of  an  instinctive  modesty  that  refused 
to  rate  his  own  worth  in  mercenary  cash. 

The  man  who  within  a  few  years  afterward  gave  utterance 
to  that  immortal  classic  at  Gettysburg  and  penned  the  likewise 
immortal  Emancipation  Proclamation,  in  his  own  estimation,  as  a 
lawyer  was  not  worth  $25.00  a  day.  On  one  of  his  circuits,  it  is 
said,  Lincoln  only  collected  $5.00  in  cash.  On  many  of  them, 
most  of  his  fees  were  $5.00  a  trial,  and  in  but  very  few  cases  did 
he  receive  $50.00. 

His  guileless  and  uncommercial  character  as  a  lawyer  is  but 
illustrated  by  his  notes  made  preparatory  to  a  law  lecture. 

"The  matter  of  fees  is  important,"  he  wrote,  "far  beyond 
the  mere  question  of  bread  and  butter  involved.  Properly  at- 
tended to,  fuller  justice  is  done  to  both  lawyer  and  client.  An 
exorbitant  fee  should  never  be  charged.  As  a  general  rule,  never 
take  your  whole  fee  in  advance,  nor  any  more  than  a  small  re- 
tainer. When  fully  paid  before  hand,  you  are  more  than  mortal 
if  you  can  feel  the  same  interest  in  the  case  as  if  something  was 
still  in  prospect." 

On  one  occasion  when  he  learned  that  an  attorney  who  had 
retained  him  had  charged  $250.00  for  their  joint  services,  he 
refused  to  take  any  share  of  the  money  until  the  fee  had  been 
reduced  to  what  he  deemed  a  reasonable  amount. 

For  this  and  other  outrages  of  this  character  upon  the  legal 
profession,  he  was  denounced  by  Judge  David  Davis,  who  said: 
"Lincoln,  you  are  impoverishing  the  bar  by  your  picayune 
charges,"  and  he  was  tried  by  his  brother  lawyers  in  a  mock 
court,  condemned,  found  guilty,  and  paid  his  fine  with  the  utmost 
good  nature. 

The  lack  of  financial  acquisitiveness,  amounting  at  times  to 
self -deprivation,  characterized  his  every  station  in  life  from  grocery 
clerk  to  the  Presidency  and  impelled  him  at  all  times  to  side  with 
the  under  dog  and  to  champion  the  cause  of  the  poor,  the  lowly  and 
the  oppressed. 

But  Lincoln,  the  lawyer,  was  not  only  industrious  and  modest, 
he  was  incorruptibly  honest.  He  could  not  and  would  not  lie,  dis- 
semble, pettifog  or  corrupt.  Lincoln  fought  his  legal  battles  in  the 


796  DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

open.  Although  a  power  in  politics,  he  never  maneuvered  and 
intrigued  to  get  a  man  on  the  bench  that  he  could  own.  Although 
a  member  of  the  Legislature  and  of  Congress,  he  never  was  a  lobby- 
ist, either  during  his  term  of  office  or  afterwards.  He  never  joined 
swell  clubs  or  fawned  upon  the  wealthy.  He  never  invited  judges 
on  the  bench  to  stretch  their  legs  and  consciences  at  private  dinner 
parties.  He  never  dosed  them  with  Ruinart  and  Cliquot  or  fur- 
nished them  with  private  cars  and  free  transportation.  He  had  no 
systematized  departments  in  his  law  office  called  "Tax  Depart- 
ment, ' '  wherein  the  duties  of  the  tax  lawyer  was  to  fix  the  assessor ; 
"Legislative  Department,"  wherein  the  legislative  lawyer  was 
detailed  to  see  the  councilman  and  assemblyman ;  ' '  Publicity  De- 
partment,"  wherein  the  publicity  lawyer  was  employed  to  fix  the 
newspapers;  "Claim  Department,"  wherein  the  claim  lawyer  was 
detailed  to  get  to  the  hospital  with  a  receipt  in  full  before  the 
injured  claimant  was  operated  upon;  "Coroner's  Department," 
wherein  the  deputy  lawyer  arranged  to  draft  the  verdict- for  the 
accommodation  of  the  coroner's  jury;  nor  a  "Settlement  Depart- 
ment," whose  duty  it  was  to  settle  cases  with  litigants  behind  the 
backs  of  the  lawyers  who  had  brought  suits  and  got  them  in  readi- 
ness for  trial.  Lincoln  would  have  scorned  to  preside  over,  or  be 
found  in,  such  a  law  office. 

Lincoln  tried  some  important  lawsuits  for  corporations,  but 
his  ability  could  be  hired  and  not  his  conscience.  He  could  never 
be  hired  to  advise  a  client,  no  matter  how  wealthy,  how  to  violate 
the  law,  how  to  cajole  or  corrupt  a  court  or  jury,  how  to  fix  an 
assessor,  or  debauch  a  councilman  or  legislator. 

Even  when  retained  in  a  case  where  he  owed  the  duty  of  giving 
his  best  efforts  to  his  client,  he  insisted  that  the  client  must  act  with 
honor. 

It  is  said  that  during  the  trial  of  one  of  his  cases  he  detected 
his  client  acting  dishonorably,  whereupon  he  walked  out  of  the 
courtroom,  and  refused  to  proceed  with  the  trial.  Upon  the  judge 
sending  a  messenger  after  him,  directing  him  to  return,  he  posi- 
tively declined,  saying,  "Tell  the  judge  my  hands  are  dirty  and 
I  've  gone  away  to  wash  them. ' ' 

Nor  would  he  accept  a  retainer  in  a  case  which  was  legally 
right,  but  morally  wrong. 

To  a  prospective  client,  seeking  his  services,  he  once  said: 

"We  can  doubtless  win  your  case,  set  a  whole  neighborhood 
at  loggerheads,  distress  a  widow  and  six  fatherless  children,  and 
thereby  get  you  six  hundred  dollars,  to  which  you  have  a  legal 
claim,  but  which  rightfully  belongs  to  the  widow  and  her  children. 
Some  things  that  are  legally  right  are  not  morally  right.  We  would 
advise  you  to  try  your  hand  at  making  $600  some  other  way. ' ' 


DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  797 

Such  were  the  principles  that  actuated  and  governed  Lincoln 
in  the  practice  of  his  profession.  A  remunerative  practice  in  any 
profession  is  a.  laudable  ambition,  but  too  often  that  ambition  is 
tainted  with  the  "get-rich-at-any-cost"  spirit  of  the  age. 

Judged  by  the  test  of  the  accumulation  of  money,  Lincoln  was 
not  a  great  lawyer,  but  judged  by  the  test  of  probity,  integrity, 
loyalty  to  clients  and  adherence  to  the  right,  Lincoln  was  among 
the  greatest  lawyers  of  his  day. 

Let  us  now  turn  to  the  career  of  Lincoln  as  a  statesman  and  a 
leader  of  men. 

When  he  first  appeared  in  public  life  he  had  many  drawbacks 
and  disadvantages  to  contend  with.  He  had  neither  a  good  educa- 
tion nor  a  good  personal  appearance.  Truth  compels  us  to  admit 
that  Lincoln  was  homely  in  face  and  ungainly  in  figure.  Both  his 
portraits  and  the  pen  descriptions  of  him  by  his  contemporaries 
unite  in  picturing  him  as  a  very  homely-faced  man  with  a  singu- 
larly awkward  and  ungraceful  carriage.  Six  feet  four  inches  in 
height,  with  long  arms  and  long  legs,  when  seated  he  did  not  seem 
to  be  larger  than  the  ordinary  man.  His  vocabulary  was  rude, 
simple  and  at  times  coarse,  the  natural  result  of  his  early  environ- 
ment. 

Notwithstanding  these  drawbacks,  his  clear,  lucid  mind,  backed 
by  his  facility  of  speech,  early  enabled  him  to  discover  the  vital 
point  in  the  discussion  of  any  great  issue  as  it  enabled  him  to  dis- 
cover the  vital  point  in  the  trial  of  a  lawsuit.  While  still  a  young 
man  as  the  central  figure  of  a  combination  of  nine  energetic  men 
in  the  Legislature,  he  succeeded  in  transferring  the  capital  of  the 
State  from  Vandalia  to  his  home  city,  Springfield.  To  accomplish 
this  required  tact,  diplomacy,  industry  and  compelling  ability,  the 
same  quality  that  brought  about  his  election  as  captain  of  his  com- 
pany in  the  Black  Hawk  War. 

Upon  turning  his  attention  to  the  general  national  issues  of  the 
country  he  early  discovered  the  moral  weakness  and  untenability 
of  human  slavery  as  being  a  part  of  the  institutions  of  the  Republic. 
He  early  recognized  the  fact  that  the  American  Nation  was  born 
with  a  disfiguring  birthmark  upon  his  brow  and  that  that  birth- 
mark must  eventually  be  effaced  before  the  Nation  could  stand  per- 
fect among  the  other  nations  of  the  world,  and  yet  with  the  full 
consciousness  that  slavery  must  be  ultimately  abolished  in  the 
United  States,  he  was  practical  enough  to  know  that  the  time  for 
bringing  about  this  great  change  must  be  selected  under  propitious 
and  favorable  surroundings,  and  that  a  premature  attenlpt  to 
abolish  slavery,  particularly  by  confiscation,  would  be  apt  to  be 
ruinous  to  its  advocates.  Therefore,  while  determined  to  abolish 
slavery,  he  refused  to  join  the  abolitionists. 


798  DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

Lincoln  preferred  to  bide  his  time  and  let  the  leaven  of  anti- 
slavery  sentiment  do  its  work  in  its  own  good  time.  He  knew 
that  under  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  slavery  was  rec- 
ognized and  tolerated,  but  also  that  under  the  same  Constitution 
the  confiscation  of  property  rights  was  illegal.  He,  therefore, 
favored  a  moderate  policy  in  the  firm  belief  that  a  time  would 
come  in  the  history  of  the  country  when  slavery  could  be  abol- 
ished by  compensation.  None  the  less,  he  had  no  patience  with  the 
devious  and  shifting  devices  resorted  to  by  statesmen  of  his  day 
for  the  further  extension  of  slavery  into  free  territory. 

If  the  abolition  of  slavery  must  await  until  a  propitious  time, 
nevertheless  its  extension  to  free  territory,  he  insisted,  should 
not  be  tolerated.  The  attempted  extension  of  slavery  to  free  ter- 
ritory he  knew  would  be  the  rock  upon  which  the  party  in  power 
must  be  shipwrecked.  There  he  took  his  stand  and  there  he  re 
mained  in  the  advocacy  of  the  opposition  to  such  extension  until 
he  found  himself  the  leader  in  the  Nation  of  those  who  opposed 
slavery.  Fortunate  for  Lincoln  was  it  that  the  great  leader  of 
the  opposite  doctrines  of  compromise  and  extension  lived  in  his 
own  State  and  city,  where  Lincoln  could  watch  his  career,  analyze 
his  mistakes  and  note  his  errors. 

Douglas  at  heart  was  not  a  believer  in  slavery,  but  his  long 
career  in  public  life,  particularly  in  the  Senate  of  the  United 
States,  brought  him  in  contact  with  all  the  leaders  of  the  pro- 
slavery  forces.  He  knew  their  strength,  power,  and  ability.  He 
knew  the  tenacity  with  which  the  slave-holders  of  the  South  had 
labored  to  preserve  the  institution  of  slavery.  He  was  a  patriot 
and  lover  of  his  country  and  he  feared  the  power  and  strength  of 
the  proslavery  people  and  feared  that  that  strength  and  power 
would  be  utilized  to  rend  in  twain  the  Nation  if  the  abolition  of 
slavery  by  confiscation  were  attempted.  Douglas  believed  he  was 
struggling  for  the  preservation  of  the  integrity  of  the  Union,  and 
all  his  policies  and  all  his  speeches  were  designed  and  delivered 
with  the  purpose  of  preventing  that  calamity. 

He  was  possessed  of  the  idea  that  the  slave-holding  element 
had  strength  and  power  enough  to  bring  about  a  severance  be- 
tween the  states  and  a  division  of  the  Republic.  He  submerged 
the  great  moral  issue  in  the  interest  of  the  integrity  of  the  Nation. 
Lincoln  took  higher  and  loftier  ground.  He  believed  the  time 
must  come  when  slavery  must  be  abolished  and  that  when  that 
time  panic  no  attempt  to  sever  the  Republic  upon  such  an  issue 
could  prevail  with  the  American  people. 

But  until  the  time  became  ripe  for  the  enunciation  of  the 
doctrine  of  abolition  he  was  content  to  stand  and  fight  along 
the  line  of  opposing  the  extension  of  slavery  to  the  territories 


DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  799 

of  the  West.  He  determined  that  the  citadel  of  slavery  must 
eventually  be  stormed,  impregnable  as  it  seemed  to  be  at  the  time. 
Outside  of  that  citadel  and  in  front  of  the  citadel  the  friends  of 
slavery  had  advanced  their  troops  and  erected  entrenchments 
for  the  extension  of  slavery  to  the  free  territories.  The  citadel 
could  not  be  captured  until  these  entrenchments  were  stormed. 

When  Douglas  maintained  under  the  specious  doctrine  of 
state  sovereignty  that  each  state  and  territory  had  the  inherent 
right  to  determine  for  itself  within  its  own  boundaries  whether 
slavery  should  exist,  and  thus  aligned  himself  with  the  slave- 
holders of  the  South  in  endeavoring  to  extend  slavery  into  the 
free  territories  of  the  West  in  defiance  of  the  Missouri  compro- 
mise, Lincoln  was  the  first  of  American  statesmen  to  see  that  a 
breach  could  be  made  in  these  entrenchments.  He  challenged 
Douglas  to  an  open  debate  on  the  prairies  of  Illinois  on  his  views 
of  State  sovereignty  and  in  that  debate  it  is  conceded  by  all  his- 
torians that  he  unhorsed  his  great  opponent. 

When  he  compelled  Douglas  to  answer  his  adroit  question  in 
this  memorable  debate  the  answer  to  which  necessarily  would  and 
did  commend  him  to  the  Democrats  of  the  North  but  incensed 
against  him  the  Democrats  of  the  South,  he  destroyed  forever 
Douglas'  prospect  for  the  Presidency.  When  Lincoln's  friends 
and  adherents  advised  him  against  putting  the  question,  pointing 
out  that  Douglas  might  and  probably  would  answer  in  such  a  way 
as  to  strengthen  his  hold  upon  the  Democrats  of  Illinois  for  the 
United  States  Senate,  the  answer  of  Lincoln  was,  "I  am  gunning 
for  bigger  game,"  and  his  prediction  proved  true.  Douglas' 
answer  to  that  celebrated  question  propounded  by  Lincoln  saved 
him  in  his  candidacy  for  the  United  States  Senate  but  lost  him 
the  Presidency  of  the  United  States,  and  eventually  made  Lincoln 
that  President.  His  conduct  in  that  marvelous  joint  debate  be- 
tween Douglas  and  Lincoln  so  enhanced  Lincoln's  reputation  that 
his  name  was  upon  the  tongues  of  most  of  the  antislavery  people 
of  the  United  States. 

Up  to  that  time  Senator  Seward  of  New  York  and  Mr.  Chase 
of  Ohio  were  the  leaders  of  antislavery  sentiment.  Both  of  them 
were  men  of  superior  education,  of  the  highest  culture  and  of  the 
most  powerful  intellect.  Both  of  them  for  years  were  in  official 
positions,  trained  in  public  office,  far  excelling  Lincoln  in  the 
usual  qualities  which  go  to  make  up  the  ordinary  statesman,  and 
yet  so  powerful  was  Lincoln's  rude  but  convincing  logic  in  this 
memorable  debate  that  it  impelled  the  rank  and  file  of  the  Re- 
publican party  to  choose  him  as  their  candidate  for  the  Presi- 
dency in  the  convention  of  1860.  Lincoln  had,  bv  his  merciless 


800  DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

logic,  carried  the  State  sovereignty  entrenchments  which  Douglas 
had  so  cunningly  constructed  in  front  of  the  citadel  of  slavery. 

Once  installed  in  these  entrenchments  by  his  election  to  the 
Presidency  he  proceeded  to  construct  in  and  upon  them  a  fortress 
from  which  he  could  afterwards  batter  down  and  storm  the  citadel 
of  slavery. 

In  the  selection  of  his  Cabinet  Lincoln  displayed  extraor- 
dinary sagacity  and  acumen.  To  the  position  of  Secretary  of  State 
he  invited  the  cultured  and  seasoned  statesman,  Senator  Seward, 
who  was  the  best  known  and  ablest  opponent  of  slavery  outside  of 
himself  in  the  United  States.  That  great  man,  disappointed  in 
his  ambition  for  the  Presidency,  was  reluctant  to  accept,  but 
Lincoln  appealed  to  his  patriotism  and  his  humanity  and  would 
not  take  "no"  for  an  answer.  AVhen  he  finally  did  accept  it  was 
upon  condition  that  Lincoln  must  disclose  the  names  of  the  other 
members  of  his  Cabinet. 

Among  these  was  Senator  Chase  of  Ohio,  another  ardent 
Free  Soil  Republican,  between  whom  and  Seward  there  was  a 
violent  personal  antipathy.  Seward  refused  to  sit  in  the  Cabinet 
with  Chase,  and  again  Lincoln's  wonderful  sagacity  and  diplo- 
macy was  put  to  the  test.  How  he  accomplished  the  bringing 
together  of  these  men  will  never  be  fully  known  but  they  finally 
yielded  to  Lincoln's  firm  demands  and  both  were  appointed. 

To  the  great  astonishment  of  the  country,  two  Union  Demo- 
crats were  appointed,  presumably  for  the  purpose  of  assuring  the 
South  that  it  was  not  his  design  to  commit  an  injustice  or  take 
from  them  their  property  without  due  process  of  law  and  just 
compensation.  From  thence  on  Lincoln 's  career  in  the  White  House 
was  a  marvel  of  ingenuity  and  statesmanship.  Confronted  with 
rebellion  on  the  part  of  the  southern  States  and  with  constant  fric- 
tion in  his  cabinet;  with  threats  of  resignation  constantly  renewed 
on  the  part  of  Chase;  with  insubordination  and  brutal  opposition 
on  the  part  of  Stanton ;  with  contempt  and  insolence  on  the  part  of 
Seward ;  assailed  by  an  unfair  and  vituperative  press ;  afflicted  with 
incompetence  among  his  generals  in  the  field,  he  nevertheless  piloted 
the  ship  of  State  through  the  most  perilous  period  in  American 
history  when  the  very  life  of  the  Nation  was  at  stake. 

Men  at  his  elbow  in  the  cabinet  intrigued  against  him,  aspired 
to  the  position  he  held ;  obstructed  his  orders  and  nursed  their  own 
political  ambitions  and  enmities  in  a  way  and  to  a  degree  that  would 
have  made  the  ordinary  man  lose  heart  and  abandon  the  contest. 
Yet  with  a  constancy,  patriotism  and  ability  but  seldom  if  ever 
equalled  in  history,  the  dominant  will  of  Lincoln  prevailed.  Finally, 
when  he  found  himself  strong  enough  and  when  the  situation  was 
opportune  he  prepared  and  submitted  to  his  cabinet  the  immortal 


DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,    GOVERNOR  801 

Emancipation  Proclamation,  and  despite  the  opposition  of  many 
of  his  most  influential  friends  and  sagest  advisers,  he  gave  the 
Proclamation  to  the  world  and  fired  the  final  batteries  which  in 
the  end  dismantled  and  destroyed  the  citadel  of  slavery.  Nor  was 
this  done  without  an  exhibition  of  remarkable  sagacity  and  exalted 
statesmanship.  It  was  promulgated  to  the  world  as  a  war  measure. 
It  announced  to  the  people  of  the  South  that  those  in  rebellion 
against  the  Union  must  suffer  the  loss  of  their  human  chattels  if 
they  persisted  in  their  treason,  and  that  that  property  must  be 
utilized  against  them  on  the  battlefield.  He  was  prudent  enough, 
however,  not  to  have  the  emancipation  of  the  slaves  of  those  in 
rebellion  against  the  Nation  to  take  effect  immediately.  He  fixed  *a 
time  in  the  proclamation  in  the  future  when  the  emancipation  would 
go  into  effect  unless  those  who  were  in  rebellion  laid  down  their 
arms  and  ceased  their  war  of  treason,  and  it  contained  the  proviso 
that  if  those  in  resistance  to  the  Nation  would  cease  their  rebellion 
that  they  would  be  compensated  for  their  property. 

The  time  and  the  circumstances  for  the  abolition  of  slavery 
had  arrived.  The  hour  had  struck  upon  the  dial  of  time.  Without 
violating  law  or  the  Constitution  and  in  furtherance  of  the  preserva- 
tion of  the  integrity  of  the  Union  he  at  last  succeeded  in  effacing 
the  birthmark  of  slavery  from  the  fair  face  of  the  American  Re- 
public. No  statesman  was  ever  so  tried  and  so  beset  under  trial  or 
so  triumphant  in  a  great  crisis  as  was  Abraham  Lincoln  in  the 
Presidency  of  the  United  States  in  the  greatest  crisis  of  its  history. 

And  now  let  us  consider  the  man  as  the  man  of  sorrow. 

His  whole  career  from  cradle  to  the  grave  was  Bathetic  with 
its  burdens,  its  humiliations,  its  privations  and  its  sorrows.  His 
birth  was  sorrowful.  His  boyhood  days  were  sorrowful.  His  youth, 
his  manhood,  his  public  career  and  private  career  all  through  his 
life  was  filled  with  the  strain  of  unending  sorrow. 

His  infancy  was  barefooted  and  ragged.  He  was  forced  to 
work  at  the  coarsest  manual  labor  from  the  time  he  was  six  years 
of  age.  When  a  mere  lad  he  led  the  horses  while  his  brother  held 
the  plow. 

His  father  was  a  shiftless,  unskilled  carpenter,  incapable  of 
saving,  or  acquiring  property.  As  soon  as  he  was  able  to  earn  a 
wage  Lincoln  was  hired  out  by  his  father  to  neighboring  farmers 
and  woodsmen  for  the  most  exacting  physical  labor,  doing  chores, 
chopping  wood,  splitting  rails,  acting  as  a  flatboat  man  on  the 
rivers,  as  general  choreman  around  country  stores.  A  more  cheer- 
less boyhood  is  not  disclosed  in  history. 

In  his  young  manhood  Lincoln  appears  as  an  awkward,  angu- 
lar, gawkish  youth,  ugly  in  face  and  ungainly  in  carriage,  unlettered 
and  untaught.  He  went  to  school  but  one  year  in  all  his  life  and 
the  marvel  is  that  he  acquired  a  vocabulary  and  a  diction  such  as  is 

—26 


802  DUNNE JUDGE,    MAYOR,    GOVERNOR 

disclosed  in  some  of  his  speeches  and  State  papers.  His  love  affairs 
were  unfortunate.  Spurned  by  most  young  girls  of  his  age,  he  had 
the  misfortune  to  lose  by  death  his  first  sweetheart,  which  affected 
him  so  keenly  that  his  friends  despaired  of  his  reason.  After  her 
death  his  despondency  was  so  acute  and  pathetic  as  to  develop 
eccentricity,  from  which  he  slowly  recovered. 

His  married  life  was  unhappy  almost  from  its  inception.  So 
doubtful  was  he  of  the  prospect  of  married  felicity  that  he  failed 
and  refused  to  be  present  on  .the  appointed  day  for  the  marriage. 
Later  on  his  courtship  of  his  future  wife  was  renewed  and  he 
finally  consummated  the  marriage,  only  to  have  his  most  gloomy 
fears  verified  by  many  years  of  acute  and  constant  married  infelic- 
ity. So  unhappy  was  his  married  life  that  his  most  reliable  biog- 
raphers state  that  while  on  the  circuit  when  other  lawyers  went 
home  of  a  Saturday  to  spend  their  time  with  their  wives  and 
children  that  he  (Lincoln)  remained  in  some  obscure  hotel  rather 
than  return  to  his  own  fireside. 

The  most  pathetic  picture  drawn  of  Lincoln's  unhappiness  is 
that  given  by  his  law  partner  who  states  that  during  the  lunch 
hour,  in  Springfield,  Lincoln,  instead  of  walking  four  or  five  blocks 
to  his  home  for  the  midday  meal,  would  go  down  to  the  grocery 
store  underneath  his  law  office  and  buy  a  few  cents  worth  of  cheese 
and  crackers  and  munch  them  in  his  office  to  satisfy  his  hunger. 
Nor  was  his  domestic  infelicity  alone  filled  with  sorrow.  His  finan- 
cial affairs  were  never  prosperous.  Scrupulously  honest  and  desir- 
ous of  paying  his  debts  he  was  for  years  at  a  time  constantly  in 
debt  and  in  order  to  pay  these  debts  he  was  depriving  himself  of 
the  necessities  of  life.  It  is  said  that  when  he  was  elected  to  the 
Legislature  he  had  to  borrow  money  to  go  to  Vandalia,  and  when 
elected  to  the  Presidency  he  was  so  short  of  ready  cash,  although 
he  owned  his  home  in  Springfield  and  a  small  farm,  that  he  was 
compelled  again  to  borrow  money  to  pay  the  expenses  of  the  trip 
to  Washington. 

His  public  life,  while  glorious  in  its  results,  was  everywhere 
bestrewn  with  vexations  and  annoyances.  A  considerable  portion 
of  the  press  was  vituperative  and  abusive  towards  him.  Members 
of  his  Cabinet  were  obstinate  and  irascible  and,  at  times,  insult- 
ing; all  these  things  leading  up  to  the  final  tragedy  when  he  fell 
a  victim  to  the  bullet  of  an  assassin.  Such  was  the  life  of  Lincoln, 
the  man  of  sorrows. 

His  whole  life  and  his  death  was  a  martyrdpm. 

If  the  spirits  of  the  dead  can,  as  we  believe,  look  down  and 
become  conscious  of  the  affairs  of  this  world,  what  a  glorious  con- 
solation must  the  spirit  of  Abraham  Lincoln  now  be  receiving 
beyond  the  grave.  The  burdens  and  sorrows  of  his  life  have  been 


DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,    GOVERNOR  803 

glorified  to  him,  to  his  children  and  to  his  country  by  the  incompar- 
able, magnificent  name  and  fame  that  he  has  left  in  history. 

No  agonies  that  a  human  being  could  endure  in  this  world 
could  or  would  be  shrunk  from  by  any  man  who  values  fame  if  they 
could  acquire  such  a  fame  and  such  a  name  as  has  been  left  by 
this  incomparable  American,  the  greatest  humanitarian  of  his  age 
and  country. 

I  know  of  no  man  in  profane  history  who  has  so  endeared 
himself  to  men  of  all  races,  nationalities,  religions  or  color  as  has 
the  great  American  statesman  and  beloved  son  of  Illinois,  Abraham 
Lincoln. 


804  DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,    GOVERNOR 


PREPAREDNESS. 

ADDRESS  BEFORE  NATIONAL  SECURITY  LEAGUE,  CHICAGO,  FEBRUARY 

22,  1916. 

Mr.  Chairman  and  Gentlemen: 

For  over  a  century  the  Republic  in  which  we  live  has  been 
singularly  blessed  by  Providence.  For  over  a  century  the  foot  of 
no  invader  has  been  planted  upon  its  shores.  For  over  a  century 
we  have  had  no  wars  with  other  nations  that  were  formidable 
in  their  strength.  For  over  a  century  we  have  been  engaged 
in  no  serious  conflict  with  any  first-class  power. 

Yet  during  all  this  time  the  American  Republic  has  remained 
unequipped  for  aggressive  warfare  and  but  poorly  equipped  for 
defensive  warfare  with  any  first-class  power,  and  has  thus  among 
all  the  great  nations  of  the  earth  escaped  the  burdens  of  taxation 
entailed  by  the  maintenance  of  a  large  standing  army  and  a  large 
navy. 

Our  good  fortune  in  the  past  is  attributable,  first  to  the  fact 
that  we  have  been  isolated  from  the  great  warlike  nations  o'f  the 
world  by  reason  of  the  expanse  of  water  between  this  country  and 
these  nations,  and  secondly,  by  reason  of  the  fact  that  this  Nation 
has  not  been  lustful  of  the  acquisition  of  territory  beyond  the 
temperate  zone  of  the  North  American  continent,  and,  therefore, 
has  not  incurred  the  enmity  or  ill  will  of  any  great  warlike  nation. 
Because  of  our  isolation  during  the  past  century  and  the  peace- 
ful and  harmonious  relations  existing  between  the  United  States 
and  the  great  world-powers,  we  have  not  maintained  a  large 
standing  army  nor  created  a  formidable  navy. 

Up  to  two  years  ago  the  sentiment  of  this  country  was  almost 
unanimous  in  favor  of  a  small  standing  army  and  a  moderately 
sized  navy,  because  the  people  felt  safe  and  secure  of  the  im- 
munity of  the  country  from  foreign  attack.  To  have  injected 
militarism  into  the  American  system  with  its  necessary  burdens 
of  taxation  Avould  have  ocasioned  a  revolt  among  the  American 
people.  Is  this  the  situation  today?  Much  as  I  favor  peace 
among  the  nations,  much  as  I  favor  the  arbitrament  of  all  disputes 
between  nations,  and  much  as  I  am  opposed  to  militarism,  I, 
with  many  hundreds  of  thousands  of  my  fellow  citizens,  have 
reached  the  conclusion  that  the  times  and  situations  have  changed. 


DUNNE— JUDGE,    MAYOR,    GOVERNOR  .    805 

and  that  this  country  is  not  now  safe  in  assuming  that  it  is 
immune  or  invulnerable  from  attack  from  abroad. 

The  greatest  war  in  history  has  been  raging  for  over  eighteen 
months,  during  which  the  diplomacy  of  this  country  has  been 
taxed  to  the  limit  to  avoid  being  involved  therein.  A  peace- 
loving  President  and  administration  have  succeeded  in  keeping  us 
out  of  a  war  in  which  all  of  the  great  manufacturing  and  com- 
mercial nations  of  the  earth  are  now  involved.  To  remain  abso- 
lutely and  thoroughly  neutral  without  sacrificing  the  honor  of 
the  Nation  has  been  the  aim  of  the  United  States,  and  that  aim, 
up  to  the  present  time,  has  been  successfully  maintained.  But  in 
maintaining  that  neutrality  the  citizens  of  this  country  have  not 
been  debarred  by  international  law  and  comity  from  exercising 
the  lindoubted  rights  of  neutrals,  among  which  is  to  furnish  con- 
trabands of  war  manufactured  in  this  country  to  the  belligerents 
subject  to  the  right  of  capture  and  confiscation  upon  the  high 
seas.  Many  citizens  of  this  country  have  been  profiting  by  this 
right  given  to  them  by  international  law  but,  unfortunately,  these 
sales  have  been  made  not  to  all  belligerents,  but  to  the  belliger- 
ents on  one  side  of  the  great  war;  this  resulting  from  the  fact 
that  the  allies  have  control  of  the  seas,  which  has  prevented  the 
furnishing  of  such  contraband  of  war  to  the  German-Austro- 
Hurigary  powers. 

All  of  the  warring  powers  have  endeavored  to  secure  the 
sympathy  and  assistance  of  the  American  Nation,  without  avail 
The  Nation  has  remained  rigidly  neutral  and  has  thus  disap- 
pointed all  of  the  powers  engaged  in  this  frightful  warfare.  We 
are  the  only  great  commercial  and  manufacturing  country  in  the 
world  not  involved  and  because  of  that  fact  our  citizens  have  been 
coining  money  out  of  the  woes  and  misfortunes  of  these  belliger- 
ents. *  This  frightful  war  has  enriched  the  manufacturers  of  this 
country  enormously  and  the  cessation  of  the  industries  in  Europe 
has  feverishly  developed  all  of  our  manufacturing  interests  to 
our  great  monetary  gain. 

By  force  of  circumstances  this  country  is  being  enormously 
enriched  at  the  expense  of  all  the  warring  powers.  Because  of 
this  fact,  a  feeling  of  jealousy  and  dislike  toward  this  country  has 
developed  in  all  the  nations  at  war.  Read  the  magazines  and 
speak  with  those  who  have  been  in  Europe  and  you  will  be  con- 
vinced that  the  kindly  and  friendly  feeling  for  America  which 
existed  among  the  nations  of  Europe  up  to  the  outbreak  of  the 
present  war  has  changed.  I  believe  today  from  what  I  have  read 
and  heard  that  the  United  States  has  not  a  friend  in  Europe. 

The  British  empire  believes  we  should  sympathize  and  as- 
sist it  because  of  the  factjthat  we  speak  their  language  and  have- 


806  DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,    GOVERNOR 

adopted  most  of  their  civil  institutions.  The  French  republic 
believes  we  should  have  sympathized  with  it,  remembering  the 
fact  that  it  was  with  the  assistance  of  France  that  the  independ- 
ence of  this  country  was  secured.  The  German- Austro-Hungary 
powers  believe  we  should  sympathize  with  them  because  of  the 
uninterrupted  friendship  that  has  existed  between  this  country 
and  those  great  nations  during  all  of  our  past  history,  and  be- 
cause so  many  of  their  flesh  and  blood  have  contributed  to  the 
building  up  of  this  Republic  and  have  become  citizens  thereof. 
We  have  disappointed  all  of  them  in  taking  no  stand  other  than  a 
neutral  one  during  the  present  war,  and  all  of  them  recognize 
that  we  are  growing  rich  out  of  their  misfortunes. 

The  situation  then  today  is  different  than  it  was  during  the 
last  century.  First,  we  are  not  isolated  as  in  the  past  because  of 
the  tremendous  improvements  made  in  modern  warfare.  Steam, 
electricity  and  the  development  of  modern  naval  architecture  have 
made  it  possible  for  any  warlike  country  of  Europe  with  a  large 
army  at  its  disposal  to  land  that  army  upon  our  shores,  if  un- 
opposed, within  thirty  days  after  a  declaration  of  war. 

New  York  and  Philadelphia  are  nearer  to  London  and  Paris 
than  are  the  Dardanelles,  and  yet,  within  the  last  few  months, 
hundreds  of  thousands  of  troops  have  been  landed  from  London 
and  Paris  upon  the  Dardanelles  by  naval  transports  within  a 
very  brief  time.  We  are  faced  then  with  this  situation  today,  differ- 
ing with  the  situation  that  existed  for  a  century.  Instead  of 
friendship  with  the  great  European  powers  we  have  jealousy  and 
ill-feeling  among  all  of  them  towards  us,  and  secondly,  under 
the  present  condition  of  modern  warfare  we  are  not  isolated  by 
the  Atlantic  Ocean.  Can  we  then  safely  pursue  the  policy  of 
the  past  century  and  remain  an  unarmed  nation,  unprepared  for 
attack  from  abroad?  I  believe  and  it  is  my  judgment  th'at  the 
overwhelming  sentiment  of  America  is  that  we  cannot  pursue  our 
policy  of  unpreparedness  that  has  prevailed  in  the  past. 

Today  we  have  only  about  one  hundred  and  twenty  thousand 
troops  in  the  Federal  Standing  Army,  only  about  thirty  thousand 
of  which  can  be  mobilized  in  case  of  war.  The  militia  of  all  of 
our  states  aggregates  about  the  same  number  of  men.  Our  Navy, 
while  efficient  in  its  way,  ranks  only  fourth  in  strength  among 
the  powers  of  the  world.  After  this  awful  war  is  over,  which  ever 
side  is  victorious  and  whatever  the  result,  we  will  be  faced  with 
the  facts,  first,  that  all  of  these  powers  are  unfriendly,  secondly, 
that  they  will  have  formidable  armies  of  veteran  troops,  and 
thirdly,  that  we  are  enormously  wealthy  and  that,  therefore,  the 
temptation  to  attack  us  will  be  great. 


DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  807 

At  the  opening  of  hostilities  the  total  national  indebtedness 
of  the  European  nations  and  their  colonies  did  not  exceed  thirty 
billion  dollars.  During  this  awful  war  they  have  already  in- 
creased that  indebtedness  to  the  extent  of  forty  billions  more. 
The  total  indebtedness  of  the  United  States  does  not  exceed  much 
more  than  one  billion  dollars,  while  the  wealth  of  the  United 
States  will  probably  be  equal  to  the  total  wealth  of  any  two  of 
these  great  powers.  What  a  temptation  to  provoke  a  controversy. 

China  is  a  peace-loving  nation,  having  over  four  hundred 
millions  of  population,  and  yet  this  peaceful  nation  with  its 
enormous  population  and  great  wealth,  is  being  overawed  and 
intimidated  by  its  warlike  neighbor,  Japan,  which  has  a  popula- 
tion of  only  seventy-five  millions.  The  British  empire,  including 
its  colonies,  has  over  four  hundred  million  subjects.  Russia  has 
one  hundred  and  sixty-four  million,  Germany  and  Austro-Hun- 
gary  one  hundred  and  fifteen  millions,  France  and  its  colonies 
sixty-four  millions,  Italy  thirty-five  millions,  and  Japan  seventy- 
five  millions.  All  of  them  will  be,  after  this  war,  in  possession  of 
a  trained,  seasoned,  soldiery,'  but  hopelessly  in  debt.  In  view  of 
this  situation  it  will  not  do  for  us  to  cry  peace,  peace,  and  remain 
unprepared  to  resist  aggression.  No  American  wants  an  offensive 
war.  Every  American  believes  in  defending  his  country  against 
foreign  aggression.  The  possibilities  are  so  fearful  to  contemplate 
that  we  must  change  our  policy  so  as  to  prepare  a  reasonable 
defense  against  foreign  aggression. 

Our  National  Army  should  be  increased  by  an  addition  of  at 
least  fifty  thousand  more  regulars.  Our  citizen-soldiery  must  be 
further  cultivated  and  developed.  We  should  have  at  least  a 
half-million  men  in  our  citizen-soldiery  drilled  and  prepared  for 
war.  Our  Navy  must  be  materially  increased  by  the  addition  of 
men-of-war  containing  the  most  powerful  modern  guns  and  the 
Nation  itself  should  undertake  the  establishment  of  a  factory  for 
the  manufacture  of  the  most  modern  instruments  of  warfare. 

The  young  men  of  the  country  who  join  our  National  Guards 
should  be  compensated  for  the  time  they  spend  in  becoming 
trained  soldiers  fit  for  the  defense  of  the  Nation.  Today  they 
practically  receive  no  compensation.  I  believe  every  National 
Guardsman  should  be  paid  one  dollar  for  every  day  or  night  that 
he  spends  in  drill,  provided  he  spends  at  least  forty  of  these  days 
or  nights  each  year  in  actual  attendance  at  drill.  The  students  in 
the  different  colleges  of  the  country  receiving  maintenance  from 
the  Federal  Government  should  also  be  required  to  take  a  military 
course  as  part  of  the  curriculum.  There  are  over  fifty  of  such 
colleges  and  today  the  State  of  Illinois  has  at  its  university  at 
Urbana  two  thousand  young  men  receiving  military  drill. 


808  DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,    GOVERNOR 

The  Federal  Government  should  be  more  liberal,  both  in  its 
appropriations  for  the  maintenance  of  the  National  Guards  of  the 
different  states,  and  in  furnishing  trained  soldiers  to  educate 
these  young  men  in  the  methods  of  modern  warfare.  I  hope  the 
time  may  come  in  the  history  of  the  world  as  the  result  of  the 
awful  consequences  of  the  present  war  that  the  nations  of  the 
world  will  enter  into  compacts  to  settle  all  disputes  by  arbi- 
tration and  provide  means  for  enforcing  and  keeping  these  agree- 
ments, but  until  that  time  comes  the  American  Republic  should 
put  itself  on  guard  against  invasion  from  abroad  and  provide  to  a 
reasonable  degree  for  the  creation  of  a  military  force,  both  on 
land  and  at  sea  that  can  protect  this  country  against  the  machina- 
tipns  and  aggression  of  any  nation  or  nations  upon  the  earth. 


DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,    GOVERNOR  809 


ILLINOIS'  NEEDS  FOR  GOOD  ROADS. 

ADDRESS  DELIVERED  AT  JACKSONVILLE,  ILLINOIS,  MARCH  7,  1916. 

Mr.  Chairman  and  Gentlemen: 

For  the  greater  part  of  my  life  a  resident  of  our  metropolis, 
and  during  many  years  more  or  less  a  part  of  its  public  service, 
1  was  none  the  less  uninformed  as  to  rural  highway  conditions 
in  our  State  of  Illinois. 

I  knew  from  my  early  years  what  the  roads  of  Illinois  were. 
My  travels,  my  reading  and  my  contact  with  men  from  the 
counties  outside  of  Cook,  kept  me  well  informed,  especially  as  I 
had  always  been  intensely  interested  in  the  problem  of  highways 
and  had  made  it  a  point  to  keep  posted.  As  mayor  of  Chicago 
and  as  judge  of  the  courts  of  Cook  County,  I  gained  practical 
knowledge  of  the  progress  of  street  building,  and  after  all,  the 
problem  in  the  city  or  country  presents  many  similar  phases. 

I  could  well  remember  the  remonstrances  that  accompanied 
the  agitation  for  improved  streets  in  our  cities.  We  were  told  by 
honest,  sincere  people,  that  our  streets  could  not  be  paved;  that 
paving  meant  personal  and  corporate  bankruptcy;  that  the  bene- 
fits pictured  by  good  street  advocates  were  irridescent  dreams. 
We  can  all  recall  those  things,  for  we  have  only  started  to  pull 
our  cities  out  of  the  mud  during  the  last  twenty  years. 

We  all  know  what  has  happened.  Opposition  to  good  streets 
has  passed.  It  has  been  transformed  into  demand  for  the  best 
streets.  We  know  how  the  cost  of  such  improvement  has  de- 
creased and  the  quality  has  risen.  There  are  scores  of  the  villages 
of  our  State  which  boast  the  best  pavements,  and  our  larger 
cities  are  paved  to  the  extent  of  from  50  to  75  per  cent  of  their 
street  mileage. 

I  was  not  surprised  when  I  made  my  campaign  for  Governor, 
nearly  four  years  ago,  to  find  our  public  highways  in  such  a  dis- 
reputable condition,  little  better,  in  fact,  than  I  had  known  as 
a  boy. 

I  realized  from  a  new  experience  how  perfectly  humiliating 
was  our  place  as  twrenty-third  among  the  states  in  the  area  of 
permanently  improved  rural  highways. 

Here  was  my  State,  the  State  whose  public  interests  I  was 
anxious  to  be  elected  to  serve  as  Governor,  the  richest  in  aarricul- 


810  DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,    GOVERNOR 

tural  products  and  land  values,  its  soil  on  the  average  three  times 
as  valuable  as  the  soil  of  the  United  States  in  general,  yet  its  rural 
life  embargoed  and  isolated  by  the  most  primitive  means  of  com- 
munication, its  markets,  its  centers  of  business  and  its  gathering 
places  of  men  and  women  separated  from  community  life  by  im- 
passable barriers. 

The  Federal  reports  told  me  that  only  ten  per  cent  of  the 
95,000  miles  of  road  in  Illinois  were  improved  in  a  permanent 
manner,  against  thirty-eight  per  cent  in  Indiana,  twenty  per  cent 
in  Wisconsin  and  Kentucky,  twenty-eight  per  cent  in  Ohio  and 
fifty  per  cent  in  Massachusetts. 

On  every  hand  I  thought  I  saw  the  time  was  ripe  for  a  great 
forward  movement  in  this  matter.  The  agitation  for  better  roads 
which  had  been  more  or  less  active  for  a  number  of  years  had 
begun  to  assume  a  determination  to  do  something  concrete. 
Property  owners,  land  owners,  city  and  country  people  alike  were 
coming  to  see  and  to  understand  what  a  tremendous,  economic 
and  social  loss  was  entailed  by  our  poor  roads. 

In  my  inaugural  message  in  January,  1913,  I  devoted  space 
to  as  strong  a  presentation  of  this  subject  as  was  within  my1 
power.  This  message  contained  the  following  passage :  ' '  The 
loss  to  farmers  because  of  inaccessible  primary  markets,  and  the 
abnormal  expense  of  transportation  due  to  bad  roads,  must  be 
considered  as  a  contributing  cause  of  the  high  cost  of  living. 
*  *  *  Bad  roads  not  only  hinder  crop  production  and  market- 
ing, but  they  keep  the  rural  consumer  away  from  the  store  of  the 
merchant  for  weeks  at  a  time.  They  keep  the  pupils  from  the 
schools  and  voters  from  political  gatherings  and  from  participat- 
ing in  elections.  They  impair  the  efficiency  of  churches,  and 
social,  fraternal  and  other  organizations.  Bad  roads  contribute 
to  the  unattractiveness,  the  isolation  and  the  monotony  of  country 
life  that  are  responsible  for  the  desertion  of  rural  precincts,  es- 
pecially by  the  young.  Experts  in  mental  ailments  agree  that 
women  in  remote  sections  are  the  chief  sufferers  from  the  re- 
strictions of  communication  and  social  intercourse  which  bad 
roads  impose." 

THE  TICE  ROAD  LAW. 

The  recommendation  of  the  message  touched  the  legislative 
heart  and  the  Tice  good  roads  law  was  the  result.  You  are  all 
familiar  with  its  salient  features.  No  subject  has  been  so  much 
discussed  or  is  better  understood.  The  last  General  Assembly 
remedied  defects  which  a  little  experience  had  uncovered  in  the 
original,  and  amplified  its  terms  to  make  it  more  elastic  to  meet 


DUNNE — JUDGE,   MAYOR,   GOVERNOR*  811 

the  varying  conditions  and  ideas  prevailing  in  different  sections 
of  our  State. 

We  are  now  at  work  under  this  law.  The  courts  have  passed 
upon  its  validity.  Organization,  State,  county  and  township,  has 
been  perfected  and  excellent  progress  has  been  made  and  the 
future  is  very  bright. 

The  most  important  new  power  granted  to  counties  by  amend- 
ments to  the  Tice  law  is  the  right  to  issue  bonds  for  construction 
of  State  aid  roads,  these  bonds  to  be  redeemed  annually  from  the 
State  allotments  and  the  county  equivalence.  The  advantage  of 
this  act  is  that  the  people  get  the  benefit  of  a  system  of  good 
roads  at  once,  rather  than  by  piecemeal,  and  the  difference  in  cost 
is  the  interest  on  the  bonds. 

For  instance,  this  county,  let,  me  say,  has  100  miles  of  desig- 
nated State  aid  road,  the  total  cost  of  construction  of  which  would 
be  one  million  dollars. 

Your  annual  allowance  from  the  State  distributable  fund  is, 
we  will  say,  $20,000,  to  which  you  add,  under  the  provisions  of 
the  law,  a  like  amount,  giving  you  $40,000.  At  ten  thousand  dol- 
lars a  mile  you  could  therefore  build  four  miles  of  road  in  a  year, 
or  the  full  one  hundred  miles  in  twenty-five  years. 

The  bond  plan  permits  you,  by  approval  of  the  people,  to 
issue  one  million  dollars  of  bonds  with  which  to  construct  the 
100  miles  of  State  aid  roads  at  once.  It's  all  done  and  finished  in 
one  job  and  you  will  be  able  to  enjoy  and  get  the  benefit  of  the 
whole  system.  Each  year  thereafter  you  will  get  your  share 
of  the  State  funds,  or  $20,000.  You  add  $20,000  to  it  and  apply 
$40,000  to  the  debt.  In  twenty-five  years  the  entire  issue  will 
have  been  cancelled.  During  that  time  you  will  have  enjoyed  and 
profited  by  the  100  miles  of  road. 

The  difference  in  cost  between  the  two  methods,  as  I  have 
stated,  is  the  interest  charge,  which  will  be  more  than  counter- 
balanced by  the  returns  from  the  investment,  such  as  better  prices 
for  products  and  a  more  satisfactory  social,  religious  and  political 
life. 

To  find  out  just  what  this  interest  charge  will  be,  suppose 
that  a  county  decides  to  issue  one  million  dollars  in  bonds  for 
the  purpose  of  improving  their  designated  State  aid  routes,  and 
that  they  propose  to  take  three  years'  time  to  complete  the  work. 
Let  us  suppose  that  the  first  year  they  will  need  $300,000  for  the 
work,  the  second  year  $350,000  and  the  third  year  $350,000.  The 
county  decides  that  they  must  extinguish  this  debt  in  20  years, 
or  in  other  words  that  the  bonds  must  all  be  retired  20  years 
from  the  date  of  the  first  issue.  Let  us  say  that  these  bonds, 
which  will  bear  interest  at  4  per  cent,  will  be  issued  as  follows: 


812 


DUNNE JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 


$300,000— first  year; 
350,000 — second  year ; 
350,000— third  year; 
and  that  $50,000  worth  of  these  shall  be  retired  each  year. 

From  the  following  table  you  can  tell  just  how  much  money 
will  have  to  be  raised  each  year  to  take  care  of  the  maturing 
bonds  and  the  interest. 


Total 
amt.  to 
be  raised. 
$62,000 
74,000 
86.000 
84,000 
82,000 
80,000 
78,000 
76,000 
74,000 
72,000 
70,000 
68,000 
66,000 
64,000 
62,000 
60,000 
58,000 
56,000 
54,000 
52.000 


Amount  of  bonds 

Amount  of  bonds    Interest  on 

Year. 

1 

that  will  be 
outstanding. 
$300,000 

that  will 
mature. 
$50,000 

outstanding 
bonds  at  4-/0. 
$12,000 

2 

600,000 

50,000 

24,000 

3 

900,000 

50,000 

36,000 

4 

850,000 

50,000 

34,000 

5 

800,000 

50,000 

32,000 

6 

750,000 

50,000 

30,000 

7 

700,000 

50,000 

28,000 

8 
9 

650,000 
600,000 

50,000 
50,000 

26,000 
54,000 

10 

550,000 

50,000 

22,000 

11 

500,000 

50,000 

20,000 

12 

450,000 

50,000 

18,000 

13 

400,000 

50,000 

16,000 

14 

350,000 

50,000 

14,000 

15 

300,000 

50.000 

12,000 

16 

250,000 

50,000 

10,000 

17 

200,000 

50,000 

8,000 

18 

150,000 

50,000 

6,000 

19 

100,000 

50,000 

4,000 

20 

50,000 

50,000 

2,000 

$1,000,000 


$378,000 


$1,378,000 


The  interest  on  the  million  dollar  bond  issue  for  the  period 
of  20  years  will  be  $378,000. 

By  issuing  the  bonds  in  three  years  and  in  amounts  just  suf- 
ficient for  the  work,  there  is  secured  a  saving  in  interest  for  the 
first  year  of  4  per  cent  of  $700,000,  or  $28,000,  and  for  the  second 
year  a  saving  of  4  per  cent  of  $350,000,  or  $14,000,  making  a 
total  of  $42,000  saved  in  interest  if  we  issue  the  bonds  according 
to  the  above  plan  instead  of  issuing  the  full  amount  the  first 
year. 

A  bond  issue,  by  a  provision  of  the  Constitution  must  not  ex- 
ceed 5  per  cent  of  the  assessed  valuation  of  the  county,  so  the 
county  which  we  suppose  to  issue  this  amount  of  bonds  must 
have  an  assessed  valuation  of  $20,000,000. 

The  average  annual  interest  on  our  proposed  bond  issue  is 
three  hundred  and  seventy-eight  thousand  twentieths,  or  $18,900. 
This  means  that  a  county  having  an  assessed  valuation  of 
$20,000,000  must  levy  a  tax  of  91/2  cents  on  each  hundred  dollars 
of  assessed  valuation.  The  average  equalized  assessed  valuation 


DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  813 

of  the  farm  land  in  Illinois  is  $20.19  per  acre.    This  means  that 
the  interest  cost  will  be  less  than  2  cents  per  acre  per  year. 

ADVANTAGES  OF  BOND  ISSUES. 

There  are  five  good  substantial  advantages  to  be  gained  from 
improving  the  roads  with  funds  realized  from  bond  issues :  First, 
the  community  has  the  use  of  a  considerable  mileage  of  improved 
roads  much  sooner  than  they  would  have  under  the  system  of 
building  each  year  only  the  amount  possible  with  their  State  aid 
allotment,  together  with  the  money  put  up  by  the  county. 
Second,  the  cost  of  construction  is  lowered  considerably,  as  a  large 
mileage  can  be  constructed  all  at  once  much  more  economically 
and  efficiently  than  by  building  short  stretches  each  year.  Third, 
the  maintenance  charge  is  taken  off  the  county  and  paid  by  the 
State  on  State  aid  roads  if  brick  or  concrete,  and  the  maintenance 
of  gravel  and  macadam  State  aid  roads  is  divided  equally  between 
State  and  county.  Furthermore,  the  maintenance  charge  per  mile 
on  a  connected  system  of  improved  roads  will  be  much  less  than 
if  there  are  several  isolated  sections  to  be  kept  up ;  and  on  gravel 
and  macadam  roads,  one-half  the  maintenance  of  which  is  paid 
by  the  county,  such  maintenance  charge,  if  these  roads  are  a  part 
of  a  system,  will  be  much  less  than  if  such  sections  are  separated 
from  each  other  by  stretches  of  unimproved  roads,  which  means 
that  the  county  which  builds  the  roads  all  at  one  time  will  have 
the  maintenance  charge  lessened  considerably  on  those  roads 
which  must  be  kept  up  by  the  State  and  county  together.  Fourth, 
financing  road  improvement  by  bond  issues  places  the  cost  of  the 
improvement  on  those  who  share  the  benefits.  Fifth,  a  system 
of  good  roads  will  increase  materially  and  substantially  the  value 
of  surrounding  property  much  quicker  than  their  value  can  be 
increased  by  spreading  out  the  road  improvement  over  a  period 
of  20  years.  It  seems  that  the  advantages  gained  from  such  a 
method  are  worth  immeasurably  more  than  the  interest  charge  of 
91/3  cents  on  the  hundred  dollars  assessed  valuation. 

Vermilion  County  has  voted  $1,500,000  for  175  miles  of  road. 
Cook  County  has  voted  two  million.  Thirty  counties  are  either 
ready  to  vote  upon  bond  issues  or  are  seriously  agitating  it,  the 
proposed  aggregate  being  twenty  million  dollars. 

Since  the  Tice  law  became  effective  on  July  1,  1913.  the  General 
Assembly  has  appropriated  a  total  of  $3,100,000.  The  counties  will 
have  matched  this  amount,  making  a  total  of  $6,200,000  available 
for  State  aid  roads  up  to  June  20,  1917. 

Happily,  the  fear  that  hard  roads  are  going  to  bankrupt  us  is 
fast  disappearing,  because  we  have  been  able  to  demonstrate  by 


814  DUNNE JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

practical  experience  and  by  undeniable  statistics  that  such  a  dis- 
aster is  impossible. 

The  Illinois  system  of  State  aid  roads  comprises  16,000  miles 
or  about  seventeen  per  cent  of  the  total  94,000  miles  of  highway. 
Of  these  94,000,  about  9,000  miles  are  improved.  If  we  assume  that 
3,000  of  these  9,000  miles  of  improved  roads  are  included  in  the 
16,000  miles  of  State  aid  system,  we  have  left  13,000  of  the  system 
yet  to  be  constructed. 

COST  OF  STATE  AID  SYSTEM. 

The  State  Highway  Commission  estimates  the  cost  of  this  con- 
struction to  be  $129,000,000.  Spread  over  twenty  years,  this  sum 
will  require  $6,450,000  annually.  Estimating  the  assessed  value  of 
the  State  for  the  next  twenty  years  at  an  average  of  three  billion 
dollars  per  year,  the  $6,450,000  annual  requirement  for  State  aid 
roads  will  cost  the  taxpayer  $0.215  per  $100  of  assessed  valuation. 
A  man  owning  a  $1,500  piece  of  property,  assessed  at  a  third  or 
$500,  would  pay  $1.07  per  year. 

Under  the  State  aid  system,  it  is  estimated  that  the  farms  will 
pay  forty  per  cent  of  road  improvement,  the  other  sixty  per  cent 
coming  from  personal  property,  cities,  villages  and  corporations. 
The  farm's  proportion  of  the  $6,450,000  annual  expenditure  on 
State  aid  roads  would  be  $2,580,000.  Divide  this  by  the  acres  in 
the  State  and  we  have  a  tax  of  .07  per  acre  per  year  for  twenty 
years  to  improve  these  13,000  miles  of  State  aid  road. 

Our  system  provides  for  improving  only  twenty  per  cent  of 
the  total  road  mileage,  but  this  twenty  per  cent  carries  eighty 
per  cent  of  the  traffic.  But  our  townships  are  now  levying  $7,000,- 
000  annually  for  roads  and  bridges  and  this  sum  will  be  expended 
upon  the  eighty  per  cent  of  mileage  outside  the  State  aid  system. 

The  system  of  State  aid  roads,  as  laid  out  by  the  counties  and 
finally  approved  by  the  State,  will  connect  the  cities  and  villages  of 
each  county  and  the  cities  and  villages  of  all  other  counties.  Study 
has  shown  us  that  from  sixty-five  to  seventy-five  per  cent  of  all 
farms  within  a  county  will  either  front  directly  on  a  State  aid  road 
or  on  a  road  only  one  mile  distant  and  that  very  few,  if  any,  of 
the  remaining  farms  will  be  more  than  three  miles  distant. 

In  the  three  years  of  operation  under  the  Tice  law,  a  splendid 
start  has  been  made.  The  perfecting  of  the  organization  and  ma- 
chinery required  much  time.  Few  enterprises  of  such  magnitude, 
involving  the  cooperation  and  coordination  of  State,  county  and 
town  organizations,  having  so  much  of  detail  to  work  out  have 
gotten  on  their  feet  so  quickly  as  has  our  State  aid  system  of  good 
roads.  The  greatest  achievement  has  been  the  preparation  of  road 
maps  by  102  counties  and  their  revision  by  the  State  Commission 

1 


DUNNE JUDGE,   MAYOR,    GOVERNOR  815 

so  that  all  State  roads  unite  at  the  county  lines  and  we  have  a 
comprehensive,  connected,  continuous,  practical  network  of  16,000 
miles  of  public  highway,  uniting  the  Wisconsin  border  with  Cairo 
and  the  Indiana  line  with  the  Mississippi. 

PROGRESS  MADE  IN  WORK. 

At  the  close  of  the  year  1915  there  had  been  completed  90.5 
miles  of  concrete,  22.4  miles  of  brick,  1.2  miles  of  gravel  and  1 
mile  of  macadam  road,  a  total  of  115  miles.  Eighty-one  bridges 
had  likewise  been  built.  In  addition  to  these  115  miles,  the  State 
Highway  Commission  supervised  the  construction  of  eighty-two 
miles  of  township  road  in  1915. 

During  1916  we  expect  that  470  miles  of  State  aid  road  will  be 
built.  Many  counties  are  going  to  try  oil.  The  commission  will 
permit  the  use  of  State  aid  funds  for  oiling  under  certain  restric- 
tions, though  it  does  not  recommend  this  method  and  many  road 
students  are  skeptical  of  its  economic  value.  The  470  miles  men- 
tioned will  be  made  up  of  11  miles  of  brick,  58  miles  of  concrete, 
22  miles  of  gravel,  5  miles  of  waterbound  macadam,  6  miles  of 
bituminous  macadam,  250  miles  of  oiled  road  and  120  miles  of  plain 
earth. 

Consequently,  gentlemen  of  Jacksonville,  I  believe  that  Illinois 
is  fairly  started  upon  one  of  its  very  greatest  and  most  important 
enterprises,  one  that  will  benefit  the  business  and  social  interests 
of  its  people  far  beyond  our  fondest  dreams. 

The  pioneering  has  been  done.  Opposition  based  on  fear  and 
ignorance  has  given  place  to  satisfaction  and  interest.  We  have 
a  law  that  is  elastic  and  comprehensive.  Our  theory  of  State  aid 
is  correct  in  principle  and  workable  in  practice.  In  ten  years  our 
position  in  the  matter  of  public  highways  will  be  of  fame  rather 
than  of  notoriety. 


816  DUNNE — JUDGE,    MA.YOR,    GOVERNOR 


ILLINOIS'  CONTRIBUTION  TO  PRE- 
PAREDNESS. 

ADDRESS,  DEDICATING  SECOND  REGIMENT  ARMORY,  APRIL  26,  1916. 

Mr.  Chairman,  Ladies  and  Gentlemen: 

The  dedication  of  a  regimental  armory,  erected  by  our  State 
at  a  cost  of  half  a  million  dollars  of  taxes,  cannot  fail  to  move  our 
people  not  only  by  the  impressiveness  of  a  duty  well  performed, 
but  also  to  a  concentration  of  our  thoughts  again  upon  the  great 
topic  of  national  discussion — military  preparedness. 

From  the  records  of  the  Adjutant  General's  office  we  find 
that  this  magnificent  structure  which  we  dedicate  today,  was 
begun  in  1911,  when  the  Forty-seventh  General  Assembly  made 
the  initial  appropriation  of  $200,000. 

The  next  General  Assembly  furnished  $100,000  plus  the  pro- 
ceeds of  the  sale  of  the  old  armory,  $45,825,  and  the  last  Legis- 
lature provided  $125,000,  making  a  total  of  $470,825. 

During  the  last  three  years  Illinois  has  made  more  ample  pro- 
vision for  the  upbuilding  of  its  citizen  soldiery  than  in  any  other 
three  years  of  recent  times. 

The  last  two  General  Assemblies,  both  sitting  during  my  term 
as  Governor,  made  approprations  for  new  armories  and  military 
buildings  amounting  to  $1,666,281. 

The  same  two  Assemblies  appropriated  for  the  ordinary  and 
contingent  expenses  of  the  National  Guard,  and  Naval  Reserve, 
the  maintenance  of  the  Adjutant  General's  office,  etc.,  a  total 
of  $1,937,915. 

Adding  this  expenditure  to  that  authorized  for  new  struc- 
tures, we  have  an  aggregate  of  $3,604,197  provided  by  the  tax- 
payers of  our  own  State  as  their  contribution  to  the  maintenance 
and  development  of  a  national  defense  system. 

The  State  now  owns  and  occupies  military  buildings  worth, 
at  conservative  estimate,  $1,407,849,  the  oldest  of  which  was 
erected  in  1902.  And  there  are  in  course  of  erection  now  mili- 
tary building  costing  $410,000.  It  has  leases  upon  forty-nine 
buildings  used  for  armory  purposes. 

The  State,  in  addition  to  these  buildings,  owns  and  operates 
two  rifle  ranges  worth  $220,000,  and  leases  and  operates  fourteen 
other  ranges. 


DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,    GOVERNOR  817 

Military  buildings  are  now  open  or  in  process  of  construction 
as  follows:  Chicago,  four;  Aurora,  Galesburg,  Ottawa,  Kewanee, 
Quiney,  Woodstock,  Springfield,  Camp  Logan,  Camp  Lincoln, 
Kankakee,  Monmouth  and  Peoria,  one  each. 

Our  military  organization  consists  of  the  Governor  as  Com- 
mander in  Chief,  one  administration  staff,  two  brigades  of  three 
infantry  regiments  each,  and  one  additional  infantry  regiment 
attached  to  each,  with  fully  authorized  sanitary  attachments ; 
one  regiment  of  cavalry,  six  batteries  of  field  artillery,  two  field 
hospital  companies,  one  engineer  company,  one  signal  company 
The  total  land  strength  organized  and  equipped  for  active  field 
service  approximates  7,000.  The  Naval  Reserves  consist  of  SCO 
men. 

Military  men,  both  those  belonging  to  our  guard  and  those 
detailed  by  the  U.  S.  Army  to  study  and  train  our  organization, 
freely  tell  me  that  our  militia  has  made  splendid  progress  during 
the  last  three  years. 

In  proof  of  their  assertion  they  point  to  conditions  which 
existed  prior  to  the  rehabilitation  which  is  the  result  of  National 
and  State  cooperation  under  rceent  wholesome  laws  of  Congress 
and  of  our  Legislature.  Schools  for  officers,  correspondence 
schools  for  the  enlisted  man  and  the  noncommissioned  officer, 
continuous  and  searching  inspection,  instruction  by  U.  S.  Army 
officers  and  the  liberal  allowance  of  money  have  put  a  new  life 
and  spirit  into  our  military  system. 

For  the  last  two  years  in  public  addresses  I  have  favored  the 
idea  embodied  in  what  is  known  as  the  ''pay  bill'',  which  pro- 
vides a  fixed  sum  for  each  private  and  officer  for  each  regular 
drill  of  his  organization  which  he  attends,  provided  such  privates 
and  officers  attend  at  least  forty  drills  a  year. 

In  1913,  at  the  first  encampment  of  the  Illinois  National 
Guard  in  my  administration,  I  advocated  this  plan  in  my  address 
to  our  troops.  I  favored  it  before  officers  and  civilians  \vho 
called  at  the  commander's  headquarters  during  the  encampment. 

I  believe  it  is  equitable  and  just. 

Under  the  new  requirements,  I  am  told,  that  it  is  necessary 
for  officers  to  spend  several  evenings  a  week  at  headquarters  and 
the  enlisted  man  must  give  up  time  and  priviliges  to  meet  his 
military  obligations.  In  addition  to  this  there  are  certain  cash 
outlays  by  both  officers  and  men  which  a  great  nation  should 
be  ashamed  to  require  of  those  who  are1  to  form  the  nucleus  of  its 
defense  in  time  of  need. 

It  has  been  my  pleasure  to  favor  and  approve  liberal  and 
reasonable  appropriations  for  the  development  of  our  National 
Guard. 


818  DUNNE — JUDGE,  MAYOR,  GOVERNOR 

I  have  insisted  upon  another  thing.  I  have  refused  to  permit 
politics  of  any  kind  to  be  introduced  into  our  National  Guard. 
Its  officers  have  continued  to  serve  without  change  except  as  pro- 
motion came  their  way  through  merit  or  they  voluntarily  retired. 
I  set  my  hand  and  heart  against  political  interference  with  our 
military  establishment  and  am  glad  to  be  able  to  say  I  have  main- 
tained this  ideal.  The  military  department  of  the  State  must 
be  kept  free  from  politics. 


I 
DUNNE — JUDGE,  MAYOR,.  GOVERNOR  819 


IRELAND  IN  AMERICA. 

ADDRESS  BEFORE  THE  FRIENDLY  SONS  OF  ST.  PATRICK,  PHILADELPHIA, 
PENNSYLVANIA,  MARCH  17,  1916. 

Mr.  Toastmaster  and  Gentlemen: 

It  is  with  much  pleasure  that,  at  your  kind  invitation,  I 
address  your  influential  organization  upon  the  subject,  "Ireland 
in  America." 

I  recognize  the  fact  that  this  organization  is  probably  the 
oldest  of  its  character  in  the  United  States,  and  that  it  had  the 
distinguished  honor  of  having  upon  its  first  roll  of  membership 
not  only  many  of  the  men  who  contributed  to  the  success  of  the 
American  forces  in  the  War  of  the  Revolution,  but  that  the  great 
Washington  himself  accepted  honorary  membership  therein. 
From  the  time  of  your  organization,  in  the  Revolutionary  War, 
I  am  informed  that  without  a  break  you  have  been  celebrating, 
annually,  the  Irish  National  Holiday  on  the  17th  of  March,  and 
I  regard  it  as  a  distinguished  honor  to  be  invited  to  follow  the 
many  great  men  who  have  addressed  your  organization  upon  such 
occasions. 

The  first  commemoration  of  St.  Patrick's  Day  in  America 
was  inaugurated  by  George  Washington  at  Boston,  with  a  pro- 
cession and  celebration  that  is  historic.  On  March  17,  1776, 
Washington  issued  the  following  order  of  the  day  while  in  camp 
outside  of  the  city  of  Boston:  "Parole,  Boston;  Countersign, 
St.  Partick;  Brigadier  General  of  the  Day,  John  Sullivan." 
Under  the  marshalship  of  the  Irish-American,  John  Sullivan,  the 
first  St.  Patrick's  Day  procession  in  America  started  to  the  music 
of  the  "Wearing  of  the  Green,"  the  British  troops  in  front,  filing 
out  of  Boston,  and  the  ragged  troops  of  the  young  Republic  be- 
hind them  filing  into  Boston. 

Who  can  criticise  your  organization  or  any  other  organiza- 
tion for  keeping  up  a  celebration  so  gloriously  commenced? 

Let  us  not  forget  that  Irish  valor,  Irish  blood  and  Irish 
brawn  had  much  to  do  with  bringing  about  the  situation  which 
culminated  in  the  evacuation  of  Boston,  and  the  final  triumph 
of  the  American  arms.  Colonel  James  Barrett  was  one  of  the 
commanding  officers  at  Lexington.  The  register  of  the  New 
Hampshire  regiment  that  fought  at  Bunker  Hill  contained  7] 


820  DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,    GOVERNOR 

Irish  names,  and  was  commanded  by  an  Irish-American,  Colonel 
John  Stark.  Mad  Anthony  Wayne  was  of  Irish  birth  or 
parentage. 

Richard  Montgomery,  who  yielded  up  his  life  in  the  hour  of 
victory  before  Quebec,  was  of  the  same  fighting  race.  The  same 
Montgomery  of  whom  Lord  North  savagely  declared:  "He  was 
brave,  he  was  able,  humane  and  generous,  but  a  rebel.  A  curse 
upon  his  virtues!  They  have  undone  his  country." 

Colonel  McClure,  who  fell  at  the  head  of  his  troops  at  Wax- 
haw,  was  an  Irishman.  General  Stephen  Moylan,  on  Washing- 
ton's staff,  was  an  Irishman.  Both  the  Sullivans,  James  and  John, 
were  the  sons  of  Irish  fathers. 

The  Irish  John  Glenn  presided  at  the  meeting  of  the  Sons 
of  Liberty  in  Savannah  on  July  14,  1774,  and  at  the  same  meeting 
were  the  Irish  Farley,  Bryan,  Gibbons  and  Butler. 

From  the  Irish-founded  city  of  Belfast,  Maine,  to  Savannah, 
Georgia,  where  the  Irish  Sergeant  Jasper  gave  up  his  life  in  the 
cause  of  American  liberty,  every  colony  gave  its  quota  of  Irish- 
men to  fill  the  rank  of  the  American  Revolutionary  Army. 

The  records  of  the  War  of  the  Revolution  show  that  four 
Irish-American  Major-Generals  served  in  that  war.  They  are  as 
follows:  Richard  Montgomery,  Thomas  Conway,  John  Sullivan 
and  Henry  Knox.  The  same  roster  shows  that  twelve  Brigadier- 
Generals  were  Irish-Americans,  and  they  are  as  follows:  John 
Armstrong,  William  Thompson,  Andrew  Lewis,  Wm.  Maxwell, 
Anthony  Wayne,  James  Clinton,  James  Moore,  Joseph  Reed,  John 
Nixon,  William  Irvine,  Edward  Hand  and  Richard  Butler. 

Most  of  these  men  were  actually  born  in  Ireland  or  were  the 
sons  of  men  born  in  Ireland. 

Among  the  men  who  served  in  the  French  army  which  was 
cooperating  with  the  American  Army,  were  Captain  Jacques 
Philippe  D'Arcy,  who  died  at  Savannah,  Captain  Commandant 
O'Neill,  who  was  wounded  at  Savannah,  Arthur  Dillon  (Count 
de  Dillon),  Lieutenant  Colonel  Barthelemy  Dillon,  Captain  Denis 
d'Hubart  du  Barry,  Count  de  Dune  (name  also  given  as  O'Dunn), 
Captain  Mullens,  Captain  Isidore  Lynch,  Captain  MacDonnal, 
Lieutenant  de  la  Roche  Negley,  Lieutenant  O'Farrell,  Major 
Jacques  O'Moran,  Captain  Jacques  Shee,  Lieutenant  George 
Taafe  and  Captain  Ferdinand  O'Neill. 

The  Irish  brigade  in  the  French  army  under  command  of 
Count  Dillon  numbered  twenty-three  hundred  men.  Parke  Cus- 
tis,  Washington's  adopted  son,  wrote:  "Inscribe  upon  the  tablets 
of  American  remembrance  eternal  gratitude  to  Irishmen." 

In  the  Pennsylvania  regiments  were  hundreds  of  Irishmen, 
many  of  whom  came  from  the  Irish  townships  of  Tyrone,  Raphoe, 


DUNNE — JUDGE,  MAYOR,  GOVERNOR  821 

Derry,  Coleraine  and  Mountjoy.  Not  only  were  the  French  and 
American  armies  filled  with  men  of  Irish  blood  and  lineage,  but 
the  Irishmen  wearing  red  coats  in  the  English  army  were  so 
strongly  in  sympathy  with  the  American  cause  that  they  refused 
to  fight  the  American  troops.  Lord  Howe  wrote  to  the  English 
War  Department:  "Send  me  troops  from  England.  In  a  war 
against  America  I  cannot  depend  upon  the  Irish.  They  have 
too  much  sympathy  for  the  American  people." 

The  Irish-American  won  his  right  to  claim  American  citizen- 
ship in  every  battle  fought  in  the  American  Revolution  from  the 
initial  fight  at  Lexington  to  the  final  surrender  of  the  British 
troops  at  Yorktown.  And  the  right  he  earned  in  the  "War  of  the 
Revolution,  he  gloriously  maintained  in  every  war  that  followed 
in  American  history.  Andrew  Jackson,  afterwards  President  of 
the  United  States,  commanded  at  New  Orleans  and  drove  the 
last  of  the  red  coats  forever  from  American  soil.  And  Andrew 
Jackson  boasted  that  he  was  born  ' '  somewhere  between^  Carrig- 
fergus  and  the  United  States." 

Jack  Barry,  the  father  of  the  American  Navy,  had  good  warm 
Irish  blood  coursing  through  his  veins. 

In  the  Mexican  War,  General  Shields  and.thousands  of  other 
Irishmen  spilled  their  blood  upon  Mexican  battlefields  in  the  fur- 
therance of  the  American  cause. 

In  the  War  of  the  Rebellion,  upon  the  roll  of  honor,  will  be 
found  the  names  of  Mulligan,  Corcoran,  Meagher,  Smith,  Kearney, 
Sweeney  and  Sheridan. 

No  finer  tribute  to  the  valor  of  the  Irish  race  in  defense  of  the 
integrity  of  the  American  Nation  can  be  found  than  that  of  the 
English  correspondent  of  the  London  Times,  who,  in  describing 
the  conduct  of  the  Irish  Brigade  at  Fredericksburg,  under  General 
Meagher,  wrote :  ' '  They  best  bespoke  the  valor  of  a  race  which  has 
found  glory  upon  a  thousand  battlefields  and  disgrace  upon  none ; 
for  never  at  Fontenoy,  Albuera  or  Waterloo  was  more  heroic  cour- 
age displayed  than  by  the  Sons  of  Erin  at  the  foot  of  bloody  Mary's 
Heights."' 

And  no  man  throughout  that  great  death  struggle  for  the 
maintenance  of  American  autonomy,  excepting  Grant  and  Sher- 
man, contributed  more  to  final  success  of  the  Union  Armies  than 
did  the  thunderbolt  of  the  Shenandoah  Valley  and  the  hero  of 
Winchester,  Philip  Sheridan. 

But  why  prolong  the  story  of  Irish-American  courage  and  devo- 
tion? The  first  and  among  the  last  of  American  Presidents,  and 
these  ;  two  of  the  five  American  Presidents  who  have  become  titanic 
in  American  history,  have  publicly  attested  their  appreciation  of 


822  DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,    GOVERNOR 

the  noble  part  that  Irish-Americans  have  played  in  the  history  of 
this  great  Republic. 

"Washington,  in  his  day,  declared:  "I  hope  to  see  America 
ranked  among  the  foremost  nations  of  the  world,  and  I  presume  the 
Irish  will  not  forget  the  patriotic  part  which  they  took  in  the 
accomplishment  of  our  rebellion  and  the  establishment  of  our  gov- 
ernment. ' ' 

And  Eoosevelt,  in  this  day,  has  written:  "The  Irish  in  the 
West  were  almost  what  the  Puritans  were  in  the  North  and  more 
than  the  Cavaliers  were  in  the  South.  The  West  was  won  by  these 
same  men  who  before  any  others  declared  for  American  Independ- 
ence. That  these  Irish  were  a  bold  and  hardy  race  is  proved  by 
their  at  once  pushing  past  the  settled  regions  and  plunging  into  the- 
wilderness. ' ' 

The  Irish-American  citizen  has  distinguished  himself  in  peace 
as  well  as  in  war ;  in  the  council  chamber  as  well  as  upon  the  battle- 
field ;  in  the  Presidency,  in  the  Senate  chamber,  in  the  lower  House 
in  our  Legislature  and  in  our  courts,  on  the  bench,  at  the  bar  and 
in  all  the  professional  and  mercantile  pursuits. 

Presidents  Jackson,  Buchanan  and  Arthur  were  all  of  Irish 
blood.  Calhoun,  Butler,  Shields,  Fitzpatrick,  Jones,  James  G. 
Fair,  James  Phelan,  Thomas  J.  Walsh,  William  Joyce  Sewell, 
0  'Gorman,  Shields  of  Illinois,  Missouri  and  Minnesota,  and  Shields 
of  Tennessee,  have  given  luster  to  the  Irish  name  in  the  American 
Senate.  McAdoo  and  Hynes,  Foran  and  Finnerty,  McCann  and 
Cochrane,  with  hosts  of  others,  have  left  their  impress  upon  Ameri- 
can history  as  members  of  the  lower  House.  Among  the  governors 
of  our  States  we  have  ha'd  a  Bryan  in  Pennsylvania,  a  Burke  in 
North  Carolina,  a  McGill  in  Minnesota,  a  Patterson  in  New  Jersey, 
a  Sullivan,  Talbott  and  Walsh  in  Massachusetts,  a  Fitzpatrick,  a 
Moore  and  a  Murphy  in  Alabama,  a  Burke  in  North  Dakota,  a 
McKinley  in  Delaware,  a  Young  in  Ohio,  a  Byrne  in  South  Dakota, 
a  Glynn  in  New  York,  an  O'Neal  in  Alabama  and  a  Boyle  in 
Nevada. 

Gaynor,  Moran,  Ryan,  McKenna  and  a  host  of  other  great 
Irish- American  judges  have  left  imperishable  names  as  jurists  upon 
the  records  of  our  courts.  Among  our  prominent  mayors  of  great 
cities  we  have  had  Duane,  Brady,  Grace  and  Gaynor  in  New  York, 
O'Brien,  Collins  and  Fitzgerald  in  Boston,  Doyle  and  McGinniss 
in  Providence,  Dempsey  in  Cincinnati,  O'Neill  in  Milwaukee,  Fitz- 
patrick in  New  Orleans  and  Phelan  in  San  Francisco. 

Charles  O'Connor  was  for  years  the  leader  of  the  American 
bar,  and  Dr.  Agnew,  the  leader  of  the  medical  profession,  and  today. 
Dr.  John  B.  Murphy  is  the  leader  in  American  surgery.  A  Ryan 
is  among  the  leaders  of  American  finance.  John  C.  Calhoun,  the 


DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  823 

oratorical  rival  of  Daniel  Webster,  was  of  Celtic  blood  and  Daniel 
Dougherty,  Burke  Cochrane  and  William  J.  Bryan,  whose  father 
proudly  owned  he  was  of  Irish  origin,  can  well  be  ranked  with 
Webster,  Clay  and  Ingersoll  as  the  leaders  of  American  oratory. 

The  Irishman,  A.  T.  Stewart,  was  in  his  day  the  prince  of 
American  merchants,  and,  today,  the  Cudahys  are  among  the  great 
packers  and  provision  dealers  of  the  world.  A  Healy  founded  the 
greatest  emporium  for  musical  instruments  in  the  world. 

Among  the  most  brilliant  of  American  artists  were  George 
Barrett,  George  P.  A.  Healy  and  Thomas  Moran. 

Among  American  sculptors  we  find  Andrew  O'Connor,  Mulli- 
gan, John  Henry  Foley,  John  Hogan  and  St.  Gaudins.  Among  its 
actors  we  find  Boucicault,  Tyrone  Power,  John  McCullough,  John 
Brougham  and  Sheridan  Knowles,  and  among  its  poets  we  find 
Charles  G.  Halpin,  John  Boyle  O'Reilly,  James  Jeffrey  Roche  and 
Mayne  Reid. 

The  vigor  and  intellect  of  the  race  which  gave  from  its  native 
heath  to  history  such  men  as  Swift,  Sheridan,  Curran,  Grattan, 
Burke,  Goldsmith,  O'Connell,  Moore  and  Wellington,  has  not  been 
impaired  by  having  its  sons  and  their  descendants  transplanted  to 
American  soil. 

In  this  country,  as  in  every  other  country  to  which  the  mem- 
bers of  the  Irish  race  have  been  transplanted,  it  has  retained  its 
vigor  and  virility. 

"Here  and  hereafter  the  Celtic  race  will  hold  its  own!" 

"Oh,  the  fighting  races  don't  die  out, 

If  they  seldom  die  in  bed, 
For  love  is  first  in  their  hearts,  no  doubt," 

Said  Burke;  then  Kelly  said: 
"When  Michael,  the  Irish  Archangel,  stands, 

The  angel  with  the  sword, 
And  the  battle-dead  from  a  hundred  lands 

Are  ranged  in  one  big  horde, 
Our  line,  that  for  Gabriel's  trumpet  waits, 

Will  stretch  three  deep  that  day, 
From  Jehoshaphat  to  the  Golden  Gates — 

Kelly  and  Burke  and  Shea." 

"Well,  here's  thank  God  for  the  race  and  the  sod!" 
Said  Kelly  and  Burke  and  Shea. 

The  Irish- American  citizen  may  well  be  proud  of  the  part  that 
men  of  his  race  have  played  in  the  history  of  America.  They  have 
been  loyal  to  their  adopted  country  in  her  every  hour  of  trial,  and 
in  the  years  to  come  they  will  continue  to  be  as  loyal  and  patriotic. 

Whether  the  attack  upon  the  Republic  be  from  without  or 
from  within,  he  will  rally  to  his  country's  call,  and  whenever  the 
bugle  call  of  patriotism  is  heard  upon  the  blast,  I  predict  that  the 
Irish- American  will  cheerfully  and  promptly  respond  to  that  call. 


824  DUNNE JUDGE,    MAYOR,    GOVERNOR 

While  we  love  and  revere  the  land  of  our  fathers,  our  first  love 
and  loyalty  is  due  to  the  land  we  live  in.  That  laud  has  extended 
to  us  her  open  arms  and  welcoming  heart.  She  has  given  us  a  home 
and  a  country  where  we  can  raise  our  children  in  the  love  of  God 
and  country  with  liberty  secured  and  justice  enforced.  We  have 
proved  our  gratitude,  patriotism  and  loyalty  in  the  past,  and  will 
continue  to  do  so  in  the  future. 

At  no  time  in  history  ought  the  naturalized  citizen  of  this 
nation  be  more  careful  in  placing  the  interests  of  this  Republic 
above  all  other  interests.  In  the  awful  war  now  prevailing  in 
Europe  it  would  be  less  than  human  if  the  naturalized  citizens  of 
the  Eepublic,  no  matter  from  what  country  they  may  have  come, 
did  not,  deep  down  in  their  hearts  sympathize  with  their  kith  and 
kin  beyond  the  sea  in  the  struggle  now  devastating  Europe,  but, 
as  American  citizens,  it  should  be  their  duty,  at  the  present  time, 
in  view  of  the  many  complications  arising  in  the  diplomatic  rela- 
tions between  this  Republic  and  each  and  all  of  the  warring  powers, 
to  restrain  the  expression  of  these  sympathies  and  keep  this  country 
free  from  envolvement  in  that  awful  conflict. 

Fortunately,  the  American  Nation  has  not  become  involved, 
and  it  should  be  the  hope  and  prayer  of  every  American  citizen, 
whether  native  born,  or  naturalized,  that  this  country  shall  not 
become  involved  in  that  conflict. 

Nothing  is  more  likely  to  embarrass  the  Government  of  this 
country  in  its  efforts  to  preserve  strict  neutrality  than  the  doing 
of  acts  and  the  expression  of  sentiments  which  are  unneutral.  Na- . 
tion  after  nation,  not  originally  involved  in  the  conflict,  have  been 
dragged  into  it  against  the  consent  and  approval  of  its  citizens: 
This  Nation  must  not  be  so  involved,  and  the  surest  way  to  keep 
from  being  so  involved  is  to  refrain  from  doing  any  act  or  express- 
ing any  sentiment  that  is  unneutral. 

God  grant  that  this  war  may  soon  be  over  without  the  envolve- 
ment of  the  American  Nation,  but  until  that  happy  event  shall 
come,  let  us  by  word  and  act  uphold  the  policy  of  the  Nation  to 
preserve  peace  with  honor. 

In  American  politics  we  belong,  and  I  hope  will  continue  to 
belong,  to  different  political  parties,  but  in  exercising  our  fran- 
chises, let  us  always  put  patriotism  before  party,  principles  before 
men,  and  man  before  mammon.  Let  us  so  guide  our  conduct  in 
American  life  as  to  vote  and  act  for  the  best  interests  of  our  coun- 
try. Place  not  expediency  or  personal  profit  before  principle. 

Vote  for  no  party  that  advocates  that  which  you  deem  detri- 
mental to  best  interests  of  the  general  public.  Vote  for  no  man 
whose  character  is  not  clean,  or  whose  motives  are  not  pure. 


DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,    GOVERNOR  825 

In  times  of  war  you  need  not  be  admonished  as  to  your  duty. 
You  have  shown  it  on  a  hundred  battlefields.  The  splendid  heritage 
that  has  descended  to  us  from  our  fathers  in  war  and  peace  we  will 
preserve  and  transmit  to  your  children,  to  whom  we  will  ever  teach 
loyalty  to  and  love  for  the  Constitution  and  laws  of  the  great 
Republic. 

Let  us  leave  these  children  a  heritage  far  more  valuable  than 
power  or  wealth,  the  heritage  of  patriotism  and  love  for  the  greatest 
and  grandest  Nation  upon  the  earth,  the  United  States  of  America. 


826  DUNNE — JUDGE,  MAYOR,  GOVERNOR 


THE  FUNCTION  OF  THE  MODERN 
HOSPITAL. 

ADDRESS  AT  PANA,  ILLINOIS,  APRIL  24,  1916. 

Mr.  Chairm\an,  Ladies  and  Gentlemen: 

During  the  past  forty  years  the  State  has  taken  an  active  in- 
terest in  two  matters  which  have  much  to  do  with  the  medical  pro- 
fession. One  of  these  is  the  protection  of  the  people  from  contagious 
and  pestilential  disease  and  the  other  is  the  protection  of  the  public 
from  unqualified  or  unscrupulous  physicians  or  other  practitioners. 

Within  that  forty  years  the  attitude  of  the  public  mind 
toward  subjects  of  this  kind  has  very  materially  changed.  The 
institution  for  the  insane  was  formerly  an  asyhun  in  which  the 
insane  person  was  confined  more  for  the  protection  of  the  public 
than  for  the  welfare  of  the  patient  himself.  In  the  same  way 
the  warfare  against  contagious  disease  was  looked  upon  as  merely 
a  process  of  isolating  the  patient  for  the  protection  of  the  public 
rather  than  that  of  considering  the  welfare  of  the  patient  and 
preventing  his  affliction.  The  policy  pursued  in  regulating  the 
incompetent,  practitioner  consisted  chiefly  of  restraining  the  unfit 
practitioner  rather  than  elevating  the  educational  standards  of 
all  practitioners. 

Within  recent  years  the  State  has  assumed  a  very  different 
policy  in  securing  its  ends.  While  the  isolation  of  the  sufferer 
from  contagious  disease  is  not  ignored,  the  prevention  of  con- 
tagious disease  has  become  an  infinitely  more  important  matter, 
and  the  State  at  the  present  time,  operating  through  the  State 
Board  of  Health,  is  much  more  constantly  engaged  in  educating 
the  people  so  that  contagious  diseases  may  not  occur  than  in 
dealing  with  the  victim  of  the  disease. 

While  the  unfit  physician  is  prohibited  from  practice,  much 
more  is  being  accomplished  by  raising  the  standards  of  medical 
education  and  in  training  the  people  to  impose  their  confidence 
only  in  physicians  of  proper  intellectual,  scientific,  and  moral 
qualifications. 

In  the  performance  of  these  definite  functions  by  the  State 
great  assistance  is  rendered  by  the  modern  and  well-equipped 
hospitals  which  are  being  established  in  the  more  progressive  com- 
munities. I  am  advised  that  the  day  is  soon  coming  when  a  com- 
munity will  not  feel  satisfied  in  merely  isolating  the  sufferers  from 


DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR  827 

contagious  disease,  but  when  it  will  be  accepted  that  there  should 
be  provision  in  the  general  hospitals  for  suitable  wards  for  the 
humane  and  scientific  care  and  treatment  of  sufferers  from  these 
diseases. 

The  well-equipped  hospital  is  the  center  in  which  the  physi- 
cians of  a  community  come  together  for  the  interchange  of  ideas 
and  where  there  is  developed  a  special  skill  in  particular  lines  of 
work  by  the  individual  members  of  the  medical  profession,  and 
so  the  community  which  centers  its  medical  work  about  a  general 
hospital  is  doing  far  more  to  elevate  the  standards  of  the  medical 
profession  than  that  community  in  which  the  medical  men  are 
working  separately  and  alone. 

So  it  is  believed  that  the  establishment  of  an  excellent  hos- 
pital, such  as  the  one  here  in  Pana,  is  of  material  assistance  to  the 
State  in  those  functions  which  it  performs  in  connection  with  the 
medical  profession. 

As  I  have  intimated,  the  time  was  when  the  State  of  Illinois 
was  satisfied  in  maintaining  asylums  for  the  safe  housing  of  the 
insane,  the  feeble-minded,  and  the  otherwise  afflicted.  That  day 
is  past.  Even  the  term  "asylum"  has  been  dropped  by  the 
State  government  and  the  institutions  for  the  insane  and  for  the 
feeble-minded  are  now  designated  as  hospitals,  and  they  are 
hospitals  in  every  sense  of  the  word.  In  these  institutions  at 
the  present  time  the  mental  conditions  are  accurately  diagnosed 
by  the  best  means  known  to  science  and  each  patient  is  given  the 
benefit  of  individual  scientific  treatment.  The  State  has  come  to 
know  that  the  employment  of  the  best  scientific  equipment  and  the 
employment  of  the  best  hospital  facilities  is  splendid  economy 
in  the  long  run  in  dealing  with  its  charges,  and  the  people  of 
Christian  County  will  find  that  this  hospital  with  its  excellent 
facilities  will  prove  a  means  of  real  economy  in  caring  for  the 
destitute  sick  who  must  be  cured  of  their  afflictions  or  who  would 
remain  permanent  charges  upon  the  public  purse. 

The  aim  of  the  State  hospitals  is  to  cure  or  care  for  those  who 
have  become  permanently  disabled  or  are  threatened  with  per- 
manent disability.  The  aim  of  the  local  hospitals  should  be 
to  cure  and  care  for  those  who  are  temporarily  disabled.  The 
State  acts  gratuitously  in  caring  for  the  former  class  and  the  local 
institutions  should  extend  its  benevolent  objects  gratuitously 
for  those  who  are,  unfortunately,  unable  to  pay  for  the  same. 
Those  who  can  pay  should  pay  but  there  is,  unfortunately,  a  class 
in  all  communities  who  are  unable  so  to  do,  and  local  communi- 
ties should  endeavor  to  care  for  the  wants  of  such  destitute  sick 
as  are  not  able  to  care  for  themselves. 

I  congratulate  the  citizens  of  Pana  upon  the  splendid  work 
they  are  doing  in  organizing  and  sustaining  their  present  hospital. 


828  DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,    GOVERNOR 


THE  FUNCTION  AND  WORK  OF  PUBLIC 
UTILITIES  COMMISSION. 

ADDRESS  TO  EMPLOYES  OF  CENTRAL  UNION  TELEPHONE  COMPANY, 
SPRINGFIELD,  ILL.,  APRIL  13,  1916. 

Mr.  Chairman,  Ladies  and  Gentlemen: 

I  have  accepted,  with  much  pleasure,  the  invitation  to  be  pres- 
ent at  this  meeting,  especially  because  of  the  fact  that  I  have  always 
been  deeply  interested  in  the  instrumentalities  through  which  public 
service  is  given  the  people.  I  am  particularly  pleased  to  be 
amongst  the  men  here  present,  as  I  am  thereby  assured  of  a  special 
interest  in  the  subject  of  public  utilities. 

At  the  time  the  people  of  the  State  honored  me  by  my  selec- ' 
tion  as  State  Executive,  and  for  some  years  prior  thereto,  public 
service  in  the  State  was  in  a  very  unsatisfactory  condition,  due 
largely  to  a  lack  of  system  or  of  coordination  and  effective  reg- 
ulation, and  so  deeply  impressed  was  I  with  those  facts  that  I 
sought  to  impress  the  necessity  of  improvement  in  the  public 
service  upon  the  very  first  session  of  the  Legislature  to  convene 
after  my  election. 

In  my  first  message  to  the  General  Assembly  J  recommended 
the  creation  of  a  Public  Utilities  Commission  and  gave  the  fol- 
lowing reasons  for  such  recommendation : 

The  day  of  competition  in  the  supply  of  gas,  electric  light 
and  power,  street  railways,  and  some  other  public  utilities  has 
passed.  Monopoly  in  these  matters  has  come  to  stay. 

In  thesa  modern  days  no  municipality  can  tolerate  the  tear- 
ing up  of  its  streets,  every  few  months  or  years,  by  rival  water, 
gas,  electric  light,  heating,  or  telephone  companies  in  the  laying 
of  pipes,  wires,  and  conduits. 

Only  one  utility  producing  concern  should  be  allowed  that 
privilege  for  each  utility  in  each  city. 

That  concern  must  be  either  the  municipal  corporation  itself 
or  a  private  corporation. 

The  sole  aim  of  a  public  corporation  is  to  operate  to  the 
satisfaction  of  the  community,  which  is  always  assured  by  giving 
the  best  service  at  the  lowest  rate. 


DUNNE — JUDGE,  MAYOR,  GOVERNOR  829 

The  sole  aim  of  all  private  corporations,  unregulated  by  law, 
is  to  make  money  for  their  stockholders,  and  the  most  money  can 
be  made  by  poor  service  at  a  high  rate  to  the  consumer. 

The  only  question,  then,  is  whether  the  public  shall  own  and 
operate  thru  State  or  local  agencies,  or  whether  it  shall  allow 
these  utilities  to  remain  in  the  ownership  and  control  of  private 
corporations  and  regulate  them  by  law. 

Important  as  it  is  to  give  cities  the  right  to  manage  their  own 
public  utilities,  it  is  also  important  to  give  to  State  and  local 
bodies  large  powers  of  regulation  of  the  public  utilities  that  re- 
main in  private  hands. 

These  utilities  may  be  broadly  classed  as  "intraurban"  and 
"interurban".  In  other  words,  they  are  either  local  in  char- 
acter, confined  to  a  city  and  its  suburbs,  or  they  run  thru  country 
districts  and  connect  one  place  with  another. 

In  the  latter  class  are  included  interurban  electric  railways, 
natural  gas  mains,  electric  transmission  lines,  and  a  considerable 
portion  of  the  telephone  systems  of  the  State. 

In  the  other  class  are  included  city  gas,  electric  light  and 
power,  heating,  and  street  railway  companies,  and  such  parts 
of  the  telephone  system  as  are  operated  within  cities  by  virtue 
of  franchises  granted  by  such  cities.  "Waterworks  in  private 
hands,  and,  doubtless,  some  other  public  utilities  could  be  included 
in  this  class. 

The  interurban  utilities  can  only  be  regulated  by  the  State. 
For  that  purpose  a  well  equipped  public  utilities  commission 
should  be  created  with  large  powers.  It  should  control  the  issue 
of  securities,  the  character  of  service,  the  rate  of  charge,  etc.  It 
should  be  appointed  by  the  Executive  with  the  approval  of  the 
Senate. 

With  respect  to  intraurban,  or  strictly  city  utilities,  it  might 
be  well,  at  the  start,  to  give  to  the  proposed  State  commission 
control  of  the  city  utilities  when  requested  by  any  of  the  several 
cities  of  the  State.  The  commission,  however,  should  be  em- 
powered to  secure  uniformity  of  accounting  and  full  publicity 
with  respect  even  to  the  city  utilities  and  should  be  prepared  to 
furnish  this  information  in  tabulated  form  in  its  annual  reports, 
and  in  further  detail  to  public  officials. 

The  commission  should  also  be  equipped  with  funds  and 
authority  so  that  it  can  employ  and  furnish  competent  expert 
help  to  cities  seeking  advice  and  assistance  from  this  State  com- 
mission. 

When  requested  to  do  so  by  any  municipality  the  commission 
should  also  supervise  the  service  of  these  city  utilities. 


830  DUNNE JUDGE,    MAYOR,    GOVERNOR 

It  would  also  be  well  to  give  the  State  commission  full  con- 
trol of  all  new  issues  of  stocks,  bonds  and  notes,  and  other  evi- 
dences of  indebtedness  of  all  the  public  utilities  of  the  State, 
including  those  within  the  cities.  If  this  were  done,  the  com- 
mission should  be  equipped  with  resources  and  power  to  make  a 
physical  valuation  of  such  properties.  No  additional  securities 
should  be  permitted  to  be  issued  save  for  additional  physical 
property  and  legitimate  brokerage.  It  should  be  distinctly  pro- 
vided that  future  issues  of  securities,  when  approved  by  the  com- 
mission, should  be  clearly  separated  by  serial  numbers,  or  other- 
wise, from  existing  securities,  to  the  end  that  purchasers  might 
always  know  whether  they  were  buying  new  securities,  approved 
by  the  State  and  issued  for  an  increase  of  physical  investment, 
or,  whether  they  were  buying  securities  issued  prior  to  the  enact- 
ment of  the  law  and  that  had  not  in  any  way  passed  under  the 
scrutiny  of  the  State. 

The  Forty-eighth  General  Assembly  took  a  similar  view  of 
the  situation  and  passed  the  Public  Utilities  Act  to  take  effect 
January  1,  1914. 

When  the  Legislature  again  convened,  in  1915,  we  had  a 
short  period  of  experience  with  the  Public  Utilities  Commission 
and  I  was  able,  in  my  biennial  message,  to  give  the  following 
estimate  of  its  work : 

The  State  Public  Utilities  Commission  closed  the  first  eleven 
months  of  its  administration  on  November  30,  1914.  During  that 
time  the  commission  was  organized,  its  work"  systematized,  and 
the  administrative,  engineering,  accounting,  rate,  and  service  de- 
partments were  built  up  to  such  a  state  of  efficiency  as  the  lim- 
ited time  and  the  means  at  the  disposal  of  the  commission  would 
allow.  The  present  working  force  of  the  commission,  attorneys, 
engineers,  accountants,  statisticians,  experts,  inspectors,  clerks, 
stenographers,  etc.,  numbers  seventy-three  persons.  The  Illinois 
Public  Utilities  Law  is  probably  the  most  comprehensive  measure 
of  its  kind  ever  enacted  and  the  duties  and  powers  of  the  Illinois 
Commission  are  probably  more  numerous  and  greater  than  those 
of  any  similar  commission.  The  multiplicity,  variety,  and  im- 
portance of  matters  coming  before  it  during  this  period  of  organi- 
zation have  been  so  great  as  to  tax  to  the  utmost  its  ability  to 
investigate,  hear,  and  dispose  of  the  cases. 

During  the  eleven  months  there  were  filed  1,278  formal  com- 
plaints and  petitions,  all  of  which  call  for  investigation  and  public 
hearings  and  a  finding  by  the  commission.  In  924  of  these  cases 
formal  orders  were  entered.  There  were  also  brought  to  the  at- 
tention of  the  commission  during  this  same  time  about  500  in- 
formal complaints,  covering  almost  every  conceivable  matter 


DUNNE JUDGE,  MAYOR,  GOVERNOR  831 

about  which  complaint  could  be  made,  some  400  of  which  have 
been  investigated  and  disposed  of  informally  by  correspondence 
or  conference.  In  addition  to  the  above,  the  commission  has 
approved  1,160  leases  made  by  utility  corporations.  Orders  were 
issued  in  sixty-five  stock  and  bond  cases,  authorizing  the  issue 
of  $176,917,304,  par  value,  of  stocks,  bonds,  and  notes.  On  De- 
cember 1,  1914,  there  were  pending  applications  for  authority 
to  issue  securities  of  the  par  value  of  $262,485,258.  On  December 
22  a  majority  of  the  pending  applications  for  authority  to  issue 
securities  had  been  heard.  The  amount  of  fees  paid  into  the 
State  Treasury  for  authorities  granted  up  to  this  time  was 
$505,202.78.  The  total  receipts  of  the  commission  at  this  time 
was  $510,173.89.  The  total  amount  of  appropriation  expended  to 
maintain  the  commission  was  $118,548.14. 

The  beneficent  effects  of  the  operation  of  the  Utilities  law 
are  already  apparent  on  every  hand. 

Discriminations  in  rates  and  service  have  been  eliminated  and 
it  may  now  be  said  that  strict  rate  uniformity  prevails  among  all 
the  utilities  of  the  State.  The  question  of  rates  has  probably 
been  most  often  brought  to  the  attention  of  the  commission,  for 
while  rates  and  service  are  fundamentally  joined  in  almost  every 
case,  the  majority  of  complaints  coming  to  the  commission  thus 
far  have  found  their  expression  in  terms  of  rates.  In  a  number 
of  smaller  communities  settlements  have  resulted  in  substantial 
reductions  in  rates.  In  some  of  the  more  important  cases  the  de- 
termination of  reasonable  rates  has  necessitated  the  making  of 
property  valuations,  which  requires  much  time  and  labor. 

Standards  of  service  to  govern  gas  and  electric  utilities  have 
been  established  by  the  commission,  and  service  inspectors  are 
now  at  work  inspecting  the  quality  of  service  furnished  by  the 
various  utilities  of  the  State. 

One  of  the  main  objects  sought  by  the  Legislature  in  the 
establishment  of  the  Utilities  Commission  was  to  secure  to  the 
people  of  the  State  adequate  service  at  reasonable  rates,  and  the 
commission  in  all  its  acts  has  ever  kept  before  it  this  condition, 
and  has  sought  to  accomplish  and  is  accomplishing  this  great  pur- 
pose for  which  it  was  created. 

With  respect  to  the  telephone  situation,  as  it  now  exists  in 
this  State,  I  am  informed  by  the  State  Public  Utilities  Commission 
that  there  are  796  new  telephone  companies  reporting  to  the  com- 
mission and  under  its  supervision.  These  companies  operate  a 
total  of  1,306  exchanges.  The  telephone  has  become  practically 
indispensable  to  the  business  and  social  life  of  the  day.  As  com- 
pared with  the  number  of  telephone  companies  reporting  to  the 
commission,  there  are  174  electric  light  and  power  companies 


832  DUNNE — JUDGE;    MAYOR,    GOVERNOR 

serving  a  total  of  650  cities  and  villages ;  there  are  71  gas  com- 
panies serving  216  cities  and  villages,  and  there  are  53  railway 
companies  serving  72  localities. 

One  of  the  first  acts  of  the  commission  after  its  organization 
was  to  require  all  telephone  companies,  as  well  as  other  public 
utilities,  to  file  with  the  commission  complete  schedules  showing 
the  rates  and  charges  of  such  public  utilities.  From  the  sched- 
ules thus  filed  it  appeared  that  many  telephone  companies,  as 
well  as  other  utilities,  were  furnishing  free  or  at  reduced  rates, 
service  not  only  to  municipalities,  counties,  and  other  political 
units,  but  also  to  railroads,  express,  and  telegraph  companies, 
public  halls,  'lodge  rooms,  and  in  many  instances  to  individuals. 
It  also  appeared  that  many  telephone  companies  made  it  a  prac- 
tice to  furnish  telephone  service  free  or  at  reduced  rates  to  their 
stockholders  and  directors.  This  practice  was  carried  on  to  such 
extent  in  some  cases  that  only  a  comparatively  few  subscribers 
were  paying  the  regular  scheduled  rate.  The  commission  at 
once  set  about  taking  the  necessary  steps  to  eliminate  all  discrim- 
ination in  the  rates,  charges,  and  practices  of  such  companies,  and 
thru  a  series  of  conference  rulings,  with  which  I  presume  most 
of  you  are  familiar,  it  directed  that  all  service  at  free  or  reduced 
rates  should  cease,  except  that  where  by  the  terms  of  a  fran- 
chise ordinance  granted  by  a  municipality  a  public  utility  had 
agreed  to  furnish  s'ervice  to  such  municipality  at  free  or  reduced 
rates,  the  terms  of  such  franchise  should  be  observed  until  other- 
wise ordered  by  the  commission.  The  result  has  been  not  only 
to  simplify  the  rate  schedules  of  the  telephone  companies,  but 
also  to  equalize  the  burdens  among  the  various  subscribers  and 
place  all  users  of  the  same  class  of  service  on  an  equal  basis.  It 
has  also  resulted  in  assuring  to  the  telephone  companies  com- 
pensation for  all  services  performed  by  them  to  which  they  are 
entitled. 

The  commission  also  was  called  upon  shortly  after  its  crea- 
tion to  construe  Section  55  of  the  Commission  Act  and  to  outline 
its  policy  with  respect  thereto.  This  section  authorizes  the  com- 
mission, under  certain  conditions,  to  issue  a  Certificate  of  Con- 
venience and  Necessity  to  a  public  utility  that  may  apply  there- 
for, and  prevents  public  utilities  from  erecting  any  new  plant  or 
system  without  such  a  certificate.  After  mature  deliberation, 
the  commission  adopted  a  general  rule  with  respect  to  telephone 
companies  making  application  under  this  section,  which  reads  as 
follows : 

"This  commission  holds  that  applications  for  Certificates  of 
Convenience  and  Necessity  will  be  denied  all  telephone  companies 
where  the  application  is  for  the  establishing  of  an  additional  tele- 


DUNNE JUDGE,  MAYOR,  GOVERNOR  833 

phone  system  in  a  city  or  village  where  a  telephone  system  is 
already  in  operation  and  is  furnishing  adequate  service  at  reason- 
able rates." 

This  ruling  has  been  generally  adhered  to  by  the  commission, 
and  the  result  has  been  to  relieve  many  communities  of  a  dupli- 
cation of  telephone  systems  in  their  midst,  together  with  tb^  "bur- 
dens incident  to  the  support  of  such  duplicate  plants,  as  well  as 
relief  from  the  inconvenience  and  annoyance  of  a  divided  tele- 
phone service.. 

One  of  the  most  perplexing  problems  with  which  the  com- 
mission has  had  to  deal  is  that  of  -determining  whether  telephone 
companies  operating  upon  the  so-called  mutual  plan  are  public 
utilities  within  the  definition  set  forth  in  the  Commission  Act. 
One  of  the  first  cases  to  come  before  the  commission  involving 
this  question,  and  one  that  fairly  illustrates  the  principles  in- 
volved, was  that  of  the  Noble  Telephone  Company  vs.  the  Noble 
Mutual  Telephone  Company.  In  this  case  an  attempt  was  made 
by  the  Mutual  Company,  without  applying  to  the  commission  for 
a  Certificate  of  Convenience  and  Necessity,  to  install  and  operate 
a  telephone  system  in  a  village  that  was  already  being  adequately 
served  by  another  telephone  company.  It  appeared  that  the 
Mutual  Company,  which  claimed  exemption  from  the  jurisdiction 
of  this  commission,  had  accepted  a  franchise  ordinance  from  the 
village,  which  provided  in  substance  that  no  person,  firm,  or  cor- 
poration who  should  desire  to  become  a  member  of  said  mutual 
company,  should  be  barred  from  the  service  of  the  company.  The 
commission,  after  hearing  the  evidence  and  considering  all  of  the 
facts,  decided  that  this  mutual  company  was  holding  itself  out 
to  serve  the  public,  and  therefore  was  a  public  utility  and  within 
the  jurisdiction  of  the  commission;  that  it  could  not  lawfully 
construct  its  telephone  system  in  the  village  in  question  without 
first  securing  a  Certificate  of  Convenience  and  Necessity. 

This  case  was  appe'aled  and  both  the  Circuit  Court  of  Sanga- 
mon  County  and  the  Supreme  Court  of  this  State  affirmed  the 
order  of  the  commission.  (268  111.,  411.) 

The  commission  has  also  prescribed  a  uniform  system  of 
accounts  for  all  telephone  companies  operating  in  this  State. 
While  some  of  the  smaller  companies  were  somewhat  reluctant  at 
first  to  the  keeping  of  their  accounts  as  prescribed  by  the  com- 
mission, yet  after  having  once  adapted  themselves  to  the  require- 
ments of  the  commission  in  that  respect  and  giving  the  matter  a 
fair  trial,  they  now  appear  to  be  enthusiastic  in  their  expressions 
as  to  the  benefits  derived  therefrom. 


—27 


834  DUNNE — JUDGE,    MAYOR,   GOVERNOR 

The  commission  has  also,  by  conference  ruling,  established 
standards  of  service  for  telephone  companies.  These  standards,  as 
you  probably  know,  limit  the  number  of  subscribers  that  may  be 
connected  on  a  local  exchange  line  and  also  on  a  rural  line; 
they  require  telephone  utilities  to  make  tests  and  inspections  of 
their  lines  and  equipment,  so  that  efficient  service  may  be  pro- 
vided ;  they  require  traffic  studies  to  be  made  at  regular  intervals 
and  records  kept  showing  the  result;  they  prescribe  the  periods 
at  which  telephone  directories  shall  be  revised,  printed,  and  dis- 
tributed, and  in  general  aim  to  provide  for  adequate  and  efficient 
service  to  telephone  patrons  at  all  times. 

The  commission  has  been  called  upon,  also,  to  deal  with  prob- 
lems connected  with  gas  and  electric  service. 

Conspicuous  gas  and  electric  cases  have  concerned  the  cities 
of  Belleville,  Springfield,  and  Jacksonville. 

Final  decisions  have  been  entered  in  the  Belleville  and  Spring- 
field cases,  the  rate  for  gas  in  Belleville  being  reduced  from  $1.15 
to  $1.00  net  per  1,000  feet  and  in  Springfield  from  $1.00  to  80c  net. 
The  commission  has  announced  a  reduction  from  $1.15  to  95c  net 
in  Jacksonville,  but  no  final  order  has  yet  been  entered  in  this 
case. 

The  advantages  of  the  Public  Utilities  Commission  are  per- 
haps better  illustrated  in  the  proceedings  for  determining  reason- 
able rates  for  public  service  than  in  any  other  of  its  valuable  work. 

It  is  much  better  adapted  to  making  investigations  and  se- 
curing all  the  facts  necessary  to  arrive  at  a  correct  conclusion  as 
to  what  rate  is  fair'  both  to  the  producer  and  consumer  than  a 
law  court.  The  commission  may  sit  at  a  point  of  greatest  con- 
venience. It  may  send  engineers  and  investigators  to  examine 
into  conditions.  It  can,  and  does,  require  actual  valuations  of 
physical  property,  and  can  accurately  value  securities  and  in- 
tangibles. 

In  this  respect  the  Public  Utilities  Commission  bears  much 
the  same  relation  to  our  law  courts  that  the  administrative  courts 
of  France  and  Germany  bear  to  the  regular  courts  there.  There 
is  this  difference,  however,  that  the  administrative  questions  there 
are  tried  and  finally  determined  in  such  courts  only. 

The  Public  Utilities  Commission  of  Illinois,  however,  has 
nothing  to  complain  of  with  respect  to  appeals  from  its  decisions 
to  the  law  courts.  The  findings  of  the  commission  have  so  far, 
when  questioned,  been  invariably  sustained  in  the  courts. 

In  the  cases  involving  the  rates  in  Belleville  and  Springfield 
the  commission,  after  the  most  complete  and  exhaustive  examina- 
tion, entered  orders  reducing  the  rates.  The  evidence  seems 


DUNNE JUDGE,  MAYOR,  GOVERNOR  835 

to  fully  sustain  the  decisions  and  indicates  that  the  public  service 
companies  involved  will  make  a  fair  and  just  profit  on  the  rates 
fixed  by  the  commission. 

Public  service  rates  bear  some  analogy  to  tax  rates.  If  every- 
body is  taxed  justly  and  in  proportion  to  the  kind  and  value  of 
his  property  the  burden  will  fall  more  lightly  upon  all  than  is 
the  case  where  some  escape  taxation  and  others  are  loaded  with 
the  burdens  which  they  evade.  So  it  is  with  public  service  rates. 
It  has  been  habitual  with  some  companies  to  grant  a  great  deal 
of  service  free  or  at  greatly  reduced  rates  to  big  concerns,  friends, 
favorites,  or  associates ;  for  railroad  companies  to  grant  free  passes 
and  other  concessions.  Under  such  circumstances  the  service 
must  be  paid  for  and  in  practice  payment  is  exacted  from  other 
consumers,  whereby  such  other  consumers  are  required  not  only 
to  pay  full  value  for  the  service  obtained  by  them,  but  as  well  to 
contribute  for  those  who  are  escaping  payment.  Invariably  this 
injustice  is  greatest  upon  the  small  consumer. 

Under  the  law  the  Public  Utilities  Commission  has,  in  every 
case  where  discrimination  of  this  character  has  been  found  to 
exist,  abolished  the  practice.  That  railroads  may  be  able  to 
carry  passengers  at  a  rate  of  2c  per  mile  instead  of  3c,  as  was 
formerly  the  practice,  the  Commission  adopted  the  regulations  of 
the  Inter-State  Commerce  Commission,  practically  abolishing  all 
free  passes  upon  railroads.  By  conference  rulings,  the  com- 
mission directed  that  all  public  service  companies  should  abolish 
discriminations  as  to  rates  and  service,  to  the  end  that  every 
customer  should  receive  the  same  treatment. 

Under  such  a  system,  the  poor  can  ride  upon  the  railroads 
at  what  it  is  reasonably  worth  to  carry  them  and  are  not  obliged 
to  help  pay  for  carrying  the  opulent  or  well  to  do.  The  house- 
wife in  her  humble  establishment  will  get  gas,  water,  electric 
light,  and  such  other  utilities  as  enter  into  the  daily  needs,  for 
what  they  are  worth  and  will  not  be  compelled  to  pay  an  inflated 
rate  because  more  fortunate  or  more  favored  consumers  get  their 
service  free  or  at  a  reduced  rate. 

Because  the  Public  Utilities  Commission  has  had  to  maintain 
a  large  organization  and  because  substantial  salaries  had  to  be 
paid  members  and  employes  of  the  commission,  and  seemingly 
large  appropriations  have  been  made  by  the  Legislature,  it  might 
be  thought  that  the  commission  was  a  burden  upon  the  State's 
finances  and  tended  to  aid  to  the  tax  burden.  Such,  however, 
is  not  the  case.  Since  its  organization  the  commission  has  been 
a  source  of  net  revenue  to  the  State. 


836  DUNNE — JUDGE,  MAYOR,  GOVERNOR 

The  receipts  of  the  State  Public  Utilities  Commission  of  Illi- 
nois from  January  1,  1914,  the  date  of  its  beginning,  to  February 
29,  1916,  a  period  of  twenty-six  months,  amounted  to  $835,690.69. 
The  grand  total  of  expenditures  for  the  same  period  amounted  to 
$514,133.82.  This  leaves  $321,556.87  which  has  been  paid  into  the 
State  Treasury  through  the  commission  over  and  above  all 
expenses. 

For  the  year  covered  by  the  second  annual  report  of  the  com- 
mission, dating  from  December  1,  1914,  to  November  30,  1915,  the 
receipts  were  $634,789.21,  and  the  expenditures  $265,366.05.  leav- 
ing a  balance  of  $369,423.16  for  the  twelve  months. 

In  establishing  practical  control  over  public  service  corpora- 
tions Illinois  has  won  a  strong  position. 

We  now  have  the  machinery  to  insure  reasonable  rates  for 
public  service  and  reasonable  returns  upon  investments  in  public 
service  properties. 

The  benefits  now  being  actually  enjoyed  and  to  accrue  enure 
not  to  the  consumer  alone,  altho  such  are  substantial  and  most 
welcome,  but  to  the  utilities  properties  as  well. 

Under  the  law  not  only  fair  charges  for  public  service  can 
be  obtained  and  enforced,  but  fair  valuations  for  investments  as 
well.  We  have  gone  far  in  the  direction  of  squeezing  the  water 
out  of  corporate  stock  and  preventing  its  future  dilution. 

We  have  established  a  tribunal  where  the  humblest  citizen, 
without  cost  and  without  price,  can  have  his  complaint  heard  and 
be  assured  of  the  same  quality  of  justice  as  the  most  affluent. 

To  maintain  this  highly  prized  accomplishment  and  to  perfect 
in  every  detail  the  workings  of  the  commission  organized  under 
the  Public  Utilities  act  is  a  task  worth  the  efforts  of  all  forward- 
looking  citizens  of  this  State. 


INDEX 


PAGE 

Absent    voting    551 

acquisition  of  territory  by  United  States 96 

addresses 
Chicago, 

Association  of  Commerce,  "Waterway" 592 

Auditorium,  "England  in  the  Transvaal" 118 

Charter  Convention,   "Initiative  and   Referendum" 141 

City  Council,   "Inaugural  address" 196 

Commercial  Club,   "Chicago  Charter" 150 

Cook  County,  "Court  House  corner  stone  laying" 300 

death  of 

General  Wm.  Booth 263 

Judge  Murray  F.  Tuley 324 

Democratic  Convention,  accepts  nomination  for  mayor 177 

Illinois   Building   Association   League, 

"Value  of  Buliding  and  Loan  Idea" 472 

Irish  Fellowship  Club,  "St.  Patrick's  Day" 283 

Iroquois  Club, 

"Annexation   of   Philippines"   95 

"A   reunited    Democracy" 116 

"Monopoly  grips  the  Nation" 133 

Jackson  Day  Banquet, 

"Has  Democracy  departed  from  first  principles" 125 

Jefferson  Club, 

Bryan  banquet   243 

Jefferson  Day  banquet '. 204 

"Municipal   campaign   of  1907" 336 

Monticello  Club,   "The  crisis  of  the  day" 92 

National   Security  League,   "Preparedness" 804 

Party  Ward   Officers,  "Municipal  ownership" 18fi 

Second   Regiment  Armory,   "Preparedness" 816 

Single  Tax  Club, 

Chicago   PoMsh   Americans 782 

Crimes    of   Violence 162 

Manchester  mai  i"yrs    .    Ill 

Spanish-American  Treaty   109 

Tax  assessments 85 

Western  Economic  Society,  ''Waterway  Bill" 772 

Belleville, 

"Belleville's    Centenary"    I 

"Dangers  of  Monopoly" 379 

Buffalo. 

Annunciation    Club,    "Abraham    Lincoln" 791 

Denver. 

"Private    Monopoly"    302 

Freeport, 

"Republican   party  and   the   panic" 350 

Galesburg, 

Bar  Association,  "Lincoln,  the  lawyer" 358 

Jacksonville, 

"Good    Roads"    809 

Mattoon, 

"G.    A.   R." 556 

New  York. 

New  York  Municinal  League, 

"Chicago's  fight  for  municipal   ownership" 197 

Ottawa. 

"The  Economic  Problems  of  the  day" •  •  •     • 

Pana. 

"Functions  of  a  modern  hospital" 828 

Peoria, 

Creve  Coeur  Club,  "Washington    <*irf 

Philadelphia. 

Friendly  Sons  of  St.  Patrick,  "Ireland  in  America" 

Piano,  .-„ 

Farmers  National  Congress,  "The  soil  we  till" 458 


838  INDEX 

Put  in  Bay, 

"Battle  of  Lake  Erie" 452 

Quincy, 

'•Dedication   of  Armory" 761 

Springfield, 

C.  U.  T.  Co.  employes,  "Public  Utility  regulation" 828 

Democratic  State  Convention, 

"Democratic    accomplishments" 489 

State  Fair,  Farmer  boys, 

"Making  two  bushels  grow  where  one  grew  before" 418 

Game  and  Fish  Conervation  Commission, 

"Duties    of   the    Commission" 442 

"Publication   Lincoln's    Gettysburg   address" .V, 474 

Urbana, 

University  of  Illinois,   "Dedication  of  Lincoln  Hall" '.\.  —  411 

Woodstock,  V 

Decoration  Day   : .' .  375 

agriculture, 

advantages  of  agricultural  life 420 

community  centers  467 

distribution  of  agricultural  data 467 

farm  loans    467 

Germany,  productivity  of 460 

Illinois  ranks  first  in  agricultural  wealth 499 

improving  farm  life 467 

increased  production 419 

making  rural  communities  attractive 460 

neglected  opporunities  in  the  country 419 

school  houses  as  social  centers 460 

soil,  the  foundation  of  national  wealth 459 

suggests  thesis  on  practical  farming 46£ 

University  of  Illinois, 

greatest  agricultural  college   459 

lecture  courses 467 

Alaska,  nationally  owned  railroads 587 

"Allen  bill'    .  93 

Allen,  E.  N.,  Warden, 

honor  sytem 749 

Altgeld,  John  P. 

father  of  workmen's  compensation •.' 372 

In  memoriam 370 

pictured  as  an  anarchist 372 

practiced  poor  man's  gospel 370 

standing  army  a  menace  to  liberty ; 373 

statesman  of  lofty  character  and  sublime  courage 373 

tax-dodgers , 372 

unveiling  of  monument ; 755 

appropriations, 

armories 816 

"Fergus  suit" 773 

Forty-eighth  Genera!  Assembly 773 

apportionment , , 408,  6fi4 

armories,   appropriation   for 816 

Association  of  Commerce,  Chicago,  address  "Waterways" 592 

asylum,  term  dropped  by  State 827 

Battle  of  Lake  Erie,  address,  "Put  in  Bay" 452 

Belleville,  address,  "Belleville  centennial" 532 

"Dangers  of  Monopoly" 379 

Biological  laboratory   706 

Bissell,  W.  H.,  governor 533 

Board  of  education,  Chicago, 

leases  of  school  property '. ." 339 

Board  of  Equalization 177,  395,  524 

Boers, 

appeal  on  behalf  of,  address,  Chicago 118,  124 

justice,    on   their   side 119 

Booth.  General  William,  death  of 2fi3 

boys,  human  interest  sketch 148 

Bryan.  W.  J. 

Jefferson   Club  guest 243 

Buffalo,  address,  "Abraham  Lincoln" 791 

Building  and  loan  associations, 

benefit  of 473 

benignity   of  Illinois  laws 473 

incentive  to  thrift 473 

value  of   472 

Bureau  of  Labor  Statistics 87,684 


INDEX  839 

PAGE 

Cairo,  flood  prevention 2 

capital  punishment, 

abolition  of   162,   712,  734 

address  to  General  Assembly 708 

address,  Boston,  Governors'  conference 734 

in  foreign  countries 710 

in  other  states 711 

message  to  General  Asembly 702 

not  a  deterrent  to  crime 709 

Capital  of  United  States,  summer  capital 450 

charities, 

address,  LaSalle,  Illinois 615 

Commission    t 680 

corporal  punishment  abolished '. . .  496 

State  institutions,  humanitarian  progress  in 615 

chauffeurs, 

protection  of   • 575 

Chicago, 

addreses, 

Asociation   of   Commerce,    "Waterway" 592 

Charter  convention,  "Initiative  and  Referendum" 141 

Chicago  Bar  Asociation,  "General  Assembly" 524 

Chicago  Commercial  Association,  "Civic  Progress" 315 

Commercial  Club,  "Chicago  Charter" 150 

City  council,    "Inaugural   Address" 196 

Cook  County,   "Court  House  corner  stone  laying" 300 

Democratic  convention, 

"Accepts  Nomination  for  Mayor" 177 

Illinois  Building  association  league, 

"Value  of  Building  and  Loan  Idea" 472 

Irish   Fellowship  Club,   "St.   Patrick'   Day" 283 

Iroquois  Club,  "Annexation  of  Philippines" 95 

"A  Reunited  Democracy" 116 

Jefferson  club, 

"Municipal  campaign  of  -1907" 336 

Bryan  banquet   243 

Jefferson   day   banquet 204 

Monticello   Club, 

"The  serious  crisis  of  the  day" 92 

National    Security   League,    "Preparednes" 804 

Party  Ward  Officers,  "Municipal  Ownership" 186 

Second  Regiment  Armory,   "Preparedness" 816 

Single  Tax  Club, 

'Spanish-American  Treaty" 109 

'Chicago  Polish  Americans" 782 

'Crimes  of  Violence" 162 

'England  in  the  Transvaal" ; , 118 

'Manchester  Martyrs" Ill 

'Tax  Assessments"    85 

Chicago  Chronicle,  on 

"Monticello  club  address" 94 

destitution  of 134 

departmental  expenditures  2 

fire    protection    247 

destiny  and  greatness 245 

destitution  of  City  of  Chicago 134 

gas  rates  reduced  2 

general  property  tax  compared  with  other  cities 247 

municipal  water  system  commended 2 

new  city  hall  advocated 322 

park   consolidation   recommended 679 

police  force 247 

revenue   • 246,  275 

rights  and  privileges,  voted  away 86 

sanitary  department    247 

subways   540 

tax  dodging 136 

Chicago  Law  Journal  68,  73 

Chicago  Tribune. 

"Tardy  Justice  to  ex-mayor  Dunne" 537 

child   placing 435 

Children, 

dependency    of    '. 406 

parents   fund    435 

rights  of  parents  to 72 

two-cent    fare    law    403 

citizen  soldiery   761 

city  court,  recommends  establishment  of 83 

civil  service, 

attitude  of  mayor 464 

city  and  county  compared 340 

law  upheld    82 


840  INDEX 

PAGE 

municipal  ownership  under 213 

not  an   untried   principle 401 

compensation    for    overtime 2 

concealed  weapons   163 

amending,    manner   of 394 

constitution,  , 

amendments  to 393 

efforts  to  amend 524 

message  to  General  Assembly. 663 

amendment  favored 150 

Initiative  and  Referendum   154 

constitutional  guarantees  24,  154 

contempt  of  court, 

appointment  of  Judge  Shope  illegal 21 

consolidation   of  gas   companies,   decision 13 

freedom    of   the   press 13 

convict  labor, 

commutation  of  sentence  for  road  work 446 

defends  working  on  roads 758 

honor  system   547 

law  providing  for  road  work 575 

convicts, 

exploitation  of 456 

employment  on  roads 404,   495,   526,  678 

on  pardoning   463 

Cook  County  court  house, 

built  without  graft 300 

corrupt  practices   400 

corruption    85,  365 

cost  of  living 381,  386 

Craig,  Hon.   C.   C 466 

crimes,  cause  of   163 

criticism   of  public   officials 38 

Cullom,  Shelby  M.,  memorial  address 497 

currency  law,  provision  of 488,  587 

DeBerry,  Joseph, 

hanging  of , 785 

decisions, 

corporations,   State  control 

employees'    contracts 57 

Interstate  Commerce,  affected  by  State  decision 40 

order  of  Judge  Goggin 48 

rights  of  parents  to  children 72 

Sunday  closing  43 

unlawful    trade    combinations 64 

users   of  sidewalks 71 

wages, 

assignment  of  61 

payment   for   overtime    54 

teacher's    salary    56 

"Decoration  Day  address",  Woodstock 375 

Democratic, 

accomplishments   490,   494,  585 

idealism    546 

principles, 

address  Jefferson  Day  banquet,  Chiacgo 204 

adherence  to   125 

enumerated 128 

State  convention  490 

plea  for  a  united  democracy 580 

Democracy,  a  reunited, 

address,  Iroquois  Club,   Chicago 116 

Deneen,  Charles  S.,  Governor, 

fiscal  condition  of  State 483 

Denver, 

address  "Private  Monopoly" 302 

Department  of  Electricity,  City  of  Chicago 340 

Dep9rtation,  Dept.  Work  of 684 

destitution, 

of  City  of  Chicago 134 

Dickinson,   Judge, 

reception  of  Iroquois  Club,   protested 363 

"Dixie  Highway" 759 

"Dollar  diplomacy"    587 

Dougherty,  N.  C.,  pardon  of 690 

Douglas,   Stephen  A., 

anniversary   of    426 

drug  venders   692 

Dyson,   O.   E.,   Dr., 

position  upheld , 768 


INDEX  841 

PAGE 

"Economic  problem  (the)", 

address,    Ottawa    384 

education,   school  building  encouraged ! 

Edwards,  Ninian,  territorial  Governor 532 

Efficiency  and  Economy  Committee 495,   526,  677 

eight  hour  day,  established  in  State  institutions 647 

elections, 

message  recommending  passage  of  laws  in  regard  to 665 

of  United  States   Senator 416 

Primary 526 

refusal  to  issue  certificates  of,  in  certain  cases 642 

registration  of  women 530 

rotation  of  names  on  ballot 402,  495,  526 

short  ballot » 401 

statement  of  re  issuing  of  election  certificate 642 

electricity,  rates  in  "Chicago 297 

Emancipation  Exposition,  address,  Chicago 732 

employment  agencies    661 

England, 

address,  Chicago,  "On  Behalf  of  Boers" 118 

denounced  in  the  Transvaal Ii8 

press  and  literature   119 

wars   of 105 

Epileptic  Colony,  Dixon,  establishment  of 403,  495,  526,  670 

Equalization,  Board  of 177,  395,  524 

"Europe,  not  England,  is  the  mother  country  of  America" 104,  477 

European  War 587 

express    rates    587 

extradition,  law  and  practice 632 

factories,  sanitation  and  ventilation 529,   575,  612 

factory'  inspection   621,  685 

fees, 

filching   87 

letter  to  Supreme   Court S3 

system  a  damper  on  justice 83,  90 

finance, 

Budget — Biennial  message    687 

Legislative  Reference  Bureau 687 

Finerty,  John  F.,  address  monument  unveiling 600 

fire  department, 

hazards   451,  576 

hours  of  firemen 451,  576 

insurance  rates  661 

legislation  on   624 

message   to  General  Assembly 661 

prevention  day, 

statement  to  public 465 

"Two  platoon  system" 272,  45,1 

fish  and  game, 

address,  Springfield,  State  Game  and  Fish  Conservation  Commission 442 

birds   443 

commercial  fishing 423 

consolidation   recommended    421 

investigation    of    departments 442 

message  to  forty-eighth   General  Assembly 421 

sportsmans  interest    423 

valuation  of  fish  industry 443 

wardens    444 

flag,    state    637 

floods, 

appropriation   428 

message  to  forty-eighth  General  Assembly 427 

food  inspection   673 

food  stuffs,  condemned  or  destroyed 316 

foot  and  mouth  disease, 

Dyson,   Dr.   O.   E.,   upheld 768 

legisln  tion  for    679 

spread    of   disease 619 

freedom  of  the  press 13 

Freeport,  address — "Republican  party  and  the  panic" 350 

Galesburg, 

address,   "Lincoln  the  Lawyer" 358 

gambling 271,  321 

Game  and  Fish  Conservation  Commission 495,  528,  671 

garnishment   exemption    92 

eras    consolidation    act 93 

gas  rates    277,    280 

General  Assembly, 

Chicago  Bar  Association  address 524 

Legislators'  salaries   728 


842  INDEX 

PAGE 

Germany, 

U.   S.  Diplomatic   communication 716 

Germans  in  Illinois, 

address  at  unveiling  of  Goethe's  monument 563 

Gladstone,  W.  E., 

England's  greatest  statesman 113 

Goethe, 

address,  unveiling  of  Goethe's  monument 563 

good  roads, 

address,  Jacksonville  (See  also  Roads  and  Bridges) 809 

government,  mal-administration  of 94 

Governor  (See  Addresses,  Letters,  Messages,  and  Statements) 
Governors'  .conferences, 

Boston   "Preparedness"    .„ 743 

"Capital   punishment"    ." 734 

Madison  "Uniformity  of  Labor  Laws" 620 

value  of 449 

grade  crossings    567 

graft  in  Chicago  City  Council 92 

Grain  Inspection  Department 685 

Grand  Army  of  the  Republic,  address,  Mattoon 556 

hack-stands    80 

"Harlan  plan" 188 

Harrison,  Carter  H.,  Mayor, 

commended  for  street  car  stand 92 

Health,  State  Board 501,  683 

Highway    Commission    501 

hog  serum,   free  distribution  condemned 706 

Home  finding  Commission 686 

home  rule, 

advocacy  of,  for  cities 170,  400,  438 

proposes  a  constitutional  amendment  to  provide  for 132 

honor  system  749 

hospital,  functions  of  a  modern -. 826 

hours    of   labor 623 

Housing  Commission   681 

"Humphrey  bill"   93 

Illinois, 

admission  to  the  union , 631 

conservation,   "Leslie's  Weekly" 499 

past  and   future   of 637 

progress    during    1914 647 

Illinois  State  Teachers'  Association 

address,  Springfield,  "Sex  Hygiene" 485 

income  tax   587 

independence, 

day,  address,  "Naturalized  citizens",  Springfield 726 

of  Philippines  and  Porto  Rico 110 

Industrial  accidents   621 

Industrial  Board   613,  677 

initiative  and  referendum, 

address,  Chicago  Charter  Convention 141 

constitutional  amendment  392 

failed  to  pass    524 

message  to  Forty-eighth   General  Assembly 429 

passed,   urged    548 

progress  of   424 

injunction,  foot  and  mouth  disease 651 

"International  morality"    160,  161 

Industrial  Board 575 

Ireland, 

address,  Irish  Fellowship  Club,   Chicago 145 

home  rule   560 

in  America,  address 

Friendly  sons  of  St.  Patrick,  Philadelphia 819 

soil,  must  belong  to  the  people 145 

Irish, 

Address,  Unveiling  of  Finerty  monument,  Chicago 600 

affection  for  Ireland ?84 

love  of  liberty  never  extinguished 283 

love   of  new   land 284 

patriotism  before  par.ty 824 

patriots     : 284 

preserved  teachings  for  Christendom 283 

Iroquols  Club,  Chicago. 

address,    monopoly    133 

annexation  of  Philippines 95 

a  reunited  democracy 11fi 

Dickinson,  Judge   363 

withdrawal  from    91 


INDEX  843 

PAGE 

Jack-pot  Government 367 

'  Jacksonville,  address  "Good  Roads" 809 

James,  Dr.  Edmund  J.,  letter  commending 531 

Judaism,   ritualistic  observances 469 

Judge  (See  "Addresses,"   "letters,"   "messages,"   "statements") 

judges,   criticism   of 

juries  •  406 

jury  system,  corruption  of 92 

justice  to  ex-mayor  Dunne,  "Chicago  Tribune" 357 

Juul  law,  provisions  of  commended 88 

Kenesaw  Mountain, 

unveiling  of  monument 568 

Kimsey,  Charles  A.,  pardon  of 544 

"Kleeman  bill"  433 

Knights  of  Columbus,  Peoria  letter  to, 

Bishop   John   L.    Spalding..: 482 

Labor  239,  240 

Labor  Day 573 

labor  legislation 586 

laboring  man  deprived  of  right  of  trial  by  jury 94 

Lawler,  Michael   Kelly. 

career  of,  letter  to  people  of  Equality 457 

Legislative  Reference  Bureau, 

message  commending  work  of  bureau 495,  667 

legislative  session,  roll  call  verification 407 

legislators, 

raising    salaries    of 728 

Legislature,  corruption  in 92 

"Leslie's  Illustrated   Weekly," 

statement,  Illinois  conservation  499 

letter  of, 

Tuley,  Judge  Murray  F.,  urging  Judge  Dunne  to  run  for  Mayor 170 

letter  to, 

Allen,  E.  M., 

honor  prisoners  446 

Boston  Magazine  (The),  regarding  resignation  rumor 257 

City  Council,  re  telephone  and  electric  rates 313 

Iroquois  Club, 

re  Judge  Dickinson    363 

re  withdrawal    91 

James,  Pres.  Edmund  J.,  U.  of  I., 

commending  services  531 

practical   farming    467 

people  of  Equality,  re  Michael  Kelly  Lawler 457 

Sanitary  District,  re  power  rights  at  Joliet 475 

Stewart,  John  A.,  re  celebration  of  the  100th  anniversary  of  peace  among 

English  speaking  people 477 

Supreme  Court,  re  Justice  Court  fees 83 

Werno,  Alderman  Charles,  re  municipal  ownership 286 

levees, 

construction  of  647 

Lewis,  James  Hamilton,  U.  S.  Senator, 

election    of    recommended 408 

Lincoln,   Abraham. 

address,  Annunciation  Club,   Buffalo 791 

Lincoln  Day  Banquet    656 

industry  and  modesty   359 

Lincoln  Hall,    dedication   of 41 1 

Lincoln    the    lawyer 358 

Lincoln's  Gettysburg  Address, 

publication   of  urged    474 

liquor,  one  o'clock  closing  ordinance 322 

Live  Stock  Commission 651,  679 

livestock,  foot  and  mouth  disease 651 

loan  sharks, 

cause  of  more  misery  than  highwaymen 391 

cause  of  suicides   157 

no  respectable  man  in  the  business 157 

wage  assignment  contractual  slavery 158 

lobbying. 

abolished  in  congress , 581 

address  to  forty-eighth  General  Assembly 688 

pernicious  influence  of 92,  688 

Logan.  John  A., 

address  Murphysboro 571 

low  wages, 

responsibility    for    81 

lumny  jaw  cattle 693 

Lusitania,  sinking  of .  714 


844  INDEX 

PAGE 

Manchester   martyrs    Ill 

Mangier  bribery  case 70 

Manufacturing   interests   of  Illinois *. 500 

Mattoon  address,  G.  A.  R 556 

Mayor, 

Mayor  (See  also  Addresses,  Letters,  Messages,  Statements) 

accepts  nomination  on  municipal  principle 177 

no  affiliation  with  "boodlers" 357 

office  not  sought  for  by  Judge  Dunne 174 

urged  to  accept  nomination  by  Judge  Tuley 170 

McKinley,    William,    President 93 

mechanics'   lien  law 495,  528 

Meisenburg,  Samuel, 

Chicago  memorial   554 

message  to  City  Council, 

re   water   rates 223 

re  Universal   Gas  Company • 261 

Vetoing  gas   ordinance 277 

vetoing  street  railway  ordinance 329 

message  to  the  General  Assembly  Inaugural 392 

Biennial    658 

municipal  ownership    225 

Mexican  situation, 

has  been  dealt  with  in  a  spirit  of  firmness  and  justice 586 

mediation  plan   552 

no  likelihood  of  war 488 

mines  and  mining, 

commission  to  investigate 576 

explosives  576 

fire    fighting    equipment 576 

inspection  of  coal  mines 576 

mine   examining   board 575 

Mine  rescue  stations 528,  576 

shot  firers'  law   576 

Mitchell,  E.  E.,  Treasurer, 

condition  of  treasury  483 

monopoly, 

address  Denver,   "Private  Monopoly" 302 

evils  of   94,  379 

nation  in  grip  of 133 

plutocrats  in  Cabinet  and  Senate 133 

private,   indefensible  and  intolerable 351 

Republican  Congress,   failure  to  curb 356 

mothers'   pension    436 

motion  pictures, 

veto  of 731 

municipal, 

campaign,  •  nineteen-seven    336 

courts  174,  542 

expenditures,    limiting    of 85 

ownership, 

address,  New  York  Municipal  League 197 

"Allen  bill"   178,  216 

city  vs.  contract  plan 226 

civil  service  efficiency .' 185 

increase  of  wages 201 

contract  plan 229,  260 

corruption    and    bribery 201 

civil  service    178 

Public  Utility  corporations 214 

could  not  increase  taxes 195 

demand  of  people 335 

efficiency  in  service 201 

fares,   reduction   of 201 

franchise, 

Chicago  Chronicle   191 

Chicago  Post • 191 

Daily  News 192 

Record-Herald    191 

Tribune    192 

extension  opposed  by  people 256,  260 

hours  of  labor,  reduction  of 201 

"Humphrey  bill"    178 

increase  of  wages 201 

in   Europe 311 

letter  to  Alderman  Charles  Werno 280 

Morgan  Co.,  J.  P.,  investments 188 

Mueller  law   provisions 191,  ?27 

municipal  problems,  solution  of 4-*0 

not  a  political  machine 183 

objections  to    199 

plans  for  225,  227 


INDEX  845 

PAGE 

municipal   ownership — contd. 

politicians  and  private  ownership 183 

private  operation  .• 304 

street  car  certificates 200 

strikes  201 

traction   merger    250 

Union  Traction  Company 216 

water  rates 178 

Yerkes,  Charles  T.,  influence  in  Springfield 216 

mutuality, 

"Chicago    Law    Journal" 73 

Murphysboro  address,  John  A.  Logan , 571 

National  Guard  and  Naval  Reserve 553,  649,  674,  816 

naturalization 122 

necessities  of  life  106 

negro, 
New  York, 

address,    New    York    Municipal    League,    "Chicago    fight    for    municipal 

ownership"    197 

address,  Chicago,  Emancipation  Exposition 732 

Officers, 

abuse  of  authority  67 

Ogden  Gas  Company 13 

Ottawa, 

Address,  The  Economic  Problem 384 

Packers,    water    stealing 86 

Pana,  address,  "Functions  of  a  Modern  Hospital" 826 

Panama  Canal, 

address,  Chicago,  Henry  George  Ass'n,  Panama  Treaty 65 

consummation  of  treaty  a  disgrace 167 

effect  on  manufacturing  interests  in  Illinois 715 

U.  S.  authorities  assisted  in  rebellion 167 

Panama- Pacific  International   Exposition 715 

patriotism    382 

peace    579 

penal  institutions,  reform  of 647 

Peoples  Gas,  Light  &  Coke  Co 13 

petty  larceny   84 

Peoria,  address,  "Creve  Coeur  Club" 413 

Pharmacy,    State    Board    of 684 

Philadelphia,  address,  Friendly  Sons  of  St.  Patrick 819 

Philippines, 

acquisition  of  without  native  conseni — a  crime 110 

American  occupation  for  benefit  of  England 105 

annexation  of, 

consent  of  governed    102,  107 

denounced    95 

forced  submission  , .  100-106 

McKinley's  "benevolent  assimilation  of" 102 

forcible  annexation  not  to  be  thought  of 102 

means  increased  army  and  navy 103,  104 

means  liability  to  embroilment  in  foreign  wars 104 

not  wished  by  people 107 

politics  discarded  97 

violating  spirit  of  constitution 101 

right  to  select  their  own  government 93 

United  States  needs  no  foreign  alliances 104 

Piano,  address,  Farmers  National  Congress 458 

pledge, 

breaking  of,  by  public  officials 402 

refuses  to  accept  assistance  from  street  railway  company 176 

statement  as  candidate  for  Mayor 176 

Police,  City  of  Chicago 271 

abolition  of  tax-dodging  would  provide  adequate  police  force 163 

no  right  to  shoot  fleeing  fugitives 79 

who  exceed  authority 69 

Polish  people, 

address,    Chicago    Polish    Society 717 

poor,  oppression  of  99 

Porto  Rico, 

possible  excuse   for  annexing 101 

poverty,  City  of  Chicago 

menace  to  health 85 

preparedness, 

address,    Boston    Governors    conference 743 

address,  Chicago  National  Security  League 804 

appropriation    for    armories 816 

Illinois'    contribution    to 81  <> 

military  training    .  807 

militia   "Pay  bill" 817 


846  INDEX 

PAGE 

preparedness — contd. 

National  Guard  compensation 807 

National  Guard  free  from  politics 818 

rehabilitation,   National  Guard » 817 

sentiment  of  America 806 

state  owned  buildings 816 

United  States  enriched  by  force  of  circumstances 805 

press, 

freedom  of   13 

hostility  of  in  traction  fight 257 

prison  reform  548,  668 

prisons, 

honor  system  749 

letter  writing  in    751 

protective  tariff, 

wages    under    : 386 

Psychopathic  institute  r 501 

public  expenditure, 

reduction  encouraged  403 

public   ownership   law ; 526 

public  utilities, 

abolition    of    passes 835 

address,  Englewood,  "Ownership  of  Public  Utilities" 502 

advantages    of    137 

certificates  of  convenience  and  necessity 832 

corruption  by  corporate  interests 137 

effects  of  utilities  law 831 

function  of  Public  Utilities  Commission 828 

gas  and  electric  service 824 

improved  service  under  Public  Utilities  Commission 137 

law  desired  by  people 440 

low  cost  of  operation 137 

Municipal  government  in  England,  free  from  politics 512 

Mueller  bill 516 

municipal  ownership   137 

political  interference   516 

private   operation   of 202 

placed  under  control 647 

receipts  of  and  expenditures  of  commission 836 

regulation   of   398 

statement  of  Governor  regarding 437 

telephone  companies 831 

public  Utilities  Commission, 

Chicago  home  rule 667 

decisions  sustained  by  courts 824 

law 495,  525 

message,  Chicago  home  rule 667 

now  exercises  great  power 501 

Put-in-Bay, 

address,  Battle  of  Lake  Erie 452 

Quincy,    armory    dedication 761 

Race  Prejudice  143 

railroads, 

employes,  address  (Chic.)   Switchmen's  Union 610 

headlights   576,  612 

safety  appliance   528,  576 

safety  inspectors   612 

trespassing    667 

two-cent  fare  567 

Rainey,  Hon.  Henry  T., 

objections  to  waterway  bill 770 

reformatory  inmates  522 

Republican  party, 

controlled   by   monopoly 356 

in  the  panic 350 

revenue, 

constitutional   amendment    394 

Reynolds,  John, 

Governor   of  Illinois 532 

Rivers  and  Lakes  Commission 672 

roads  and  bridges, 

address,   Chicago,   Chicago  Association  of  Commerce 604 

address,  Springfield,  State  Highway  Commission 447 

appropriations     814 

bond    issues    813 

cost  of  state  aid  system 814 

"Dixie   Highway" 759 

extent  of  state  aid    system 814 

improvement    in    state   aid    roads 647 

improvement  of  highways 404.  447,  527 

laws   810 

proclamation  for  "road  day" 538 

progress  in  road  building 815 

Tice  road  law 495,  535,  647 


INDEX  847 

PAGE 

Roosevelt,  Theodore,  President,  commends  Judge  Dunne 147 

Ryan,  Wm.  J.( 

State  Treasurer,  condition  of  treasury 483 

Safety  appliances    576 

Salvation  Army    164 

Sanitary  district  of  Chicago, 

condemnation  suit  re  power  rights  475 

power  cost  to  Chicago ' 221 

taxation    433 

Scotchman  in  America, 

address,   Chicago,   St.   Andrew's  Society 634 

Scott,  Elston,  execution  of 785 

Seattle,    municipal    ownership 282 

semi-monthly  pay 495,  576 

sentencing  a  chicken  thief 75 

sex  hygiene, 

address,  Springfield,  Illinois  State  Teachers'  Association 485 

in  schools 470 

short   ballot    401 

Sherman,  Lawrence  Y.,  U.  S.  Senator, 

election  recommended  488 

sidewalks 71 

simplified  spelling, 

address,  Springfield,  Illinois  State  Teachers'  Association 645 

Sisters  of  Good  Shepherd 164 

Shield,  James, 

statesman,  jurist  and  soldier. 533 

Spalding,  Bishop  John  L., 

letter  to  Peoria  Knights  of  Columbus 482 

'  Spanish- American  War 109 

Springfield, 

address,  "Lincoln's  Gettysburg  Address" 474 

Democratic  State  Convention 490 

Employees  C.  U.  T.  Co 828 

State  Fair   "Farmer  Boys" 418 

State  Game  and  Fish  Con.  Com 442 

statement, 

appropriations 779 

announcing  candidacy  for  Governor 366 

attitude  to  University  of  Illinois 430 

"boys"   148 

Chicago's  destitution   134 

Chicago,    progress   of 265 

civil    service   law 464 

execution  of  Elston  Scott 785 

fire  prevention    465 

good  housekeeping 435 

Governors'  conferences  449 

Harlan  Plan   188,  221 

Initiative    and    Referendum 424 

loan  sharks 391 

Mangier  case  70 

public   utilities    137 

right  of  policeman  to  shoot  fugitive 79 

street  railway  system    233 

traction  merger,  objection  250 

vetoing  street  railway,  franchise 244 

water   power    221 

State  Tax  Commission 483 

street, 

car  situation  in  Chicago 206 

railway  franchise,  promise  to  veto  ordinance ' 244 

railway  ordinance,   veto 329 

rental  of  streets  by  car  company 558 

strikes, 

anthracite  coal  strike 209 

compulsory  board  of  investigation 219 

contracts    219 

legality  of   209 

Montgomery  Ward  and  Co 209 

publicity    40 

state    arbitration    board 219 

teamsters     121 

"St.    Louis    Post-Dispatch" 206 

subways, 

Chicago  should  provide  for  building 540 

Sullivan,   Roger  C 496 

Supreme  Court  of  United  States, 

Governor  recommended   for   appointment 501 

tariff,  revision  of 488,  587 


848  INDEX 

taxation,  PAGE 

abolition,    city  and    township   assessors 87 

assessments  of  real  and  personal  property 85,  87 

Board  of  Equalization 177,  395,  445,  524 

constitutional  amendment  '• 

corporations    366 

exemptions 87 

favoritism  in  assessing 87 

Tax  Commission 415 

tax  dodging 92,  415 

telephone  and  electric  rates 313 

traction, 

merger    250 

slush    fund    365 

Treasury,   condition   of 483 

Trumbull,  Lyman,  Secretary  of  State 533 

tuberculin   test    549 

Tuley,  Judge  Murray  F., 

death  of   , 324 

urges  Judge  Dunne  to  run  for  Mayor 170,  174 

Unconscionableness,   "Chicago  Law   Journal" 73 

unemployment, 

commission    established    528 

unemployed   on   Illinois   highways 653 

uniform  labor  legislation 626 

uniformity    of    legislation 624 

Urbana,  address,   "Dedication  of  Lincoln  Hall" , 411 

Universal  Gas  Company 262 

University  of  Illinois, 

attitude  of  Governor 430 

divorce   of  university   from   politics 430 

expenditures   of 430 

head  educational  system 500 

letter  commending  services  of  Pres.  James 531 

voucher,   responsibility    430 

United  States  Senators, 

election  of 396,  493,  525,  547,  587 

primary  vote  repudiated  by  General  Assembly 367 

Vaccination 76 

Veterinarian,  State   ; 768 

veto  of  electricity  rate  ordinance > 295 

motion  pictures  bill.  — , ' 731 

vice,    in    Chicago 322 

wages, 

assignment   83,  495,  528,  612 

income  of  working  men 387 

in  state  institutions 617 

labor    organizations    388 

protective  tariff  of  no  benefit  to  working  men 387 

public  sentiment 

semi-monthly  payment   576,  612,  677 

wage   loan   corporations 575 

Washington,   George,   President    413 

wash    rooms     495 

water  rates,  message  City  Council 223 

water  power,  Joliet 475 

water  survey   500 

waterways, 

address,  Chicago  Association  of  Commerce | 

Western  Economic  Society 772 

Davenport    775 

answer  to  objections  of  Congressman  Rainey 770 

bill   free  from  politics 778 

construction  of 776 

eight  foot  depth  in  Mississippi  River 592,  777 

message,  forty-ninth  General  Assembly 658 

Panama  Canal  effect  of  commerce 776 

report  of  Secretary  of  War 777 

statement  to  Chicago  Tribune 720 

vote   of  legislature    721 

statement  to  public  waterway  transportation | 

transportation    retarded    by   railroads 775 

wealth,   unequal  distribution  of 351 

wisdom  of  Judge  Dunne 

Chicago  Journal  of  Law 68 

woman's  suffrage, 

franchise    rights     528 

woman's    rights    471 

registration    530 

Workmen's  compensation   389,  575,  613 

Altgeld,    father   of 373 

Woodstock,   address   "Decoration   Day" 375 

Yerkes,  Charles  T., 

purchase  of  Legislature 214 


